[House Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


         ETHIOPIA: PROMISE OR PERILS, THE STATE OF U.S. POLICY

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

                         SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA

                                 OF THE

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                        HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION
                               __________

                           NOVEMBER 30, 2023
                               __________

                           Serial No. 118-68
                               __________

        Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
        
        
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Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov, 
                       or http://www.govinfo.gov

                               __________

                    U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
                    
55-696PDF                  WASHINGTON : 2024   



                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

                   MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Chairman

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey     GREGORY MEEKS, New York, Ranking 
JOE WILSON, South Carolina               Member
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania	     BRAD SHERMAN, California
DARRELL ISSA, California	     GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
ANN WAGNER, Missouri		     WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
BRIAN MAST, Florida		     AMI BERA, California
KEN BUCK, Colorado		     JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee		     DINA TITUS, Nevada
MARK E. GREEN, Tennessee	     TED LIEU, California
ANDY BARR, Kentucky		     SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania
RONNY JACKSON, Texas		     DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota
YOUNG KIM, California		     COLIN ALLRED, Texas
MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida	     ANDY KIM, New Jersey
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan		     SARA JACOBS, California
AUMUA AMATA COLEMAN RADEWAGEN, 	     KATHY MANNING, North Carolina
    American Samoa		     SHEILA CHERFILUS-McCORMICK, 
FRENCH HILL, Arkansas		         Florida
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio		     GREG STANTON, Arizona
JIM BAIRD, Indiana		     MADELEINE DEAN, Pennsylvania
MICHAEL WALTZ, Florida		     JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
THOMAS KEAN, JR., New Jersey	     JONATHAN JACKSON, Illinois
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York	     SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
CORY MILLS, Florida		     JIM COSTA, California
RICH McCORMICK, Georgia		     JASON CROW, Colorado
NATHANIEL MORAN, Texas		     BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois
JOHN JAMES, Michigan
KEITH SELF, Texas

                    Brendan Shields , Staff Director

                    Sophia Lafargue, Staff Director
                                 ------                                

                         Subcommittee on Africa

                           JOHN JAMES, Chair
CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey        SARA JACOBS, California, Ranking 
YOUNG KIM, California                    Member
JIM BAIRD, Indiana		      SHEILA CHERFILUS-McCORMICK
THOMAS KEAN, JR., New Jersey	          Florida
CORY MILLS, Florida		      COLIN ALLRED, Texas
				      JONATHAN JACKSON, Illinois
                                                                        
                                                                     
                       Joe Foltz, Staff Director


                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

                               WITNESSES

Hammer, Honorable Mike, Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa, 
  Bureau of African Affairs, U.S. Department of State............     7
Beckelman, Mr. Tyler, Deputy Assistant Administrator, Bureau for 
  Africa, U.S. Agency for International Development..............    13

                                APPENDIX

Hearing Notice...................................................    35
Hearing Minutes..................................................    36
Hearing Attendance...............................................    37

                        STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD

Statement for the Record.........................................    38

            RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

Responses to questions submitted for the record..................    40

 
         ETHIOPIA: PROMISE OR PERILS, THE STATE OF U.S. POLICY

                      Thursday, November 30, 2023

                          House of Representatives,
                            Subcommittee on Africa,
                      Committee on Foreign Affairs,
                                                    Washington, DC.

