[House Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


                    THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM IN NIGERIA

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

                         SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA

                                 OF THE

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                        HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS

                             SECOND SESSION

                               __________

                           FEBRUARY 14, 2024

                               __________

                           Serial No. 118-84

                               __________

        Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
        
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Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov, 
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                   U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE                    
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-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------                            
                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

                   MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Chairman

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey     GREGORY MEEKS, New York, Ranking 
JOE WILSON, South Carolina               Member
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania	     BRAD SHERMAN, California	
DARRELL ISSA, California	     GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
ANN WAGNER, Missouri		     WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
BRIAN MAST, Florida		     AMI BERA, California
KEN BUCK, Colorado		     JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee		     DINA TITUS, Nevada
MARK E. GREEN, Tennessee	     TED LIEU, California
ANDY BARR, Kentucky		     SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania
RONNY JACKSON, Texas		     DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota
YOUNG KIM, California		     COLIN ALLRED, Texas
MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida	     ANDY KIM, New Jersey
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan		     SARA JACOBS, California
AUMUA AMATA COLEMAN RADEWAGEN, 	     KATHY MANNING, North Carolina
    American Samoa		     SHEILA CHERFILUS-McCORMICK, 
FRENCH HILL, Arkansas		          Florida	
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio		     GREG STANTON, Arizona
JIM BAIRD, Indiana		     MADELEINE DEAN, Pennsylvania
MICHAEL WALTZ, Florida	             JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
THOMAS KEAN, JR., New Jersey         JONATHAN JACKSON, Illinois
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York	     SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
CORY MILLS, Florida		     JIM COSTA, California
RICH McCORMICK, Georgia              JASON CROW, Colorado
NATHANIEL MORAN, Texas		     GABE AMO, rhode Island
JOHN JAMES, Michigan		     BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois
KEITH SELF, Texas			

                    Brendan Shields , Staff Director
                    Sophia Lafargue, Staff Director
                                 
                                 ------                                

                         Subcommittee on Africa

                           JOHN JAMES, Chair
CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey         SARA JACOBS, California, Ranking 
YOUNG KIM, California                    Member
JIM BAIRD, Indiana		      SHEILA CHERFILUS-McCORMICK, 
THOMAS KEAN, JR., New Jersey		Florida
CORY MILLS, Florida		      COLIN ALLRED, Texas
				      JONATHAN JACKSON, Illinois

                      Joe Foltz, Staff Director
                            
                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

                               WITNESSES

Wolf, Honorable Frank, Commissioner, United States Commission on 
  International Religious Freedom................................     9
Anagbe, Bishop Wilfred, Bishop of the Diocese of Makurdi, Nigeria    17
Obadare, Ebenezer, Douglas Dillon Senior Fellow For African 
  Studies, Council on Foreign Relations..........................    23
Onubogu, Oge, Director, Africa Program, The Wilson Center........    29

                                APPENDIX

Hearing Notice...................................................    52
Hearing Minutes..................................................    54
Hearing Attendance...............................................    55

              STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM KOLA ALAPINNI

Statement for the record from Kola Alapanni......................    56

             ADDITIONAL MATERIALS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

Additional materials submitted for the record....................    64

 
                    THE FUTURE OF FREEDOM IN NIGERIA

                      Wednesday, February 14, 2024

                          House of Representatives,
                            Subcommittee on Africa,
                      Committee on Foreign Affairs,
                                                    Washington, DC.