    The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:06 a.m., in 
room 210, House Visitor Center, Hon. John James (chairman of 
the subcommittee) presiding.
    Mr. James. The Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee 
on Africa, will come to order.
    The purpose of this hearing is to examine the current state 
of United States policy toward Ethiopia. The chair would also 
remind our guests today that peaceful protest is welcome in 
this House. However, violence or verbal outbursts will not be 
tolerated as they are violations of House rules.
    I now recognize myself for an opening statement.
    A little over 1 year ago, there was widespread attention on 
the situation in Ethiopia. A Cessation of Hostilities Agreement 
was reached between the government of Ethiopia and the Tigray 
People's Liberation Front, bringing an end to the intense 
conflict.
    This hearing serves to examine the status of Cessation of 
Hostilities Agreement implementation and more broadly the U.S.-
Ethiopia bilateral relationship. A stable Ethiopia is good for 
the Horn of Africa and important to broader strategic U.S. 
interests in the region.
    However, I am very concerned about Ethiopia's current 
trajectory and the direction of our policy. The high 
expectations that began in 2019, including awarding a Nobel 
Peace Prize to expand and deepen bilateral relationship with 
Ethiopia, can still be met.
    But recent challenges by leadership in Ethiopia, and 
challenges including greater conflict in the region and global 
economic shocks, have clouded Ethiopia's journey. In particular 
the war in Tigray, current conflicts in Amhara and Oromia, 
direct comments regarding Ethiopia's so-called existential 
right to port access. And an increasing posture away from the 
United States has eroded some of the optimism in Ethiopia's 
democratic future and raised fundamental questions about 
Ethiopia's economic and long-term political stability.
    These conflicts and their aftershocks have exposed the deep 
divisions present in Ethiopian society. Eritrea's president, 
Isaias Afwerki, continues to undermine the Cessation of 
Hostilities Agreement as his troops remain in Ethiopia, troops 
that have committed massacres, rapes, and other human rights 
violations and atrocities.
    Meanwhile, countries like China and the United Arab 
Emirates have established extensive economic ties with 
Ethiopia, ties that increasingly are moving into political and 
security space. Reports widely indicate that weapon systems 
provided by the UAE, among others, were a decisive factor in 
the Tigray conflict and appears that Ethiopia is leading an 
increasingly rapid regional arms race.
    Additionally, just 3 months ago, the Government of Ethiopia 
accepted an invitation into the BRICS country grouping.
    Economically, Ethiopia is struggling with unchecked 
inflation, a severe foreign currency shortage, and a sinking 
credit rating. Without support from international financial 
institutions, it is expected that Ethiopia is at risk of 
defaulting on its nearly $30 billion of external debt. In this, 
and seemingly only this, Ethiopia looks west for our money and 
is relying on International Monetary Fund staff-level agreement 
to stabilize its economy.
    The American taxpayers are tired of being used, and we hope 
to have some of our questions answered here today.
    Beyond the Grand Ethiopia Renaissance Dam, which represents 
a critical piece of infrastructure for Ethiopia to reach its 
developmental goals, it is really hard to see other areas of 
optimism. The United States has had to suspend the lifesaving 
humanitarian assistance for 5 months this year because of the 
government of Ethiopia's complicity in a food aid diversion 
sham.
    Last week negotiations with the Oromo Liberation Army once 
again did not conclude with an agreement, while the conflict in 
Amhara has not even reached the negotiating table and still 
simmers.
    Implementation of Cessation of Hostilities Agreement in 
Tigray remains incomplete, and no justice has been served for 
those brutalized by what some have called the deadliest 
conflict in the 21st century so far.
    Last December, just 1 month after the Cessation of 
Hostilities Agreement was signed, and 11 months after 
Ethiopia's AGOA eligibility was rescinded for gross violations 
of human rights, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was invited to 
Washington, DC. to attend the Africa Leaders Summit.
    The hearing title is about the promise and the peril of 
U.S. policy toward Ethiopia. And if I am being honest, it is 
increasingly difficult to see where the promise lies.
    I thank the witnesses for appearing today and look forward 
to their testimony.
    The chair now recognizes the ranking member for her 
statement.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you, Chair James.
    And Ambassador Hammer, Deputy Assistant Administrator 
Beckelman, thank you so much for testifying before the 
subcommittee today on the State of U.S. policy toward Ethiopia.
    Ambassador Hammer, it is great to see you again after 
welcoming you in San Diego this summer to host the Ethiopian 
Diaspora Peace Conference and hear the perspectives of 
different Ethiopian diaspora communities, so we can work 
together toward peace for the country and region.
    I have to admit, I wish we were in San Diego right now. I 
am cold. But I am glad to see you again to further that 
conversation.
    I am so proud to represent San Diego, a community that has 
a long history of welcoming migrants and refugees, including 
Ethiopians, with open arms. And San Diego is just a small 
portion of the United States' strong Ethiopian diaspora, which 
encompasses hundreds of thousands of immigrants who have close 
familial, social, and economic ties to Ethiopia, and makes up 
the second largest African immigrant group in the United 
States.
    This hearing is very timely. It has been over 1 year since 
the signing of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement in 
Pretoria between the government of Ethiopia and the Tigrayan 
People's Liberation Front, but we have continued to see ongoing 
human rights violations in Tigray and across the country, as 
well as spreading conflict in Amhara, Afar, and Oromia.
    The war in northern Ethiopia and ongoing conflict have 
triggered a massive refugee and displacement crisis, even 
setting a world record for displacements in a single year. We 
have also seen the destruction of crops, an increase in food 
prices, causing millions in the country to rely on food aid, 
which was temporarily paused due to its diversion.
    I am incredibly relieved that food assistance resumed 
earlier this month, and I commend USAID's work in securing 
important reforms to prevent diversion and ensure food reaches 
those in need.
    But it was clear when I traveled to Ethiopia in 2021, and 
it is even more clear today, many challenges remain to create 
long-lasting peace, safety, and security. Following the signing 
of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement, the focus must now 
be on implementing the rest of the agreement in a thoughtful 
way, pursuing a credible and inclusive transitional justice 
process that guarantees accountability for war crimes and 
ongoing human rights violations, and addressing long-held 
grievances across the country through an inclusive and 
transparent national dialog process to prevent another large-
scale war.
    The United States must also urge all parties to pursue 
peace processes to address ongoing conflict in Amhara and 
Oromia. Addressing these root causes from a long-term conflict 
prevention perspective should be central to U.S. policy toward 
Ethiopia, and this will require high-level attention and 
prioritization from the United States and the international 
community, including cooperation from key regional actors with 
broad influence, like the UAE and Turkey.
    Ethiopia represents the future of the African continent and 
is the second most populous African country. It has the 
potential to be a stabilizing force for the region and across 
the continent. As it experiences high inflation and economic 
stressors since the war, it is now more important than ever to 
invest in Ethiopia's long-term stability, which must include 
real accountability and reconciliation among Ethiopians.
    It is a key national security priority for the United 
States to keep its attention on Ethiopia and do everything we 
can to help secure a more promising future for Ethiopians. So I 
am looking forward to hearing from you all about prospects for 
long-term peace and stability and how the United States can be 
best positioned to support Ethiopians in this pursuit, which 
will be critical for the region and the broader continent.
    Thank you. I yield back.
    Mr. James. Thank you very much.
    Other members of the committee are reminded that opening 
statements may be submitted for the record.
    And echoing my ranking member's sentiments, I am very, very 
pleased to have you here today. The Honorable Mike Hammer is 
Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa, Bureau of African Affairs, 
U.S. Department of State. Tyler Beckelman is Deputy Assistant 
Administrator, Bureau for Africa, U.S. Agency for International 
Development.
    I thank you, again, each for being here today. Your full 
statements will be made a part of the record, and I will ask 
each of you to please keep your spoken remarks to about 5 
minutes--to 5 minutes in order to allow for member questions.
    I now recognize Mr. Hammer for his opening statement. Good 
to see you again, sir.

  STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE HAMMER, SPECIAL ENVOY TO THE HORN OF 
  AFRICA, BUREAU OF AFRICAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

    Mr. Hammer. Good to see you. Chairman James, Ranking Member 
Jacobs, it is a pleasure to see you both again, and I welcome 
the opportunity to discuss U.S. policy and interests in 
Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa with you and the distinguished 
members of the subcommittee, as well as other members who have 
come here today because of their interest in Ethiopia.
    And I also want to recognize the Ethiopian diaspora, which 
is extremely active and which of course cares very deeply about 
events in Ethiopia.
    Ethiopia, as you have said, Mr. Chairman, is a 
strategically important country. The Biden-Harris 
Administration is committed to working to promote peace, 
democracy, and economic development for the benefit of all 
Ethiopians, the broader region, as well as the American people.
    Our long-term goal is to support policies and reforms that 
will enable greater partnership between our two countries. 
During my tenure as special envoy, the Administration has 
focused on bringing an end to conflicts in Ethiopia and 
reducing tensions around the filling and operation of the Grand 
Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, otherwise known as GERD.
    Following the November 2022 Cessation of Hostilities 
Agreement, the COHA, between the government of Ethiopia and the 
Tigray People's Liberation Front, we have been focused on the 
agreement's implementation while impressing upon the Ethiopian 
government the importance of dialog and negotiation as a path 
to resolving ongoing violence in Oromia and Amhara.
    And we regularly engage with the Ethiopian diaspora to 
explain U.S. policy, encourage civil discourse, and foster 
reconciliation among all ethnicities and regions. As we pursue 
these policies with our colleagues at USAID and the 
interagency, we absolutely prioritize our responsibility to 
U.S. taxpayers.
    In Pretoria, I was proud to represent the United States as 
an active observer in the African Union-facilitated talks that 
led to the COHA. Within 48 hours of the signing of the COHA, it 
silenced the guns and ended a horrific 2-year war that killed 
hundreds of thousands and caused untold suffering, including 
from horrific mass sexual and gender-based violence.
    Since its signing, the United States has supported efforts 
to implement all aspects of the COHA, among them transitional 
justice, accountability, protection of civilians, and respect 
for human rights, including by funding of international human 
rights observers.
    As Secretary Blinken said during his visit this last March, 
to avoid future conflicts arising from past grievances, it is 
important, essential, to account for the war crimes, crimes 
against humanity, and other human rights abuses and violations 
committed in the context of Ethiopia's conflicts.
    Shortly after his visit, the secretary announced his 
determination that all sides had committed horrific atrocities 
in the northern conflict and that ensuring accountability will 
be a key element of our policy toward Ethiopia.
    As part of our commitment to accountability, the State 
Department has supported the work of the Transitional Justice 
Working Group of Experts, an independent body with a nationwide 
mandate. This working group held 60 consultations throughout 
Ethiopia to gather views from affected communities on the 
desire for justice, truth, reparations, and institutional 
reform.
    We look forward to the working group's recommendations, and 
we will work with the Ethiopian government, civil society, and 
the victims, including survivors of the conflict-related sexual 
violence on their implementation--on the implementation of 
their recommendations.
    Over the last year, we have seen significant progress. For 
example, independent monitors have reported a dramatic decrease 
in human rights violations and abuses in Tigray. However, much 
more needs to be done. Eritrean forces have not fully withdrawn 
from Ethiopia. Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration, 
DDR, of the Tigray forces is lagging, and the status of 
contested areas remains unresolved. Therefore, implementation 
of the COHA remains a work in progress.
    And we are deeply concerned about the ongoing violence in 
Amhara and Oromia. There have been credible reports of gross 
violations of human rights, significant loss of life, and 
severe economic disruption. We have urged all actors to refrain 
from violence and hate speech, and to protect civilians, and we 
have offered to support or participate in mediation efforts.
    In fact, I returned this last week from Dar es Salaam, 
Tanzania, where the U.S. participated in talks between the 
Ethiopian government and the Oromo Liberation Army. We 
reiterated to all involved that there are no military solutions 
to the complex challenges posed by these situations.
    Compounding these challenges, Ethiopia is also confronting 
macroeconomic stresses. Foreign exchange reserves are at the 
lowest in two decades. Inflation has averaged over around 30 
percent for the last 2 years. So the IMF is in discussions with 
the government of Ethiopia over concerns about the State of the 
economy.
    Regarding the GERD, we are encouraged that there are 
diplomatic negotiations underway between the parties, and the 
United States remains actively diplomatically engaged to 
support those parties in achieving an agreement that benefits 
Egypt, Ethiopia, Sudan, as well as the region writ large.
    In closing, let me reiterate my appreciation to this 
committee for your commitment and counsel. Rest assured that we 
are clear-eyed about the challenges in Ethiopia as we work to 
support an Ethiopia that is more peaceful and prosperous, one 
in which the United States and Ethiopia can benefit from a 
strong partnership.
    Thank you, and I look forward to your insights, 
recommendations, and to answering your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Hammer follows:]

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Mr. James. Thank you, Mr. Hammer.
    I now recognize Mr. Beckelman for his opening statement.

 STATEMENT OF TYLER BECKELMAN, DEPUTY ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR, 
  BUREAU FOR AFRICA, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