    The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2 p.m., in 
room 2200, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. John James 
(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
    Mr. James. The House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa 
will come to order. The purpose of this hearing is to examine 
the future of freedom in Nigeria. And I recognize myself for an 
opening statement.
    Today, we're here to talk about Nigeria, a behemoth country 
of over 500 indigenous languages, more than 250 ethnic groups, 
and a population that is going to increase to nearly 400 
million people by 2050. Nigeria is a cultural powerhouse, 
producing films and music that have generated global appeal and 
is the largest producer of oil and gas in Africa, though the 
distribution of these resources have been the subject of 
conflict for years. These realities represent opportunity for 
the country but also brings expectations.
    President Tinubu inherited an imperfect democracy. But I'm 
concerned that the essential freedoms enshrined in its 
constitution are at risk of erosion. The Nigerian constitution 
allows for legal pluralism at the Federal and State levels.
    However, there are clear contradictions with laws that 
criminalize blasphemy and in some cases include the death 
penalty. The enforcement of blasphemy laws which has increased 
in recent years constitutes a particularly severe violation of 
international religious freedom as defined by the International 
Religious Freedom Act and poses a significant risk to religious 
freedom for Nigerians. The threat to freedom extends beyond 
words.
    There are significant levels of targeted violence directed 
at Christians and Muslims, religious community space, 
indescribable--excuse me, indescribable violence committed by 
armed groups like Boko Haram, Islamic states, West Africa 
province, and Fulani militants and criminal groups. Christians 
were among the victims of two mass kidnappings that have 
attracted global attention. Boko Haram's abduction of 276 girls 
from Borno State in 2014 and the ISIS abduction of 110 girls 
from Yobe State in 2018.
    Throughout the 2023 Holy Week, a series of attacks killed 
over 94 Christians and saw the storming of a Pentecostal church 
service, the attack of a predominately Catholic village, and 
the raiding of a shelter for displaced Christian farmers. On 
Christmas Eve, over 150 civilians were killed by armed gangs 
across 17 villages in Plateau State in the Middle Belt. This is 
intentional targeted terrorism against Christians.
    Despite statements calling for interfaith unity, the 
Nigerian government has failed to enact meaningful policy 
reforms and changes to address the drivers of violence would 
impact religious freedom, including by decentralizing security 
services to the State level. I'm also very concerned that the 
government of Nigeria's ability to counter the continued 
existential threat of Boko Haram in the northeast as well as 
the plight of southern Nigeria where multi-generational 
grievance borne by the apparent denial of Federal Government 
driven basic infrastructure projects has resulted in a failure 
to fully integrate the southeast states to broader Nigeria. 
Economically, Nigeria is in many ways already the engine of the 
African continent.
    I'm encouraged by the appointment of Olayemi Cardoso as 
central bank Governor and by the steps taken to stabilize 
monetary policy despite short-term adjustments. Moody's and S&P 
have both positively revised their outlooks on Nigeria since 
President Tinubu's inauguration. But the real measure of 
confidence in the government of Nigeria's economic team and its 
policies will be shown by foreign investment levels.
    That is the 10 billion in portfolio flows that treasury 
officials believe Nigeria could recoup over the next year. And 
more important an associated uptake of productive investment 
and viable gas power projects that could ramp up growth and 
jobs. The hallmark of a mature bilateral relationship is the 
ability to address multiple issues at the same time to discuss 
good with the bad.
    Intentionally ignoring difficult issues does not benefit 
Nigeria in the long run and certainly does not benefit the 
Nigerian people. As Nigeria looks to fulfill its demographic 
and economic potential, great demographic and economic 
potential in the years ahead is imperative that the United 
States-Nigeria relationship is characterized and underpinned by 
accountability, transparency, partnership, and Nigeria's 
economic, religious, civil freedoms are protected and 
strengthened.
    With that, I request unanimous consent to have a statement 
from Amnesty International USA entered into the record and a 
statement from Kola Alapinni, Director of Operations, general 
counsel at the Foundation for Religious Freedom entered into 
the record. Without objection, so ordered. The chairman now 
recognizes the ranking member, the Congresswoman from 
California, Ms. Sara Jacobs, for any statement she may have.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to our 
witnesses for testifying today on the future of freedom in 
Nigeria. I think all of us here know that the African continent 
is at a pivotal moment.
    The continent is the youngest in the world. And in Nigeria 
alone, 70 percent of the population is under 35. I just turned 
35, so that is important.
    Mr. James. Happy birthday.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. And 40 percent is under 15. So it 
represents the future generations who will continue to lead and 
solve the world's challenges. And Nigeria has a unique position 
as a bellwether, as Africa's largest economy, most populous 
nation, and a significant actor in the region and on the world 
stage.
    Meanwhile, Nigeria is facing its own challenges, rising 
insecurity, shrinking freedom of expression, and a struggling 
economy. That's why I'm glad the subcommittee is devoting a 
hearing to discuss how to address the challenges facing 
Nigeria, realize the opportunity that the country represents, 
and how the United States can support Nigerians in this 
endeavor. Nigeria is facing multiple different security 
challenges in various parts of the country, Boko Haram in the 
northeast, banditry in the northwest, farmer herder conflict 
and banditry in the Middle Belt, and a separatist group, the 
Indigenous People of Biafra in the southeast.
    As we are discussing these conflicts, it's important to 
understand what is actually driving them. While religious and 
ethnic tensions may play a role in exacerbating or enabling 
conflict, it almost always often goes deeper than that. 
Ultimately, poor governance is the most important factor in 
violence and insecurity.
    Over simplistic narratives about the violence in northern 
Nigeria perpetuate harmful stereotypes and motivate tensions 
and violence based on religious identity. In the northeast 
where Boko Haram and now ISIS West Africa are active, decades 
of an over securitized response have led to human abuses and 
instigated and exacerbated the conflict. I worked on Nigeria 
policy at the State Department at the height of the Boko Haram 
violence.
    So I know how challenging these issues are and how 
important it is that we address root causes like security 
sector violence and abuses. I've also seen that for years 
governance challenges like corruption, marginalization, and 
impunity have driven the violence in conflict. So we must 
address these fundamental challenges to ensure stabilization 
and security and prevent violence in the long term.
    For example, endemic corruption is well known in Nigeria 
and has contributed to widespread suspicion of public officials 
and the government as a whole. It has not only drained defense 
sector resources but complicated the investment environment. 
We've also seen a broad culture of impunity where government 
officials and non-State actors alike are inconsistently held 
accountable for violence or corruption.
    A history of marginalization and limited access to basic 
needs and livelihood in northern Nigeria, and among different 
ethnic groups has created grievances that fuel violence. So as 
we are talking about the future of Nigeria, we should advocate 
for a whole of government approach to address violence and 
conflict, not a piecemeal approach or an over securitized 
approached that can actually fuel the underlying factors of 
violence. The United States has an important role to play in 
this.
    We need to calibrate our security systems so the United 
States is not inadvertently contributing to key drivers like 
impunity and human rights abuses. And we also need to ensure 
that when there are instances of civilian harm from the 
Nigerian military or any military, there is justice, 
accountability, and amends. This is important for healing, but 
it's also important to end the cycle of violence and for all of 
our security. So I look forward to a conversation with our 
esteemed witnesses on how we can best support the Nigerian 
people and invest in its stability and prosperity in the long 
term. Thank you.
    Mr. James. Thank you, Ms. Jacobs. At the discretion of the 
chair and recognizing his leadership on the issue, I now 
recognize the Congressman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith, for any 
statement that he may have.
    Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for convening this, an 
extraordinary important and timely hearing on Nigeria. Thank 
you for that, and for your leadership on this extremely 
important issue where religious freedom is being trounced each 
and every day. I want to thank Bishop Anagbe for being here for 
his voice in Nigeria as members of his congregation and his 
diocese are being decimated through very, very terrible actions 
by terrorists.
    He is so outspoken and so brave. And I cannot thank--all of 
us cannot thank you enough, Bishop, for your leadership. I do 
want to single out Congressman Frank Wolf.
    Frank Wolf is as we all know--and if we do not, we should. 
He's the author of the historic International Religious Freedom 
Act of 1988--'98, I should say, legislation that took too long 
to get passed. He introduced it.
    There are people who paid lip service to it. And then when 
it got over to the Senate, it looked like it was a goner. A lot 
of bills do die over there.
    But he was so tenacious and so wise in writing that law. As 
a matter of fact, part of what he did and it was not just to 
create the office for religious freedom at the State 
Department. He also, as we all are, wanting checks and balances 
and additional eyes and ears and focus on religious freedom 
globally.
    He created the commission, the U.S. Commission on 
International Religious Freedom which has done yeoman's work to 
raise up these issues to give voice to those sometimes at the 
U.S. Department of State, no matter who is in the White House 
and we all know this. There is a real effort to look the other 
way for some political expediency or some issue that they do 
not want to engage on religious freedom. And there's the 
commission standing very boldly and very authoritatively 
speaking truth to all of us, but especially to the 
Administration.
    So Frank--Congressman Wolf, thank you for that leadership. 
It has made all the difference in the world. Around the world, 
people look to that law. Others have replicated in other 
countries. And I cannot say how important that is that we all 
try to do what we can to mitigate the terrible religious 
freedom or persecution that's happening everywhere.
    Of course, today we meet also to talk about the State of 
religious freedom in Nigeria. And we all know that on Christmas 
Eve, hundreds of Christians were victims of targeted killings 
by radical Islamist Fulani terrorists. And to date, no one has 
been held to account.
    It's unconscionable that President Tinubu sworn in May 2023 
has not acknowledged the religious motivations for those 
ongoing and escalating attacks. Secretary of State Blinken has 
not either. He was there.
    I watched his press conference with the foreign minister, 
watched it on YouTube, and watched him talk about expressing 
our condolences for all of that massive slaughter but nothing 
about the why of it and nothing about what we're going to do to 
reinState a country of particular concern, a term of art 
created by Congressman Frank Wolf, which carries with it a 
number of sanctions, up to 18 of them, starting with a simple 
demarche but then very real writing sanctions to get the 
attention. We're learned from our civil rights laws, if you do 
not have sanctions, you can talk all you want about civil 
rights legislation in this country. But it was the sanctions 
piece, including four colleges and for women in college that 
has made all the difference there.
    So Frank wrote those right into his law. The previous 
Administration did have Nigeria designated as a CPC as it 
should. When he came into office, sadly, Secretary Blinken, and 
I spoke out strongly then as did so many others, including the 
commission, that it was totally unfounded to withdraw that.
    He did it on a trip to Abuja, and I've been to Abuja many 
times. And for no real good reason, he just took it away and 
said you're no longer having a deal with this designation. So I 
do hope that will change.
    I appeal to the President and to our Secretary of State. 
ReinState, redesignate country of particular concern. There's 
no country on earth that is more deserving. And then we will 
see, I think, an amelioration of this terrible carnage and then 
obviously work hard with the government to say zero tolerance 
on all of this terrible killing and maiming.
    I'll just conclude. My colleague a moment ago mentioned 
Boko Haram. I tried for 3 years to get Boko Haram, and I'll 
finish, designated as a foreign terrorist organization when 
they were blowing up things everywhere.
    And I went over there and went to Jos and other places. 
They would not do it. Three years. Finally on the day when we 
had a bill of mine coming up for markup, State Department said, 
yes, we're going to designate them as a foreign terrorist 
organization. So opportunities missed, and this is an 
opportunity missed. So I thank the chair for yielding, and I 
yield back.
    Mr. James. Mr. Chairman, thank you for your passion and 
your leadership. At the discretion of the chair, the chair now 
recognizes my good friend, Congresswoman from California, Ms. 
Kamlager-Dove, for any statements she may have.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and good Ash 
Wednesday to all of you all. And thank you to our witnesses for 
being here today. By demographics alone, Nigeria is poised to 
play a major role on the world stage.
    It is the largest democracy, economy, and most populous 
country on the African continent. Nigeria is a giant in the 
region. And the U.S.-Nigeria relationship holds immense 
importance for our broader engagement on the continent.
    Nigeria's greatest asset, of course, is its people, 
particularly its young people. A new generation of Nigerians 
are capitalizing on a digitized global economy to create new 
opportunities for advancement. Lagos is known throughout the 
continent as a technology and financial services hub with 
budding tax startups that are receiving investment from all 
over the globe.
    Nigeria's film and music industries have also taken the 
world by storm. I have so many Nigerian artists on my play 
list, you would not believe it, with Nigerian artists, actors, 
and musicians bursting onto the global entertainment scene, and 
most recently, even at the Grammys. This is a country that is 
itching to access and shape the opportunities of the 21st 
century.
    So last May, I was honored to represent the United States 
as part of a Presidential delegation to the inauguration of 
President Tinubu. This delegation which included Administration 
officials from across six executive branch agencies reflected 
the depth and breadth of the U.S.-Nigeria relationship. It also 
represented Nigeria's promise to become an economic powerhouse 
on the continent, a political leader in the region, a democracy 
that upholds the rule of law, and a multi-ethnic, multi-
religious society that respects human rights.
    This promise is real. And the Nigerian people are demanding 
its realization. But meaningful progress is only possible if 
the Nigerian government takes strong action to address the deep 
rooted domestic challenges that keep the country stagnant and 
restrain the momentum that people are pushing for.
    Weak governance and chronic corruption are fueling a rising 
cost of living, heightened insecurity, and violence, an ongoing 
impunity, and a lack of accountability. Bold measures are 
needed to change the status quo and invest in good governance. 
And the United States must be an engaged partner in these 
efforts.
    So when we talk about the future of the freedom in Nigeria, 
that must means freedom from insecurity, the freedom that comes 
with opportunity, and the freedom that comes from rights 
protection and accountability mechanism. And I look forward to 
being able to discuss and hear all of those things today. With 
that, I yield back. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    Mr. James. Thank you, Madam. Other members of the committee 
are reminded that opening statements may be submitted for the 
record. We are pleased to have a distinguished panel of 
witnesses before us today.
    The Honorable Frank Wolf is Commissioner of the United 
States Commission on International Religious Freedom. As a 
former Congressman from Virginia and an author of the 
International Religious Freedom Act, I want to thank you for 
your leadership and your support religious freedom around the 
world.
    Bishop Wilfred Anagbe is a Roman Catholic Bishop in the 
Makurdi diocese in Nigeria. Bishop Anagbe is a vocal advocate 
against religiously motivated attacks as his diocese include 
numerous internally displaced persons camps that experienced 
almost daily attacks because of their faith and belief in God.
    Mr. Ebenezer Obadare is a Douglas Dillon Senior Fellow for 
Africa Studies on the Council on Foreign Relations. Mr. Obadare 
is a renowned expert on Nigeria policy.
    Ms. Oge Onubogu--did I get that correct? No, this is very 
important. I want to be respectful. Onubogu? Thank you, Madam. 
Is the Director of Africa Program at The Wilson Center. Ms. 
Onubogu has a long and extensive career focusing on Africa 
policy.
    Thank you for being here. And I apologize for the 
pronunciations, and your leadership on these issues. Your full 
statements will, of course, be made part of the record. And 
I'll ask each of you to keep your spoken remarks to 5 minutes 
to allow time for member questions. I now recognize 
Commissioner Wolf for his opening statement.

STATEMENT OF FRANK WOLF, COMMISSIONER, UNITED STATES COMMISSION 
               ON INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM

    Mr. Wolf. Shorten my statement. It's about 8 minutes, but 
I'm going to try to abbreviate. I want to thank Mr. Smith who 
I've learned more from. Mr. Smith has done more on these issues 
than any other Member of Congress from back during the days of 
George Washington's time.
    So I will be quickly representing USCIRF. In 2023 annual 
report, USCIRF recommended that Nigeria be designated as CPC. 
We have recommended a CPC status for Nigeria every year since 
2009.
    Despite our analysis and recommendation, the State 
Department has only recognized the severity of the religious 
freedom violation in Nigeria twice. They placed Nigeria in a 
special watch list in 2019 then designated CPC in 2020. The 
State Department removed Nigeria from the designation entirely 
in 2021 without citing any improvements.
    The research analysis used continue to support that Nigeria 
clearly meets the legal standard for designation as a CPC. It's 
been noted that our assessment is based in part on the 
information the State Department has in its own report. Now I 
will clarify.
    The profound disagreement USCIRF with the State 
Department's decision not to designate Nigeria as a country of 
particular concern. The majority of the Commissioners, both 
sides, Republican and Democrat, have traveled to Nigeria either 
in a personal or USCIRF capacity. We all agree about the 
severity of the threats that freedom of religion or belief or 
the daily implication for the religious community in that 
country.
    In July 2022, a USCIRF delegation visited Nigeria, met with 
U.S. officials across the board at all of the various groups. 
Our conclusion from that visit and many others, the ongoing 
research continues to be that the government of Nigeria is 
perpetrating and tolerating a systematic, ongoing, and 
egregious violations of freedom of religion or belief. 
Religious freedom conditions in Nigeria are abysmal.
    Violent armed gangs, Fulani insurgents, Boko Haram running 
rampant, the situation has grown more dire as the months and 
years have gone by. Nigeria is not holding these people 
accountable. InterSociety, and I'm sure you've all read it. The 
InterSociety report lists 52,000 Christians, both Catholic and 
Protestant, killed along with 34,000 Muslims, many hacked to 
death since 2009. Eighteen thousand churches on fire and many 
clergy have been targeted. Let me reiterate.
    In 15 years, 15 years, more than 85,000 innocent people 
reportedly have been murdered in Nigeria. Nigeria is obviously 
as the gentlelady said a very important country with a 
population of 240 million people. It's expected to have the 
third largest population.
    And in 2050, it will have more people there than we have 
here in the United States. If Nigeria implodes, millions around 
the world will feel the impact. I have said many times, it 
remains to be said that Nigeria goes, so goes all of West 
Africa and maybe most of Africa.
    Nigeria has problems which I will not go into, but poverty, 
rampant hunger, displaced persons. When you go into the camps, 
you literally cry when you see how the people are suffering. 
And the international community and they'll come up and tell 
you, they have forgotten about this too.
    Remember the Chibok girls, 2014, bring back our girls. 
World leaders said, bring back our girls. Rock stars did it. 
The girls are still there.
    And I met with their parents, and they weep and they cry 
when they talk. They want to see their girls back. And 40 
percent have not come back. Can we forget that hashtag, bring 
our girls?
    And then Leah Sharibu who was kidnapped, taken, not 
released by ISIS of West Africa. It's been 6 years since she's 
been there. She's 14, and now she's going to turn 21.
    Nigeria is sadly a country where people of faith, those 
with no faith at all, live in constant fear of harassment, 
imprisonment, and violence and death. Just this past December, 
Islamic insurgents attacked communities across Plateau State. 
They killed over 200 people, including a Baptist pastor, and 
found many of whom were preparing for Christmas activities.
    Has the Nigerian government held these Islamist insurgents 
accountable? No. Several Nigerian states enforced blasphemy 
laws that prove harmful to Muslims and non-Muslims alike. 
USCIRF's data base of religious prisoners of conscience 
includes Sufi, Muslim, Yahaya Sharif-Aminu, and humanist 
Mubarak Bala in Nigeria.
    They have arrested her based on a WhatsApp post. And 
Mubarak Bala was arrested on blasphemy charges based on 
Facebook posts he made allegedly insulting the Prophet 
Muhammad. Many individuals often have suffered mob violence 
which the Cardinal, everybody would talk about while the 
Nigerian government takes limited action.
    I've been in villages where the people say I'm not sure if 
I want the military to come in or not. And sometimes the action 
takes place, and the military does not even respond. Nigeria 
State actors violate the religious freedom of citizens, both 
through the government actions to harass or prosecute and 
through government inaction, inaction.
    Let me be clear. Nigeria clearly meets the CPC standard 
under USCIRF, not only based on evidence that public reported 
but what should be reflected in the State Department's own 
reporting. The notion that Nigeria would be not designated 
defies explanation.
    I want to thank the committee, the chair, and the members. 
And God bless Mr. Smith for getting H. Res. 82. And this 
provides hope for the people of Nigeria. We also believe that 
there should be a special envoy similar to when President Bush 
had Senator John Danforth----
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Wolf follows:]

    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    [Simultaneous speaking.]
    Mr. James. Thank you, Mr. Wolf. We very much appreciate it. 
We'll have plenty of time to get back to your very important 
testimony. But in the interest of everyone's time, we'd like to 
move this along. Commissioner Wolf, again, thank you. And I'll 
recognize Bishop Anagbe for his opening statement.

STATEMENT OF WILFRED ANAGBE, BISHOP OF THE DIOCESE OF MAKURDI, 
                            NIGERIA

    Bishop Anagbe. Honorable John James, gentle members of the 
subcommittee and distinguished guests, I am honored to be 
invited to give testimony about the situation of persecuted 
Christians in Nigeria. I am grateful for your willingness to 
hear about these egregious violations of human rights which are 
worsening by the day in Nigeria. I am from the Makurdi diocese 
of Benue State, Nigeria.
    The violent persecution and numerous massacres in my 
diocese have increases exponentially since I was appointed as 
Bishop in 2014 and continue to increase since the last 
Presidential election. In Benue State, there are 6 million 
habitants who are mostly subsistence farmers living on 
farmlands. Ninety-nine percent are Christian, 80 percent of 
which are Catholics.
    At this time, more than 2,225,000 have been brutally driven 
from their land by militant Fulani and now live in internally 
displaced people's camps in makeshift shanties that are unfit 
for animals, let alone human beings. What is occurring in Benue 
and elsewhere in Nigeria is an organized, systematic, and 
brutal cleansing of Christians by militant Fulani terrorists 
who are killing countless innocent men, women, and children and 
displacing millions from the ancestral homes. They are unable 
to fend for themselves and rely on free donations.
    In most communities, children of school age are displaced, 
forcing them to drop out of school while the livelihoods of 
their parents are destroyed. Such conditions make children 
increasingly vulnerable to human trafficking, child labor, and 
organ harvesting. Every day, the population of widows and 
orphans grows, creating a new generation of traumatized and 
uneducated Nigerians who we have few options for their future.
    Their living conditions in the IDP camps are inhuman and 
unfit for animals. As I visit the camps where people are 
suffering such inhumane conditions, causing further desolation 
and health problems, I am at a loss. I do not know what to 
preach or how to console them.
    It is difficult to offer hope. But I will not abandon them. 
Terrorists have especially targeted our Christian churches and 
religions as well. On February 3d, Fathers Kenneth Kanwa and 
Jude Nwachukwu, two priests from my religious order of 
Claretian missionaries who are kidnapped.
    Indeed, every time a religious is kidnapped, it has the 
same effect as a terrorist attack because the villagers flee 
after losing their leader. Between 2021 and 2023, over 100 
religious sisters and priests were kidnapped in Nigeria, some 
never returned after high ransoms were paid for their release.
    We are told that the violence happens to Muslims and 
Christians alike. But I ask you, how many imams have been 
kidnapped or killed? And how many mosques have been destroyed 
as compared to Christian churches in Nigeria?
    What exacerbates these injustices against humanity is the 
glaring absence of justice. In none of these attacks have known 
that perpetrators have been brought to justice. The militant 
Islamist attack most especially on our holiest days which offer 
impunity.
    This past Christmas, a large-scale massacre of more than 
200 Christians and hundreds more injured took place during 
simultaneous attacks in 20-plus villages in the Plateau State. 
Last Easter on Holy Saturday, militant Fulani terrorists 
attacked an IDP camp in my diocese killing 50 and injuries 
caused as they prepare to celebrate our holiest days of the 
year. What can be done to give them comfort?
    Is it a daunting task? But I refuse to sit silently. This 
is why I have traveled here from Nigeria. And I speak to you on 
Ash Wednesday when my calendar at home is full of important 
church obligations.
    I appeal to you to use all means available to your office 
to protect those persecuted for their faith. We cannot let fear 
and political correctness hinder us from speaking out. As 
Africa's most populous country and its largest economy, Nigeria 
weighs considerable influence in Sub-Saharan Africa.
    By allowing religious persecution to proliferate within 
these borders, Nigeria is compounding already heightened 
regional insecurity. May the Lord Jesus bless all those present 
here today and all people of good will.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Anagbe follows:]

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    Mr. James. Amen.
    Bishop Anagbe. Thank you.
    Mr. James. Thank you, Bishop Anagbe. I now recognize Mr. 
Obadare for his opening statement.

STATEMENT OF EBENEZER OBADARE, DOUGLAS DILLON SENIOR FELLOW FOR 
         AFRICAN STUDIES, COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

    Mr. Obadare. Thank you, Chairman James, Ranking Member 
Jacobs, members of this whole committee. Thank you for the 
invitation to testify. Not for the first time since the return 
to democracy in 1999, journalists find themselves in a State of 
terror and agitation.
    Across 60-odd years of independence, rarely has the average 
Nigerian regardless of location felt more vulnerable and 
insecure. The insecurity highlighted by a protracted Islamic 
insurgency, bandit attacks on farming communities, regular 
reinforcement assaults on organized citizens, kidnapping for 
ransom, and vigilante justice. The agitation is about what's 
happens next: to the democratic process, the young people and 
professionals who continue to vote with their feet as we speak 
to an economy that is literally running on fumes and to the 
country's future as a stable and coherent entity.
    Who or what is responsible for the turmoil in Nigeria?
    the incumbent Bola Tinubu Administration is one candidate. 
We started off on a bright note, appearing to win over a justly 
skeptical public with measures and pronouncements that seem to 
indicate that it had a clear idea on what to do and how to go 
about it. Many Nigerians have since soured on it.
    One reason is its failure to arrest the nationwide 
bloodletting? A second reason is the persistent gloom on the 
economic front. Furthermore, the report of political graft 
involving ministers and other appointees of the Administration 
have convinced Nigerians that it is business as usual. 
Criticism of the Administration is not unwarranted. It has 
failed to take advantage of abundant Nigerian expertise at home 
and across the far-flung diaspora. Many of his decisions seem 
motivated by a desire for political gratification.
    For an Administration otherwise quick to remind Nigerians 
that the country is broke, the disconnect between its rhetoric 
and its actions, it's austerity for thee and opulence for me 
posture is a source of bafflement. Nonetheless, we should 
resist the temptation to put all the blame for Nigeria's woes 
on the Tinubu government's shoulders. If anything, it is 
nothing more than a continuation of his predecessors, 
exhibiting traits that have largely defined Nigerian political 
culture since independence.
    The most consequential among these traits is rampant 
corruption. No progress is possible regarding security or 
creating an attractive economic environment for investment 
without a concerted effort at tackling corruption in Nigeria. 
Corruption's corrosive effect on institutions and public morale 
are too well known to be recapitulated here.
    For this reason, I would suggest this whole committee takes 
seriously the Nigerian problem of corruption in Nigeria with a 
view to increasing material and morale assistance to entities 
and agencies currently involved in the challenging task of 
rooting it out. The subcommittee should also take seriously 
ongoing agitation by Nigerians for urgent judiciary reforms. 
Since there is no rule of law, let alone freedom, without an 
impartial judiciary, it is crucially important that the 
subcommittee recognize and respond to Nigerian's yearning for a 
fair-minded judiciary. Beyond the judiciary, the Nigerian 
status is in dire need of reform. As it is, it is nothing more 
than a shell of a State, a vast prebendal network held hostage 
by larcenous elites.
    As noted elsewhere, it's a State that has proved adept at 
what it should not do and utterly feckless at what it ought to. 
If the Nigerian situation is so daunting why should you care? 
Despite its problems, Nigeria is a supremely vibrant country, 
one with the potential to become the United States most 
important African political ally and trading partner.
    In their imagination, Nigerians already see the United 
States as a model of what their country can become if only it 
can get out of its own way, a prosperous multi-ethnic State 
founded on the ethos of individual liberty. Nigeria plays a key 
leadership role in the West African subregion and the African 
continent. In West Africa, it is the undoubted anchor of 
regional political stability and economic prosperity.
    Across Africa, Nigeria is widely respected for its cultural 
clout and energy. At this critical juncture, Nigeria needs the 
help of the United States to keep its best talents from 
leaving, from the State, to make the environment safe for 
investment, improve security, and expand the horizons for 
individual liberty. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Obadare follows:]

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    Mr. James. Thank you, Ms. Obadare. I now recognize Ms. 
Onubogu for her opening statements.