    Mr. Beckelman. Good morning, Chairman James, Ranking Member 
Jacobs, members of the subcommittee. Thank you for the 
opportunity to testify today and for your committee's support 
for USAID and for the people of Ethiopia.
    USAID's longstanding development partnership with Ethiopia 
has helped propel historic improvements in living conditions 
for millions of Ethiopians, and we remain the largest bilateral 
donor of assistance to the Ethiopian people, yet these gains 
have been compromised by the 2-year war in northern Ethiopia 
and in security in other parts of the country.
    The Cessation of Hostilities Agreement between the 
government of Ethiopia and the Tigrayan People's Liberation 
Front brought a much-needed reprieve to the millions of people 
affected by that terrible war, yet many of the most critical 
commitments in this agreement have yet to be fully realized.
    It is imperative, as you note, as both of you noted, for 
Ethiopia to reckon with its past and commit to dialog to 
prevent future conflicts. USAID will continue to stand with all 
Ethiopians wishing to live in dignity, peace, and prosperity.
    Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration, DDR, is one 
of the most important elements of the COHA. As we see all over 
the world, DDR requires sustained political will and strong 
international commitment and financing. USAID plans to focus on 
the R in DDR, promoting reintegration, resilience, and early 
recovery for conflict-affected communities, particularly 
survivors of sexual and gender-based violence.
    We also plan to support intercommunal dialog and 
revitalizing livelihood opportunities that will give 
demobilized soldiers productive pathways in civilian life.
    As the Ambassador noted, one of the most important 
provisions in the COHA was the government of Ethiopia's 
commitment to a comprehensive national transitional justice 
policy. The government undertook broad public consultations to 
develop its framework but has not yet begun implementation.
    We agree wholeheartedly that it is important to get this 
right. USAID stands ready to support the implementation of a 
transparent victim-centered process that contributes to truth 
and reconciliation.
    It is also critical that Ethiopians themselves lead the 
fight for justice and accountability, which is why USAID 
supports local civil society organizations that monitor and 
advocate for these principles. We will continue to support both 
the national human rights institution and international human 
rights monitors. USAID plans to increase assistance to local 
human rights actors and organizations to respond to crisis-
related human rights violations and address other ongoing human 
rights issues.
    Beyond Tigray, we are of course troubled by the violence 
and abuses in other parts of the country, including Amhara and 
Oromia. USAID is supporting locally led initiatives in these 
locations to de-escalate tensions and will continue to 
emphasize that the peaceful resolution of conflicts through 
negotiation and dialog pays off.
    Ultimately, Ethiopia's prospects for long-term stability 
and its tremendous, tremendous economic potential hinge on 
whether the country is able to resolve grievances through 
dialog and politics rather than violence and suppression. USAID 
is tracking the national dialog process closely and stands 
ready to support an inclusive, transparent, and broadly 
accepted process that helps reinforce long-term peace and 
stability.
    USAID continues to support civil society and other 
stakeholders, so they can meaningfully engage in this process, 
and we will continue to consider support to the Dialogue 
Commission as it facilitates community consultations.
    Let me briefly turn to a critical issue, which you both 
alluded to, which is the divergence of humanitarian food aid. 
In the spring of 2023, USAID identified a coordinated food aid 
diversion scheme that prompted us to make the very difficult 
decision to pause food assistance to Ethiopia. This pause was a 
measure of last resort due to the extreme scale and scope of 
the diversion that we uncovered.
    Earlier this month, after the government of Ethiopia agreed 
to major changes in the food aid distribution system, USAID 
decided to resume food assistance to vulnerable groups across 
the country. Key elements of the reforms included ensuring the 
independent and verifiable management of the entire food aid 
supply chain and agreements on ensuring full access to 
warehouse mills and distributionsites for regular monitoring 
and oversight.
    The government also agreed to the internationally accepted 
best practice of vulnerability-based targeting with joint 
identification of beneficiaries and joint approval of 
beneficiary lists. USAID and the government of Ethiopia will 
implement a 1-year trial period of this process that will be 
informed by periodic reviews and backed by continuous 
monitoring and evaluation by our team, our partners, and 
independent monitors.
    We are confident that the agreed reforms will reinforce the 
integrity of the food aid system and help ensure that critical 
assistance reaches the most vulnerable. We will not hesitate to 
pause activities again, however, if we continue to see evidence 
of diversion.
    So, in closing, while we recognize the challenges ahead, 
USAID remains a committed partner in helping all Ethiopians 
live in peace, dignity, and prosperity. Thank you for your 
support of USAID's work in Ethiopia and for the opportunity to 
appear before you today. I look forward to answering your 
questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Beckelman follows:]