STATEMENT OF OGE ONUBOGU, DIRECTOR, AFRICA PROGRAM, THE WILSON 
                             CENTER

    Ms. Onubogu. Thank you. Chairman James, Ranking Member 
Jacobs, and distinguished committee members, I very much 
appreciate this opportunity to testify before you today. I 
serve as director of the Africa Program at The Wilson Center, 
although the views expressed here today are my own.
    I noted the danger to Nigeria's stability in 2021 in an 
article published by Punch, one of the country's most widely 
read newspapers. And I quote, ``Nigeria is failing to fulfill 
based tasks of a nation State, and its partners need to halt 
business as usual to open an honest dialog about the current 
failings. Nigeria's instability is rooted in a vital 
shortcoming.
    After 63 years of independence, the country still struggles 
to cultivate a national identity rooted in basic freedoms and 
dignity for its people. The evidence is Nigeria's perennial 
upheavals as in the shocking attack that occurred in Plateau 
State during the Christmas weekend. Such attacks have occurred 
in the State for over 20 years.
    I visited the city of Jos Plateau the week of December 
18th. Having grown up there, my family, even though my family 
is from southern Nigeria, I consider myself what many would 
call an original Jos girl. So it's particularly difficult for 
me to talk about these issues.
    Whether labeled as banditry or terrorism or communal 
clashes or ethnoreligious conflict, at the root of the rising 
violence in Nigeria is a failure of governance to meet the 
population's basic needs, not only livelihood, education, and 
healthcare, but also their need for perpetrators to be held 
legitimately accountable. Nigerian political leaders 
romanticize Nigeria's unity. The divisive political climate of 
the 2023 elections illustrates this tendency.
    Nevertheless, opinion polls show that a majority of 
Nigerians value diverse communities, identify equally with the 
ethnicity and nationality, and believe that there is more that 
unites Nigerians as one people than divides them. Certainly, 
some data such as that from the nondenominational global 
network, Open Doors, appears to indicate that violence against 
Christians who make up 46 percent of Nigerians population 
increased under the previous Administration of President 
Buhari. But we all know that violence in Nigeria overall has 
increased over time.
    In fact, an overwhelming majority of Nigerians, 96 percent 
consider human rights abuses and violations to be a problem in 
the country indicating not only that violence and rights abuses 
afflict many groups but also that Nigerians understand and 
respect the concept of human rights. So back to the root 
causes. Achieving a working democracy and improved governance 
that can meet people's needs and halt violent turmoil will 
require Nigeria's past structures to broaden their dialog with 
society, including with groups now excluded from influence. So 
what should the United States do?
    First, stop talking with and listening to Niger. Niger 
represents the marginalized resilient citizens who take pride 
in surviving the abuses of the State through their own 
ingenuity and entrepreneurship. Second, engage deeply with the 
communities that are deeply aggrieved or even agitating for 
succession.
    While it's never wise to dismiss religion as a cause of 
conflict, it is unproductive to label a conflict as solely 
driven by religion when there is so many other factors at play. 
Third, work more with Nigeria's states and its growing city 
centers. The country that seeks states hold significant power 
in the real politick of Nigeria and they're distinct enough to 
warrant specific attention.
    Fourth, reevaluate the 2014 security governance initiative 
which had potential but never really got off the ground in 
Nigeria. Fifth, rethink U.S. and international policies that 
lead to knee jerk responses to crisis. And for the Nigerian 
government, it's important to coordinate Federal and State 
action and messaging.
    Effective coordination so desperately needed among 
Nigeria's Federal and State governance is often undermined by 
finger pointing. That must stop. Get serious about police 
reform.
    The government must stop offering the equivalent of window 
dressing such as the unfulfilled promises to overhaul the 
abusive czar's special police unit that prompted widespread 
street protests in 2020. And the failure of at least three 
police reform committees on the different Administrations in 
2006, 2009, and 2012. The Nigerian government must make 
accountability of both perpetrators and of the authorities 
central to the response.
    Nigerians need justice. Criminality in the Middle Belt as 
elsewhere has spread in part because of impunity. Clearly, a 
fresh approach is needed, both for Nigeria and the 
international community.
    U.S. and international policies should certainly embrace 
Nigeria as an inspiring democracy and strategic partner in 
Africa. But those policies must include a better understanding 
of the country's complexities. Stepping back to honestly re-
analyze how governance in Nigeria really works and how it does 
not is crucial to the crisis at hand. Thank you again for 
inviting me to testify, and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Onubogu follows:]

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    Mr. James. Ms. Onubogu, many times we hear the problems 
that are going on across the African continent and in the world 
at large. But this is an impressive, decisive, and actionable 
list. I'm looking forward to getting into. Thank you for 
bringing it to our attention.
    At this time, I recognize myself for a few more questions. 
Mr. Wolf, I appreciate you attending today's hearing. And 
although I wish we were talking about the responsiveness of the 
Administration rather than its abandonment of responsibility, I 
call for the Administration to send Ambassador Rashad Hussain 
to Nigeria to investigate threats to freedom of religion or 
belief and the deadly implications to religious communities. 
Yet the Department unsurprisingly has said he's unable to 
schedule time to go to Nigeria. Why do you think the 
Administration continues to actively avoid the situation in the 
Middle Belt but has enough information to determine Boko Haram 
and ISIS West Africa are entities of particular concern?
    Mr. Wolf. Well, Mr. Chairman, I think you're absolutely 
right. He should have the time. And when he goes there, he 
should not only go to Lagos and Abuja, but he should go to the 
Middle Belt and the northwest and travel.
    He has to go out and see. So you are absolutely right. If 
something good can come out of the hearing, everyone should 
agree that Ambassador Rashad Hussain should go there and should 
go there quickly because a number of people are dying. So you 
are absolutely right. He should go and do it quickly and meet 
with all of the religious leaders across the board.
    Mr. James. Thank you, sir. Mr. Obadare, I heard the 
President of South Korea speak last year in which he said it 
takes focus and unity to harness demographics as that country 
did more than 50 years ago. President Tinubu clearly 
demonstrated there was cohesion among leaders at the very 
beginning of his Administration. A year on, does that same 
level of elite cohesion still exist?
    Mr. Obadare. Thank you, Chairman James. For a country that 
spends 97 cents of every dollar it earns servicing its debt, 
it's very, very easy for the elite to get all together and to 
acknowledge that there is a problem. So initially when Tinubu 
took power, it was obvious that something needed to be done 
about the economy.
    And if you look at the statement from all the major 
politicians and all the contestants for the presidency, they 
all agree that the economic policies that Tinubu Administration 
had embraced were the rights policies. However, rhetoric is one 
thing. Action is another.
    The culture of the elite itself, the predatory culture of 
the elite continues to be an impediment to good governance in 
Nigeria. So there is cohesion in terms of and understanding 
that something needs to be done. But the elite itself continues 
to be split because it's a bankrupt elite that does not take 
the interest of the people into consideration.
    Mr. James. Thank you. And finally, Ms. Onubogu, you went 
into great detail. But if you could come away with three 
specific--and if you could prioritize them--areas that this 
committee working through Congress could be more effective in 
supporting the objectives that are mutually beneficial to the 
United States of America and the 36 individual states within 
Nigeria for our mutual benefit, what would you advise?
    Ms. Onubogu. I would advise prioritizing governance, 
strengthening governance. Our programming on governance, there 
needs to be an emphasis there. Typically, America's engagement 
with Nigeria primarily are caused with our centers of power.
    So we think the State governments or the industries and the 
companies. But we need to recognize that there is another layer 
of engagement. And that's the Nigerian people, the population 
that are thriving in spite of an ineffective government.
    So really thinking about how we broaden our engagement. 
There are programs that the U.S. Government engages in, in 
Nigeria that actually target youth. But more could be done in 
this area.
    Second, the question on justice, it has been mentioned by 
everyone on this panel today. Accountability is a big gap. 
Nigerians need justice, and we need to be able to invest in 
programs that strengthen access to justice, that strengthen the 
access to justice systems to ensure that people are held 
accountable for their actions.
    Mr. James. Thank you. A followup question, speaking 
specifically about the 2014 security governance initiative, the 
Nigerians need justice. Can you give a specific area where 
cooperation is still possible where we can directly coordinate 
with Nigerians?
    Ms. Onubogu. I think at the local level and being able to 
listen to what the people say. Currently, Nigeria does not have 
a State police system. Security is still handled from the 
center.
    So really trying to think about going back to a lot of the 
police reform reports that have been out there from the three 
different Administrations. They actually provide 
recommendations. And I think it's important for us to think 
about how we can walk in partnership with the current 
Administration to pick up some of those recommendations on how 
to reform the security architecture of the country.
    Mr. James. So more support with more localized policing?
    Ms. Onubogu. Exactly.
    Mr. James. Perfect. Thank you. I now recognize Ranking 
Member Jacobs for 5 minutes.
    Ms. Jacobs. Well, thank you. And I actually worked on SGI 
as it was being stood up under the Obama Administration. So I'm 
happy that you brought it up.
    I think my own experience, the Reuters investigations that 
have showed alleged child killings and a mass forced abortion 
program, high profile civilian casualties from air strikes and 
the EndSARS movement that we saw in 2020 all show that 
Nigeria's security forces have a history of civilian harm and 
impunity. And we've seen that there's attention to these 
issues. We had SGI.
    There have been all these reports. We've tried all these 
things. And yet abuses and impunity have remained prevalent. 
All the while, the United States has remained a strong security 
partner.
    So Ms. Onubogu and Mr. Obadare, if you could talk more 
about what you think the most effective way for the United 
States to push for Nigeria security institutions to adhere to 
human rights standards. What are our main pain points and 
leverage? And I know you talked about some stuff with SGI. But 
from that experience, what specifically could we change or keep 
from that?
    Ms. Onubogu. I think from SGI, one of the gaps that we at 
least that I noticed in the engagement in Nigeria was that 
there wasn't enough talking to the people because it's 
important to understand where the grievances are, where the 
problems are, and how it is felt in each community. Because of 
how diverse Nigeria is, people experience violence differently 
in their different communities. So the way it plays out in 
Plateau State, it's not necessarily the way it plays out in the 
northeast.
    So making sure that we engage the people from the very 
beginning of the planning process before activities or before 
projects are implemented. I think that's one area where we 
could be stronger. And again, ensuring that civil society 
engagement is diverse.
    Civil society is not a monolith. Within civil society, it's 
broken down with your faith-based groups, with your trade 
unions, with different community-based organizations. We must 
ensure that when we engage with civil society that we are 
casting a wide net to include voices that may not typically be 
engaged or involved in your traditional civil society type 
conversations.
    Mr. Obadare. I think the last thing we want to do--and 
there's always an ambition to do that because of the 
seriousness of the situation, especially when you're talking 
about insecurity. The last thing you want to do is to separate 
security concerns from governance concerns, from judiciary 
reforms.
    So I think one of the things--and this came up earlier in 
one of the presentations. One of the things that has sort of 
become a hot topic in Nigeria now, and I think maybe the time 
is due to have it, is police reform. I think Nigeria, this is 
the product of the situation where you have federalism in name 
only.
    But it's the central government that determines policing. 
Where do the police get sent? How do they get armed? How do 
they get paid?
    I think one of the things that the United States can help 
with right now is not only push through this desire that is 
widespread among the generality of Nigerians. And even an 
increasing number of politicians, unlike in the past, you now 
have modern politicians, politicians from the southeast. Almost 
there's now a consensus that Nigeria needs to urgently reform 
policing. And I think that's one area in which help is needed.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. I've so appreciated how you both 
have really focused on governance and how we see those 
challenges. I was wondering. I know you both have talked about 
it. But if in the short time we have left you could talk maybe 
more specifically about what has and hasn't worked on these 
reforms and then how the U.S. has engaged with Nigeria on this 
issue of governance.
    Mr. Obadare. So Ms. Onubogu spoke earlier about this 
fundamental distinction between the Nigerian state and the 
people of Nigeria. I think for the most part when we think 
about policy, we think about supporting the Nigerian State. 
Most Nigerians do not have any belief in the Nigerian state.
    We really need to focus our energies and resources at a 
subnational level. There are some associations, so many 
organizations doing some interesting work on transparency, one 
security, on local Administration. I think it's at that level 
that we need to concentrate our concern.
    Ms. Onubogu. Definitely want to add to that too as well and 
just say as a starting point, as the data has shown us time and 
time again, Nigerians, even though it's a very diverse society, 
value unity. They understand and they want to work together. 
They recognize their ethnicity, their different ethnicity and 
nationality. But they believe that there is more that unites 
Nigeria. So that's actually a really good starting point to 
engage the people and ensure that things are done, taking this 
step lower from the center and engaging more of the sub-
national and community level.
    Mr. James. Thank you, Ms. Jacobs. I now recognize 
Congressman Smith for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Bishop Anagbe, in your 
testimony, you talked about the 100 religious sisters and 
priests who have been kidnapped, most recent two priests on 
February 3d. Also, there were about 2,250,000 internally 
displaced persons in your area alone.
    What does the government do about all of those displaced 
persons? What do they do about the kidnappings? We know that 
they are almost non-responsive to requests for help when murder 
is occurring and do not followup with investigations.
    But what about those camps? Now the World Food Program, if 
it gets a request from the government can come in. And Cindy 
McCain, as Frank Wolf and I know so well, she's the head of the 
WFP. I'm sure they'd be more than happy to come in and provide 
tangible help.
    Bishop Anagbe. Yes, thank you very much. The issues have 
not been addressed. It's a big security challenge to the 
government. And to the best of my knowledge, those kidnap 
victims or those victims taken hostage has always remained the 
problem of the families.
    And some of them cannot afford the ransom. They get their 
families killed. And sometimes even when it's paid, some of 
them do not regain their freedom.
    So the government has been inactive in this area and 
completely not interested, sorry to say because you cannot 
understand how it is possible the ransom is paid. And where did 
this money pass through, which could be tracked by the 
government through the banks or so. And nothing happens.
    But sometimes it becomes more worrisome when you see 
Nigeria played a very key role in ECOMOG, a resurgent 
democratic government in Sierra Leone and Liberia. And they 
cannot do that in Nigeria for more than 10 years. It seems 
there's something wrong somewhere.
    And for the displaced persons, the World Food Program has 
not come to bear, not to the best of my knowledge. I am here 
with--for the
    [inaudible] for the diocese. And so we rely on local means 
and some kind of free donation from individuals. Basically, 
that's as much I could say.
    Mr. Smith. We're going to be asking the government to make 
that request to WFP to provide some assistance. Ms. Onubogu, 
let me ask you. I've been to Jos.
    In our resolution, we point out that 17,000 churches have 
been firebombed. I went to four of them in Jos with the 
Archbishop Kaigama. But I also met with the Muslim leaders, and 
they were very close to the archbishop.
    There was a great deal of mutual respect and admiration. 
And it's the radical Islamist that both of them were deeply, 
deeply concerned about. So I do thank you for bringing up that 
you're from there but also your concern of people there.
    We do include in our resolution--and H. Res. 82 did pass 
the full committee on Foreign Affairs. I hope it's on the floor 
soon. We also have a major focus on the issue of the blasphemy 
laws which were told by you, sir.
    Frank, you've told us this that Nigeria is one of only 
seven countries in the world with criminal blasphemy that 
carries the death penalty. And such laws exist in 12 of the 
majority Muslim northern Nigerian states. So in our resolution, 
we talk about some of those are being now affected by that.
    So thank you for that, Mr. Wolf, for making us aware of 
that. Let me just ask if I could, when you do ask questions, 
Bishop, and ask the government to get involved, is there a 
delay? Like, when Fulani come in, for example, and start mowing 
people down and firebombing churches and just indiscriminately 