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Mr. James. Thank you, gentlemen, for your opening remarks. 
I now recognize myself for as much time as I may consume.
    In October 2023, Abiy publicly argue that Ethiopia, 
landlocked since Eritrea seceded in 1993, must acquire a port 
on the Red Sea to break its population out of a geographic 
prison, describing it as an existential issue. Further 
discussion around reopening direct Red Sea access, arguing that 
his request was based upon historical, geographical, ethnic, 
economic grounds, indicating lack of access was potential 
source of future conflict. Historical, geographical, ethnic, 
economic grounds. Does that sound familiar?
    Russia cultivated closer ties with Ethiopia during the 
Tigray conflict, which overlapped with its invasion of Ukraine. 
The more I learn about this, the more I am growing concerned 
that the Ethiopian government is not interested in peace and is 
only interested in the West, the United States in particular, 
to solve its increasing financial woes.
    Can you help me parse through this? Number 1 question, 
gentlemen, whomever would like to answer first, when I hear a 
potential source of future conflict, is that a threat from the 
Ethiopian government?
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. We have seen that the 
comments relating to port access have created concerns, not 
only for the United States but also for other countries in the 
region. But I would also note that the prime minister has 
publicly said that efforts to gain access to a port will be 
done through commercial peaceful means, and he has done his bit 
to provide public and private reassurances.
    Certainly, the last thing this region needs is another war, 
and we have been clear that from the perspective of the United 
States what needs to happen both in the region, but most 
importantly internally inside Ethiopia, is to address conflicts 
and violence through peaceful dialog.
    And we have demonstrated both through our work with the 
African Union in achieving the comprehensive COHA, as well as--
the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement, as well as 
participating more recently in the talks on the OLA, that that 
is our commitment so that, Mr. Chairman, while----
    Mr. James. Mr. Hammer, excuse the interruption. You just 
acknowledged also credible reports of gross violations of human 
rights in Amhara and Oromia. Does the Department consider this 
in addition to the past statements, regardless of how it may 
have been softened for Western ears?
    Does this constitute a pattern? And how much should we 
believe folks who are following in the footsteps of essentially 
Russia joining and aligning with BRICS?
    Mr. Hammer. Well, Mr. Chairman, we are deeply concerned and 
alarmed by the reports of extrajudicial killings, detentions, 
that are--and suffering that is being inflicted upon civilians 
in both Amhara and Oromia. We have made this clear to the 
government, Secretary Blinken, in numerous calls with the prime 
minister, as well as officials at all levels of the State 
Department.
    Mr. James. Have we made it clear that concrete steps must 
be taken in the immediate future to rectify this? And are you 
satisfied with the progress they are making, sir?
    Mr. Hammer. Yes, sir. We have always in our conversations 
made clear that human rights is a core component of the Biden-
Harris Administration's foreign policy, and that it matters in 
terms of how we view our bilateral relationship with Ethiopia.
    So we are continuously pressing for improvement. We are not 
satisfied, and those conversations will continue every day as 
needed until hopefully we see a cessation of all violations and 
abuses taking place.
    Mr. James. Thank you, Mr. Hammer.
    Mr. Beckelman, if you have a comment, next 30 seconds.
    Mr. Beckelman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me just say 
just very quickly that we believe very firmly that it is in our 
interest, it is in the Ethiopian people's interest, and it is 
in the world's interest, to prevent an economic collapse in 
Ethiopia and to see the Ethiopian people stand on their two 
feet. That is why we continue to support these processes and 
continue to support them in a way that we feel is consistent 
with our values and our interests in Ethiopia, and we will 
continue to do that.
    With a population of 126 million people, over 40 percent of 
which are youth under the age of 15, we think it is absolutely 
incredible to continue to help Ethiopians stand on their two 
feet, and a stable and democratizing Ethiopia is ultimately in 
the best interests of the United States.
    Mr. James. Totally agree with all of this. Monkeying 
around, the Ethiopian people are the ones who truly suffer.
    I would like to recognize my ranking member, Ms. Sara 
Jacobs.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. In September, I led a 
letter to Secretary Blinken and Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield 
urging the United States to use its voice and influence to 
renew the mandate of the International Commission of Human 
Rights Experts on Ethiopia, ICHREE. Unfortunately, ICHREE's 
mandate was not renewed, ending the only independent 
investigative mechanism with the mandate to investigate abuses 
across all of Ethiopia.
    Ambassador Hammer, what specific steps did the U.S. 
Government take in advocating for ICHREE's renewal? And what 
plan is in place to ensure independent human rights monitoring 
continues?
    Mr. Hammer. Ranking member, I appreciate--I remember 
receiving your letter and appreciate your deep interest in 
continuing the ICHREE mission, which we thought absolutely was 
critical and important. We worked to try to renew it in Geneva. 
Unfortunately, it was not renewed. However, anticipating that 
perhaps there would not be the support for its renewal, we, the 
United States, through our colleagues in USAID, provided 
funding for OHCR monitors to be deployed in Tigray and other 
regions of Ethiopia.
    In fact, I have met with those monitors on my visits to 
Mekelle this past year, and they have reported a dramatic 
decrease in human rights violations. So we are committed to 
ensuring that there is independent monitoring and that there is 
certainly investigations into past abuses and atrocities and 
war crimes that have been committed.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. I am glad to hear that.
    On that note, according to a recent Harvard survey, more 
than 90 percent of Ethiopians believe it would be unacceptable 
to move forward without some sort of truth-seeking trials or 
reparations.
    But I think all of us who have worked in conflict know that 
transitional justice, how you do it is more complicated than it 
sounds, and the survey also found that residents of Tigray have 
little confidence in domestic courts to provide justice but 
that a plurality of Ethiopians across the country favored using 
existing domestic courts to pursue accountability as opposed to 
some sort of hybrid or international mechanism, and, obviously, 
like everything in Ethiopia, vary widely among regions.
    So navigating a credible transitional justice process will 
be challenging but incredibly important. Ambassador Hammer, how 
does the United States intend to work with the government of 
Ethiopia to address structural challenges and political will to 
pursue an inclusive transparent and credible process that is 
conflict-sensitive?
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you, Ranking Member Jacobs. As I 
mentioned, when Secretary Blinken visited in March, he had 
direct conversations with the prime minister and the senior 
members of his cabinet, as well as making public the United 
States' absolute commitment to seeing through what both the 
government of Ethiopia and the TPLF have committed to in terms 
of ensuring that there is transitional justice, but 
transitional justice, as you said, has to also be a national 
process.
    And, in fact, our Office of Global Criminal--what is it? 
Criminal Justice--I am sorry--Ambassador Beth van Schaack and 
her team have been very thoroughly engaged in Ethiopia. I was 
there during one of her visits, and recently I actually, when I 
was in Addis last week, met with Minister of Justice Gedion to 
find out what is the status of their policy process, and he 
said that their white paper is coming soon.
    But we absolutely agree with you that it needs to be 
credible, it needs to be inclusive, it needs to take into 
account the victims, and, as you said, it is a very complicated 
process. But we, as the United States, are also--with other 
countries are prepared to support this process, to support the 
government, if it is in fact credible and inclusive, and 
ultimately it will be the Ethiopian people that will be there 
to judge whether it is achieving the desired result.
    But we all agree that to overcome the historic grievances 
that have plagued Ethiopia there absolutely must be a 
transitional justice system that is responsive to the people, 
and there needs to be accountability for the gross violations 
of human rights that have occurred.
    Ms. Jacobs. And has the Ethiopian government taken any 
steps yet to prosecute military officers who had command 
authority for units implicated in atrocities?
    Mr. Hammer. Ranking Member Jacobs, my understanding is that 
there are efforts underway to prosecute. I am also advised by 
our experts that those prosecutions need to be transparent and 
should not be rushed. But we can get you further information on 
the prosecutions that may have occurred, but we are expecting 
that they will happen.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you.
    I yield back.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you, Madam Ranking Member.
    I now recognize Rep. Kean for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Kean. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to thank our 
witnesses for being here today with us, and thank you, Mr. 
Chairman, for holding this hearing.
    I want to followup on some of the chairman's line of 
questioning regarding, as Prime Minister Abiy increasingly 
orients his foreign policy decisions eastwards and continues to 
ignore basic benchmarks on justice and transparency, what in 
the last 3 years has indicated that Abiy cares about his 
reputation in Washington? And, as a followup, in what regards 
has Prime Minister Abiy followed through on any of the 
concessions or agreements made when he was here for the African 
Leaders Summit?
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you, Representative Kean. We have 
consistently had very direct and frank discussions with the 
prime minister as well as with his government on the 
expectations that the United States has for having a 
partnership that is beneficial to the American people and to 
Ethiopians.
    And as a part of that conversation, we have repeatedly 
urged that there be an improvement in the human rights 
situation. And, again, at least as part of the COHA that was 
signed on November 2d of 2022, we saw the government follow 
through on its commitments in allowing for an interim regional 
Administration to be established in Tigray. We saw withdrawal 
of ENDF troops that has now led to a significant decrease in 
human rights abuses as recognized by independent monitors. And 
after months of urging, we have seen now an effort for dialog 
with the Oromia Liberation Army, one in which we were invited 
as the United States to again participate as an observer.
    So we believe that, again, U.S. engagement in order to 
promote stability, democracy, in Ethiopia is essential to 
trying to put Ethiopia on the right path, and we will continue 
to pursue those efforts at every level, including when Prime 
Minister Abiy attended the African Leaders Summit and had 
discussions with both our national security advisor, Jake 
Sullivan, and Secretary Blinken.
    Mr. Kean. So what was it that you saw when you were there 
as an observer status in the negotiations? What is the timeline 
for resolution to these--some of these conflicts and the 
fighting in your point of view?
    Mr. Hammer. No. Thank you. I appreciate the question. When 
I took this job in June 2022, I was told that this horrific war 
in Tigray, northern Ethiopia, would never end, that it would be 
disastrous, and it had already been horrific. And yet through 
quiet diplomacy and working with the African Union, we were 
able to achieve a very significance peace.