killing people, and there may be some other issues that are 
involved here. But it is at its core a hatred of Christians.
    Bishop Anagbe. First of all, to answer the issue of 
government response is to fall back toward what we said about 
in the central police system in Nigeria. Because the police in 
Nigeria have under the--under the heading of the inspector 
general police. The order comes from down to them.
    So Benue State which is about 300 kilometers to Abuja, the 
capital, barely about--less than 200 miles. For any attack to 
place and the police have to respond, the order has to come 
from above which is completely difficult. And that is why 
various states now we're requesting for State police. And 
that's the reform he was talking about. And until that is done, 
there would not be immediate and proactive response to all 
those challenges. And by the time the police will respond, 
maybe sometime 3 hours, they're finished and then they're gone.
    And nobody is held responsible. At that level, we become at 
the mercy of these hoodlums who constantly unleash terror in 
the villages. And when they attack the villages, they occupy 
the territory so people cannot get back. If you get back to 
your farms, you get hacked.
    Mr. James. Thank you, Mr. Smith. I now recognize 
Congressman Jackson for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Jackson. Hello. Thank you, Congressman James, for your 
leadership on this. Thank you, Ranking Member Sara Jacobs. And 
thank you for all your participation that have traveled and 
come from the great State and the great country of Nigeria. 
Appreciate your attendance.
    This would be directed to Ms. Onubogu and Mr. Obadare. From 
your perspective, how is the absence of a confirmed U.S. 
Ambassador affected the bilateral relationship and ability to 
pursue U.S. objectives in Nigeria? We have a current charge 
d'affaires. Has that held up any potential relationships?
    Mr. Obadare. I think politics or diplomacy is as much about 
practice as it's about symbols. And I do not think it will hurt 
to have a U.S. Ambassador on the ground. It's clear actually 
when you look at the democratic struggle in Nigeria.
    Successive American ambassadors have been part of the 
despair here, that struggle. And Nigerians always look up to 
the U.S. Ambassador as somebody who mediates U.S. interests and 
acts at the voice of the American people. So I think the 
process can be interesting. I think it will be to the pleasure 
of everybody in Nigeria.
    Mr. Jackson. Currently, is there a very positive view 
toward the relationship with the Nigerians and the Americans? 
And if so, what could you say contributes to that?
    Mr. Obadare. I mentioned in my statement Nigerians--as you 
know, Nigerians are the single most successful immigrant group 
in the United States. There's something in the American water 
that agrees with Nigerians. And Nigerians already see the 
United States as a model of what they want their country to 
become. So there's a lot of affection toward America and all 
things American.
    Mr. Jackson. Did you say that under the Tinubu 
Administration, civil and religious institutions have been 
stabilized and are improving?
    Ms. Onubogu. Before I answer that question, if I could just 
add to the two questions----
    Mr. Jackson. Please.
    Ms. Onubogu [continuing]. That you asked earlier on. And as 
I said, for the U.S., the U.S. recognizes Nigeria as an 
aspiring democracy and the strategic partner on the continent, 
especially given what we see happening in West Africa and 
Nigeria's current chairmanship of ECOWAS. So having an 
ambassador in the country would be a great benefit to the 
United States. And then to your question about the balance 
under the Tinubu Administration, there are current reports that 
actually show that the Administration is trying to ensure that 
there is equal representation within their Administration.
    However, we have to recall that this Administration, the 
Tinubu Administration actually ran under a very unpopular 
Muslim-Muslim ticket. So at the end of the day, he actually has 
to do more than his predecessor to ensure that he can win the 
trust of Nigerians, also realizing that he came in as one of 
the most unpopular presidents since Nigeria's transition in 
1999. So there is data there that shows that he's making steps 
in the right direction to ensure there's equal balance under 
his Administration.
    Mr. Jackson. But you recognize a free and fair election?
    Ms. Onubogu. Will you repeat the question? Sorry.
    Mr. Jackson. Do you recognize that Governor Tinubu--
President Tinubu was elected under a free and fair election?
    Ms. Onubogu. I think at the end of the day, it is the data 
that has come from Nigeria that I----
    Mr. Jackson. Yes or no, was it a fair election?
    Ms. Onubogu. I can basically----
    Mr. Jackson. I will not have you speculate on whether you 
think about his popularity. But was it a fair election? 
Sometimes people aren't satisfied with the results, but we go 
forward.
    Ms. Onubogu. As for me, I think at the end of the day, I 
would go by the data that was released by the independent 
national election commission that shows that----
    Mr. Jackson. So therefore, he won because he had the most 
votes. The last thing I would like to ask is under the 
leadership of President Tinubu and the ECOWAS, what would you 
recommend be our role in the support for stabilizing the region 
with the current coup in Niger?
    Ms. Onubogu. I would advise listening, listening to the 
people. Because at this point, ECOWAS is actually facing a 
crisis of legitimacy. The entire body is facing a crisis of 
legitimacy.
    Where we see deepening divides between governments and 
people, so it's important for us to listen and guide and 
provide guidance where guidance is needed. And in short, one 
particular area in helping ECOWAS is to strengthen their 
communication. Right now, communication seems to be not framed 
within the reality of what we see happening in the region. So 
there are areas to help strengthening ECOWAS to ensure that its 
communication actually matches the reality and the frustrations 
that citizens feel.
    Mr. Jackson. Thank you for your time. Chairman James, I 
yield back my time.
    Mr. James. Thank you. I now recognize Chairwoman Kim for 5 
minutes.
    Mrs. Kim. Thank you, Chairman James and Ranking Member Sara 
Jacobs for holding today's hearing. I want to thank all of the 
witnesses for making yourselves available before our committee 
today. I'm told that as of 2022 there are roughly 4.5 million 
Nigerians who have been displaced by religious conflict or 
natural disaster.
    The vast majority of these displacements are because of the 
ongoing fighting between the Nigerian military and terrorist 
organizations in the north of the country, especially in the 
Lake Chad region in the Sahel. Unfortunately, we do not know 
the definitive data on what percentage of IDPs in Nigeria are 
women. But we do know that in regions hosting the most IDPs, 
women make up roughly 70 percent of the IDP population.
    I serve as a co-chair of the Maternal Women's Caucus. So 
considering that Nigeria has the third highest maternal 
mortality rate in the world, this is deeply concerning to me. 
So I want to ask any and all of you to respond to how the 
religious and ethnic violence impacted the maternal and infant 
mortality in Nigeria. And if you can also describe the type of 
medical access that the women in those camps are getting and if 
pregnant women have access to adequate prenatal care.
    Mr. Wolf. I've been in the camps. The camps are very grim. 
Most of the people in the camps are women and children. Many 
have been displaced from villages and they basically live in 
fear.
    There is a brain drain. Many Nigerian doctors and nurses 
are leaving the country, coming to the United States, coming to 
many other countries. It is very, very grim.
    And one thing that I can think could be done is for the 
Administration to appoint a special envoy similar to what 
President Bush did when he had Senator Danforth come. Danforth 
went to southern Sudan and seeing it over and over and over and 
over. And he courted with the French. He courted with the 
British. He courted with the U.N.
    He pushed and pushed and pushed and pushed. And had one 
person, Secretary Blinken, who's confident in that would be an 
advocate for him. But it is very, very grim.
    And again, this has been going on for years, 12 years, and 
it's never getting any better. It's just getting worse. But 
most of the people in the village are women and children.
    Bishop Anagbe. Yes, exactly, I said this because in these 
attacks in these villages, mainly men are targeted. And 
sometimes children are killed. When the women leave, the live 
in the camps.
    And in this situation, they've given birth. And it becomes 
very challenging. We have back home in Benue which I've seen 
very sporadic--I mean, we're very limited, skeleton kind of 
services.
    The medicine, Beyond Frontiers, who come, but it is 
difficult because, one, there are a lot of camps in these 
places that do not have a clinic nearby. And so there are 
donations coming from people, like, from the churches who 
assist them as what we call the mobile clinic.
    But basically, a lot, they are living on the sub-human 
conditions. And in these situations, children are being born 
and they are growing up with no education to that level because 
it's difficult.
    Mrs. Kim. Thank you. As expected, they are not getting the 
adequate--the care they need, of course. But I also want to 
address another issue regarding China's influence in Nigeria 
because I also serve as a chairwoman of the Indo-Pacific. So 
this is an area of deep concern to me.
    There are reports that China may seek to protect the 
naira's value by adopting Chinese yen as an official reserve 
currency alongside the dollar. And I understand that there is a 
draft bill in Nigeria in House of Representatives to do exactly 
that. So let me ask this question to Mr. Obadare. What would be 
the implication of such a move? And what does that initiative 
show about the State of the Nigeria and China relationship?
    Mr. Obadare. I think China is one of those countries in 
Africa that--Nigeria is one of those countries that China has 
been busy trying to cultivate the Belt and Road Initiative. I 
have every doubt that this initiative will fly. And I'm not 
even sure it's going to come off the ground.
    What Nigeria needs is not this kind of move. I think what 
Nigeria needs is to become a productive country that invests in 
infrastructure, that takes its economy very seriously. Once you 
do that, everything will follow. This is one of those fly-by-
night initiatives that I do not think is going to fly.
    Mrs. Kim. Thank you.
    Mr. James. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman. I now recognize 
Congresswoman Kamlager-Dove for 5 minutes.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member. 
So Nigeria is facing a worsening economic crisis that is 
putting basic essentials out of reach for many and causing pain 
across the entire country. President Tinubu, I think had some 
reforms that seem to have stalled. Mr. Obadare, I hope I 
pronounce it OK. What measures does the Nigerian government 
need to take in the short term to alleviate the cost-of-living 
crisis and in the long term to attract investment and create 
economic opportunity?
    Mr. Obadare. The most important thing that it needs to do 
right now is to ensure security. Only a person who feels secure 
will go from Point A to Point B and engage in any kind of 
enterprise. Right now, people feel vulnerable. They feel 
unsafe.
    So if the government can do something about the security 
situation in the country, the effects would reverberate and it 
will affect the way people trade, the way people do everything. 
So fix security. Fix the politics. And every other thing shall 
follow.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. So then feeding off of that to both you 
and to Ms. Onubogu--and I hope I pronounced it OK. What steps 
can be taken to restore security? In what ways can we play a 
role in that or be a partner in that? And for both of you.
    Ms. Onubogu. I think right now in Nigeria, there is a huge 
trust deficit. The factors Ebenezer has mentioned, security, 
one, is the one priority on people's minds, not only from your 
intercommunal conflicts but the kidnapping and things that we 
see across the country. But there is a trust deficit between 
the government and the people and also within several 
communities.
    And the U.S. can play a role in helping to expand the 
dialog. These are areas where the U.S. shines best when it 
comes to governance programs and strengthening democracy and 
strengthening people to people rights. We can play very 
critical role in helping to expand the dialog to ensure that 
voices that feel excluded from the process now because there 
are several individuals that feel excluded, that those 
individuals are brought in, brought back into the conversation 
to have a real honest discussion.
    These discussions and conversations have been ongoing in 
Nigeria for years. As I mentioned with the conflict that we--
with the crisis that we saw happen in Plateau State, the attack 
in Plateau State, these crises in that State have been going on 
for over 20 years. It's time for us to take a step back.
    In 2014, the Nigerian government made an attempt to 
actually take--put together a broad-based dialog to try to 
understand some of the structural challenges in the country 
that were just making it difficult for Nigeria to move forward. 
In Nigeria, they often say, you take one step forward and then 
three steps backward. And this has been ongoing. So I think the 
U.S. can play a critical role in helping and in partnering with 
Nigerians, both at the Federal, at the center level, at the 
State level, and at the community level to expand the dialog 
and honest reevaluation----
    [Simultaneous speaking.]
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. So do you think we still have that 
degree of credibility? Because my understanding, especially 
from other conversations that I've been having is that folks in 
the international space are becoming disillusioned by us.
    Ms. Onubogu. I think we still have that credibility. But as 
you rightfully pointed, that window might be closing. But that 
credibility still stays there, still remains. If we look at 
current data coming out from the region for barometer data and 
other Nigerian polling agencies too as well, they still show 
that the U.S. is regarded in Nigeria. So there is that space to 
be able to create and to be able to bring together a broad base 
dialog.
    Mr. Obadare. If I may add just one thing to that. So we've 
been talking about police reforms and policing at the State 
level, I think one of the things that United States can help 
with is actually with training and providing material to 
policemen. I think we sort of take it for granted that when you 
see a police officer, the police officer is supposed to be well 
behaved and all of that.
    It takes training. It takes attitudinizing. It takes all 
kinds of--it takes a long process. I think at the State level, 
there are so many states now where they're actively considering 
recruiting and training police officers. I think the United 
States can help at that level, not at the Federal level. I see 
a lot of possibilities with training and provision of material.
    Ms. Onubogu. And if--I was just going to add to that really 
quickly too as well. Beyond training and equipping but also 
helping to build the institutions because at the end of the 
day, that is sort of--we've seen a lot of training and equip 
programs. But also ensuring that it is long term, that any 
support that is given, any security support that is given is 
long term and also focused on building the institutions of 
governance, institutions of justice, institutions of security 
to ensure that Nigerians can take ownership of this down the 
road.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Great. Thank you, and I yield back, Mr. 
Chair.
    Mr. James. Thank you. And I recognize Congressman Mills for 
5 minutes.
    Mr. Mills. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Ranking 
Member Jacobs, our panel. But also, this is a very unique 
subcommittee. And so I thank the members who are here as well.
    When it comes to looking at the welfare and benefits to 
developing nations and those who are looking for stability and 
reform, I think that partisanship takes a back seat. And I 
think that you hear that across the panel today. We understand 
the concerns for police reform.
    But I think that also speaks to the needs for rule of law 
in form as well. I think that we understand that Nigeria is 225 
million people and surpassed in population to the United States 
by 2050. I think that we look at the fact that it is one of the 
most wealthy resource rich nations in all of the African 
continent.
    And we also know that unfortunately your country has a 
great deal of a resource that has been almost a curse to many 
nations and that's oil. You notice almost every single nation 
which is an oil rich nation always finds itself in turmoil. But 
other nations trying to exploit these resources as we've seen 
with China.
    We've seen the same thing across most of the African 
continent as China continues to try and utilize the Belt and 
Road Initiative to capture all the African continent, expand 
Eurasian borders, but also take over Oceania to dominate the 
shipping lanes and also other types of economic resource 
turmoil for the West. I say all that because as we've saw with 
the Ashanti belt in Ghana or in other areas, China's 
continuation of exploitation of nations who are in need of 
critical security reform is something that I think the rest of 
the continent is starting to come to more of a realization on. 
They always come in with great promises, but they rarely 
deliver on that.
    And in that, I think that opens a window for America to 
start doing its part. There's been a real inconsistency with 
America when it comes to Africa. And I think that our 
priorities shouldn't necessarily just center itself around the 
Middle East but around continents such as Africa which plays a 
vital role in the stability and one of the closest when it 
comes to the United States.
    I want to ask a question with regards to ECOWAS. What will 
be the effect if Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso exited ECOWAS? And 
what influence could Nigeria play in the region or through 
ECOWAS to encourage democracy and good governance which is 
something that was mentioned, For whomever would like?
    Mr. Obadare. So thank you for the question. So Mali, 
Burkina Faso, and Niger are the clear renegade states that have 
threatened to leave ECOWAS. And I say threatened because per 
ECOWAS rules, they're supposed to give a 1-year notification if 
they're going to leave.
    So when, for instance, Mauritania was going to leave in 
2007, they did the same thing. They come back in 2017, 
following the rules. My sense is that these three countries, 
two things, are using perhaps this as a bargaining chip.
    They want something. There are three military dictators in 
those countries who want to hold on to power. It's not 
impossible that they're trying to send a signal to the Tinubu 
Administration.
    But we also know that they're not--these three countries 
are not along, that there is an attempt on the part of Russia 
using the Wagner Group to fundamentally redraw the map of West 
Africa. So it's important to keep that in mind. The United 
States should assist Nigeria which is leading the core group of 
ECOWAS for their countries to keep ECOWAS an economic community 
of West African democracies and prevent any attempt to make it 
an economiv community of West African soldiers.
    Mr. Mills. Thank you so much. And I absolutely agree that 
we should strengthen ECOWAS by weakening China's grip on it for 
exploitation. I want to switch just for a moment to Mr. Wolf 
and the Bishop.
    In 2020, the previous Administration under President Trump 
designated Nigeria as a country of particular concern. In 2021, 
the Biden Administration removed that designation. In your 
opinion, was there any markable improvement and freedom of 
religion in Nigeria that would have led the State Department to 
believe that it's time to remove that?
    Mr. Wolf. Congressman, absolutely none. Absolutely 
positively categorically none. It's actually gotten worse. The 
State Department has shown no reason why they would have 
removed that designation.
    The CPC designation is very important. We give them a 
billion dollars a year. We owe it to the Nigerian people to 
help them. But there's been no improvement at all, so no.
    Bishop Anagbe. Yes, the situation is getting worse by the 
day with the killings that are going on. And I know it's 
because there is a lot of ammunition going around which I know 
is very strongly coming from the trade relationship we have 
with these countries. Now I would like just to make a 
suggestion.
    Trust is end between Nigeria and U.S. That is why diversion 
is going on. And in any of the visits, it is--I would suggest 
to engage the church leadership, the religious leadership so 
they're able to hear.
    Because in Nigeria, as I talk to you now, the grassroots of 
the population that is being haunted every day. And when 
discussions are taken at that top level, they do not get 
involved. And once anything happens, they fall back to the 
church. And of course, we have that as an imperative to take 
care of these people.
    Mr. Mills. Thank you, Mr. Chairman----
    Mr. James. Thank you, Bishop Anagbe.
    Mr. Mills [continuing]. For the additional time and 
indulging us to hear that fully out.
    Mr. James. It's very important. Thank you, my friend. I now 
recognize Congresswoman Cherfilus-McCormick for 5 minutes.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and 
thank you, Ranking Member, for holding this hearing. I'd like 
to enter into the record a 2016 op-ed by the former USCIRF 
chairman, Robert George, into the record.
    Mr. James. Without objection.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. The op-ed was published as 
Congress was considering the Frank Wolf International Religious 
Freedom Act which was named for you in recognition of your 
decade of engagement on this issue. As you know, the Frank Wolf 
Act protected religious non-beliefs as well as religious 
beliefs for the first time, recognizing that both flow from the 
same fundamental human right to freedom of conscious. And as 
Chairman George noted in the op-ed, societies that fail to 
protect the right to freedom of conscious, of atheist really 
stop there.
    In Nigeria, for example, we have seen Mubarak Bala, the 
leader of a humanist group, sentenced to prison for violating 
blasphemy laws in 2022. Congressman Wolf, do you agree it's 
important that our religious freedom statutes as well as U.S. 
Government activities to implement those statutes 
comprehensively protect freedom of conscience, including non-
belief.
    Mr. Wolf. Yes, and I reference that earlier in my 
testimony. It mentioned that, and I agree with Robbie George.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Thank you. My next question I 
want to talk about was President Tinubu serving as a chairman 
of ECOWAS has taken a firm stance against the 2023 coup in 
neighboring Niger. However, his consideration of military 
intervention and the imposition of sanctions affecting trade 
has sparked a mass of criticism.
    Additionally, there is palpable discontent among African 
citizens who, disillusioned with the democratic and 
accountability process, celebrating the coup in Niger, Mali, 
and Burkina. His loss of trust has led to the collaboration 
efforts to address common security challenges through the 
economic alliance of the Sahel.
    Ms. Onubogu, I'm sorry if I'm tearing up your name, how 
would you assess the security situation in the region and what 
role can Nigeria play?
    Ms. Onubogu. Thank you much for your question. And as I 
earlier mentioned, as Nigeria now takes on the chairmanship of 
ECOWAS, this is an opportunity for Nigeria to really get the 
member states in the region to adhere to some of the 
commitments that they have that haven't been achieved yet. For 
instance, as we look at the widening gap between citizens and 
governments in the region, there is also a concern that there 
are governments that are manipulating the constitution to allow 
them to stay in office.
    And within ECOWAS, there are several commitments and 
several recommendations in there to review and take a look to 
ensure that heads of states in the different countries do not 
overstay their term in office. This is an opportunity for 
Nigeria to ensure that all the others, the other members 
states, that they bring this back to the table again, that this 
is part of the conversation again to ensure that heads of 
states stop manipulating the constitution to allow them to 
remain in office. Because beyond military actors taking over 
power in different states in the region, we also see the 
meddling with the constitution as well. So this is an 
opportunity for Nigeria to step up and say, hey, as leaders, we 
have to show that as civilians we need to set the right example 
so that it does not continue to provide an excuse for military 
juntas to take over power in the region.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. And do you believe that the 
sanctions placed on those regimes are effective? In your view, 
what impact did AES countries exit from ECOWAS have on the 
overall economic integration of the continent?
    Ms. Onubogu. I think Nigeria's knee jerk reaction after the 
coup in Niger was one that hasn't really gotten a lot of 
popular support across the subregion. One, because Niger and 
Nigeria, just the ties and relations between those countries go 
way back. And when you think about just the border, the border 
that Nigeria shares with Niger as well and just the cultural 
ties between the two countries.
    So I think there is beginning to be a realization that 
perhaps that sort of quick action of threatening invasion, 
military action may not have not been the right approach to 
take. So now there needs to be a--there is a rethink to focus 
more on diplomacy. And I think that through focusing more on 
diplomacy, there is an opportunity. So at least bring a broad 
range of actors back to the table for the better conversation.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Thank you so much. I yield back.
    Mr. James. Thank you. We're going to be getting to a second 
round. So with the discretion of the chair, I recognize his 
leadership again on the issue. And I'll recognize the 
Congressman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith, for any statement he 
may have.
    Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Chairman. Just very 
briefly. Friends do not let friends commit human rights abuses. 
And I think it's incumbent upon us to speak very boldly and 
expertly because we have four experts at the witness table 
today about what is going on in Nigeria.
    And we can all of us collectively make some difference in 
this. I was wondering, Bishop, whether or not President Tinubu 
has brought together the leaders of all the different faith 
denominations in Abuja. Maybe call it a summit on religious 
freedom to try to, one, get a better understanding of the scope 
of the issue but also next steps, how to mitigate it going 
forward.
    Second, how many Fulani terrorists have been arrested, 
tried, and jailed for the massive killings that have visited? 
And then we go for Boko Haram and of course ISIS West Africa as 
well. But Fulani, I do not know of any. Maybe you do and I 
would appreciate if you would tell us.
    And also hopefully, you pointed out in your testimony that 
50 were killed and injuring scores as they prepared to 
celebrate our holy days last year, Easter. We're six and a half 
weeks away from Easter now. My hope is that the government 
would be proactive to meet with you and the other leaders to 
say, business as usual means more people will die. More people 
will be kidnapped. More people will be in the IDP camps.
    So we'll reach out to the President. I know the faith 
leaders are, so I hope maybe you could speak to that as well. 
Finally, I went to an IDP camp in Jos, and it was threadbare.
    So I get some sense of what you're talking about. It was 
very, very bleak. Frank Wolf mentioned how he has been to them 
as well.
    But one of the men, a man there, Adamu, Boko Haram, broke 
into his house, took him out of his house, put him on the 
ground, put an AK-47 to his cheek and said renounce your 
religion right now or I'll blow your brains out. His wife was 
crying and pleading. He said I will not. I'm ready to meet my 
Lord.
    They pulled the trigger and blew away half of his face. I 
brought him here for a hearing. You could've heard a pin drop. 
But to me it showed not only his unbelievably amazing faith in 
Christ, in Jesus Christ, but it also showed courage that was 
beyond all pale. He was just amazing. But he told us you've got 
to realize what Boko Haram and these radical Islamists are 
doing. And they do it against the Muslims too. Fewer, but they 
do them with impunity against Christians. So those questions 
about arrests and maybe a summit with the President in Abuja.
    Bishop Anagbe. It would be very good if that summit would 
ever take place because just like what you're having presently 
now, you have a Muslim-Muslim ticket which has been floated and 
it has come as the leaders who have taken that. But then I do 
not know how much here we have to do. It's kind of an 
interesting play that took place about appointments which he 
did.
    But I do not know what Buhari did because at the time of 
Buhari, all the service chiefs, we all have the Fulani 
extraction. And so but now there is a balance. And I will pray 
that issue go deeper and not just talking about it, but let us 
be concrete in doing the work that you are supposed to do in 
addressing these issues. And if there is a summit, certainly we 
will attend. And surely we will let him understand what is 
going on. But all this time for the past several months he has 
been in power, nobody here has never made any statement about 
the insecurity in the country.
    When the 2023 massacre took place in Jos, I've never had 
the President address the Nation over this issue which is very 
painful and very, very disheartening. And that is what we are 
going through. We're not talking about the killings in the 
villages.
    It's, like, a daily occurrence. And nobody to the best of 
my knowledge have ever raised it. I leave with you every day we 
wake up with this reality.
    Some people have died 5, some 12. It's uncountable. Between 
November 2023 and January 2024, Nigeria has lost over 1,000 
lives to these bandits, to these terrorists. And no arrest 
whatsoever.
    So if the President would take this effort to call the 
religious leaders in Nigeria, we would be willing to help what 
is the issues. But like I said, it seems what I said is 
insecurity is one of the yardstick to get Nigeria back on 
track.
    Mr. James. Thank you. Chairman now recognizes Ms. Jacobs 
for 5 minutes.
    Ms. Jacobs. Well, thank you. Mr. Smith, I could not agree 
with you more that friends do not let friends commit human 
rights abuses. And I look forward to working with you on the 
very many places that that applies to.
    Ms. Onubogu, I wanted to ask you. We just heard about 
Fulani and how armed assailants are often attributed to be 
Fulani. At the same time, Fulani are one of the largest ethnic 
groups in Nigeria. In your view, do these characterizations 
risk painting Fulani populations as monolithic? And can you 
speak about the complex dynamics at play in conflict and 
violence, particularly in the Middle Belt?
    Ms. Onubogu. Thank you very much for that question. I think 
with the Fulani, apart from them being a major group in 
Nigeria, they are a major group across all of West Africa as 
well. And Nigeria's conflict, the conflict in the country as I 
mentioned are complex and multi-dimensional.
    And it's important that we do not generalize but try to 
understand that there are different drivers of the conflict. 
And this, in turn, sort of helps--will help inform the right 
response. So to the attacks in Plateau State that happened in 
December, this week, we heard that President Tinubu had ordered 
the immediate establishment of military barracks out in Plateau 
State.
    That announcement was just made this week. However, back to 
an initial point that I had during my--when I was given my 
statement is the coordination between the Federal and the 
State. Ensuring that we coordinate these types of responses 
because right now the Nigerian military is actively deployed in 
almost all 36 states of the country.
    So it's important that we try to ensure that there is 
proper coordination because apart from the military, you also 
have different other security forces that are providing--that 
are trying to secure different communities from the national 
Civil Defense Corps to other security agencies, to those that 
has also been set up by the State Governors themselves too as 
well. So there needs to be proper coordination because as I had 
mentioned earlier, every community feels or interprets the 
violence that they feel in their community in a different way.
    And so it's important that these voices are brought to the 
table together. If not, we run the risk of devising responses 
that do not necessarily get to the root causes of the problem. 
And then we end up in this ongoing cycle that we see in Nigeria 
time and time again.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. Thank you for that. And I could not 
agree more. I know we've talked a lot about ECOWAS and Tinubu's 
leadership of it as it relates to Niger.
    Mr. Obadare, I was wondering if you could also talk to how 
you think ECOWAS and President Tinubu should respond to what 
many analysts deem a constitutional coup in Senegal.
    Mr. Obadare. I think the reaction of the Tinubu 
Administration has been totally predictable. A statement was 
issued because Tinubu is the chairman. The move was condemned.
    The problem with what has happened in Senegal is this. It's 
not the same thing as an out and out military intervention. But 
President Macky Sall is doing something with the constitution. 
It's supposed to--there's supposed to be an election in 
February later this month.
    He's supposed to leave on the 2d of April. He has said that 
because of the crisis in the country, he's not going to leave 
and he's going to wait until the end of the crisis to organize 
an election. So meaning he's going to be in power indefinitely.
    Until April 2d, it's actually very difficult to ask 
somebody who is still legally entitled to be in the presidency 
to leave. So the statement issued by ECOWAS has been done with 
that in mind. He's been told that he should take care to make 
sure that he does not plunge the most politically stable 
country in Africa into crisis. I think it's going to be 
interesting to wait and see what ECOWAS does after April 2d 
when his current term of office expires.
    Ms. Jacobs. Anything to add?
    Ms. Onubogu. No, I definitely agree with what Ebenezer has 
actually outlined. In fact, the statement that came from the 
Administration about the crisis in Senegal was really a strong 
statement that was accepted by a broad range of folks across 
the region. So the response to the U.S. statement calling for 
elections to be held as soon as possible in Senegal is one that 
was really welcome.
    Ms. Jacobs. OK. Thank you. I yield back.
    Mr. James. Thank you very much, Ms. Jacobs. And I recognize 
Congressman Bill Huizenga for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Huizenga. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the 
opportunity to be here with you today. And I want to say thank 
you to all of our witnesses and a former colleague, Mr. Wolf, 
who I had a chance to serve with for a short period of time.
    It's kind of an interesting direction that I come at 
Nigeria. The new president of my alma mater, Calvin University 
in Grand Rapids, Michigan, was born and raised in Jos. His 
parents were Dutch.
    My faith, religion is the Dutch Christian Reform Church 
which has about 300,000 people in North America, both in Canada 
and the United States, and has 2 million Nigerians as a member. 
We are basically an African church located in Grand Rapids, 
Michigan. Mr. Obadare is laughing because I think he knows 
about this.
    But there's some very, very serious issues that have been 
going on. And 2 weeks ago, I actually met with a woman from Jos 
who currently lives in Jos whose husband is a minister in Jos. 
She was in the United States because she has a visa.
    She had attended seminary here in the United States. And 
unfortunately, her husband and son cannot get a visa from the 
U.S. Government. Their son has been offered a complete full 
ride to Calvin University.
    They cannot get him here in the country. And we're seeing 
these reports of what is happening. Her family was living 
through this December 2023 Christmas Eve killings of 
approximately 200 Christians across 20 communities and in Jos.
    That has been sort of the epicenter is my understanding. 
And Bishop, I'd love to hear from you on that. Recently, 
Chairman James and myself and Chairman McCaul were signators to 
a letter to Secretary of State Anthony Blinken urging the 
Administration to reevaluate their decision to not designate 
Nigeria as a country of particular concern.
    And I know Mr. Mills had pursued that as to why the Trump 
Administration had put them on that list and why the Biden 
Administration had taken them off. And it does not appear to me 
that there's any logical real reason why Nigeria was taken off 
of that. And one of the most, I think, shocking statistics I've 
come across is 90 percent of the global total of Christians' 
deaths occur in Africa.
    And it begs the question--Nigeria is a significant part of 
that. And it forces one to ask, is it because they're 
Christian? And certainly, Christians may not be viewed as a 
religious minority here in the United States or in North 
America. But they certainly are in other parts of the world.
    So it baffles me as to why we are not affording them the 
same protections when they're clearly, clearly an attacked 
religious minority. Mr. Wolf, your committee on international 
religious freedom determined that Nigeria should be designated 
as a country of particular concern. What factors brought you to 
that? And have you had any conversations or communications with 
the State Department that can explain why they did not come up 
with that same determination?
    Mr. Wolf. We used the State Department's data, information. 
Also, most of the commissioners went to Nigeria and traveled 
throughout Nigeria, met with all the different leaders there. 
The State Department has not given any reason of why they have 
changed.
    And conditions are worse today than when the CPC 
designation was given before. So there are no good reasons at 
all. And the chairman is right. I think Ambassador Hussain 
ought to go there and go there quickly and do what the chairman 
says.
    Mr. Huizenga. Honestly, I'm just stunned as to why this has 
not gotten more attention out of--well, even out of our own 
press here in the West and in North America and certainly more 
attention from this Administration. I've got about 30 seconds 
left. And Bishop, I'd love to give that to you for any 
statements that you would like to make.
    Bishop Anagbe. Yes, I--for me, I do not--there are 
Christian problems every day, especially with these killings 
and displacement. And part of the major fear----
    Mr. Huizenga. And I'm sorry. That's one of the things we 
haven't really talked about as well. It's not just the killings 
but the displacement, people fleeing, correct?
    Bishop Anagbe. And part of the--one of the major fears we 
have is that for the
    [inaudible] in Nigeria, if this is not addressed and the 
villagers return to their ancestral homes, they will be 
deregistered. And they will become--this will be taken over by 
the perpetrators, terrorists, who are occupying these 
territories. And so the trust is later people will return to 
their homes and get registered as members.
    If not, they will lose all their titles and nothing. 
They'll become dependent on whatever is possible which the 
government is not organized properly to take care of them. So 
if this happens, then I think there will be more proper--such 
light on the Nigerian leadership as to what they are doing 
about these inhumane treatment of people.
    Mr. Huizenga. My time is expired. I yield back.
    Mr. James. Thank you, Mr. Huizenga. And thank you to all 
our witnesses for their very valuable, impassioned, and correct 
testimony. I thank the members for their questions as well.
    The members of the committee may have some additional 
questions for the witnesses, and we ask that you respond to 
these in writing. Pursuant to committee rules, all members may 
have 5 days to submit statements, questions, and extraneous 
materials for the record subject to the length of limitations. 
Without objection, the committee stands adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 3:39 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

                                APPENDIX
                                
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              STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM KOLA ALAOINNI

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             ADDITIONAL MATERIALS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

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