    Now we are involved in talks with--between the government 
and the OLA. It would be--well, it would be difficult to say 
that we can yield the kind of result that we would like, 
everyone that--the people of Oromia would like, in short order. 
The talks were difficult. I spent 2-1/2 weeks in Dar es Salaam, 
but progress was made. But we are committed to trying to see a 
peaceful resolution to these conflicts.
    Also, in Amhara, if there is an opportunity, we will offer 
our good offices to help mediate, to help promote a peaceful 
dialog. We have been clear repeatedly there are no military 
solutions to these complex, difficult, historical issues in 
Ethiopia. And I am proud that the Administration has made every 
effort consistently to try to advance peace, and we are 
committed to continuing these efforts whenever, you know, the 
opportunity raises.
    Mr. Kean. If I may----
    Mr. Hammer. Yes.
    Mr. Kean [continuing]. What do you think are the biggest 
limitations to negotiations succeeding?
    Mr. Hammer. Well, of course it is not only just the 
government, but both parties need to be prepared to make 
compromises and, frankly, to have the courage to decide that 
violence is not the answer, that what is best for their 
interest and their people more broadly is to enter into a 
political dialog that achieves some of their objectives.
    We have seen their efforts underway for a national dialog, 
which we believe, if it is inclusive and credible, could be a 
very important step forward for overcoming some of these 
historic grievances and horrific and terrible ethnic tensions 
that are currently plaguing Ethiopia.
    Mr. Kean. Thank you. My time has run out here.
    I yield back.
    Mr. James. Thank you, Mr. Kean.
    The chair now recognizes Rep. Cherfilus-McCormick for 5 
minutes.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I, along 
with my colleagues, are obviously pleased that this month marks 
1 year since the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement was signed, 
bringing an end to the horrific 2-year war in Tigray. During 
that horrific conflict, hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans were 
forcibly displaced from western Tigray during the war, and what 
the State Department determined constituted an ethnic 
cleansing.
    My question is a followup to Rep. Jacobs. Is there any way 
the U.S. can assist Ethiopian authorities in prosecuting those 
responsible for crimes in western Tigray?
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you, Congresswoman. We appreciate your 
interest and concern. We share the same concern that those 
responsible for these war crimes, crimes against humanity, and 
gross violations of human rights, be held accountable. We are 
prepared, of course, to cooperate. It is currently the 
responsibility of both the government of Ethiopia, and in fact 
the government of Eritrea, whose forces were also responsible 
for war crimes and crimes against humanity, to prosecute the 
individuals responsible, and we will continue to insist that 
they do.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. My second question is, Ethiopia 
has historically been a major contributor to U.N. peacekeeping 
missions. It currently has 1,500 troops serving the United 
Nations mission in South Sudan.
    Now, my question for the Ambassador is, how is the U.N. 
ensuring through enhanced vetting that the Ethiopian troops who 
have committed gross human rights violations during the war are 
not serving in the U.N. peacekeeping missions?
    Mr. Hammer. That is a good question. And, in fact, you 
know, we demand through Leahy vetting in terms of, you know, 
any security cooperation that we might be involved in, and the 
United Nations, as you have indicated, has its own vetting 
procedures, which are absolutely necessary, again, as you said, 
to ensure that any troops or individuals who have been involved 
in human rights violations not participate in any U.N. 
peacekeeping mission.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. And could you shed some light on 
some of the new vetting processes and practices?
    Mr. Hammer. The UN's, I would have to defer to their 
processes. Again, it is important that they are in place in 
terms of the thoroughness. I am proud of the lengthy vetting 
that we do as the United States, and I would hope that they are 
equally thorough.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. In late 2021 when the United 
States terminated Ethiopia's eligibility for AGOA benefits, the 
Biden Administration provided the Ethiopian government with a 
set of benchmarks, many of which focused on the Tigray 
conflict, in order to regain its AGOA status.
    Ambassador Hammer, what is the Administration's current 
assessment of Ethiopia's compliance with those benchmarks?
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you very much. In fact, you are right. We 
provided some benchmarks. As you may know, the eligibility to 
AGOA is currently under review and will be determined in a 
matter of weeks. But as the chairman and the ranking member, as 
all of you have said, there are grave concerns about continuing 
human rights violations in Ethiopia, specifically in Amhara and 
Oromia.
    And not to get in front of what will be decided by USTR and 
the White House, but those human rights concerns need to be 
addressed under the legal standards of AGOA.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. And from your personal--your 
professional assessment of the eligibility requirements, what 
do you think about them?
    Mr. Hammer. Well, as a member of the Administration, I do 
not have any personal thoughts.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Professional.
    Mr. Hammer. Yes. No, professional.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Give me your professional----
    Mr. Hammer. I mean, of course, I mean, Congress passed AGOA 
and set some very clear and stringent guidelines, and it must 
be abided by. And, therefore, that is what the Administration 
does. We analyze the situation on the ground and see if in fact 
eligibility is available, and we constantly evaluate the 
situation.
    AGOA is beneficial to the United States as well as to--
obviously, to the country that is seeking it. But there are 
certain standards that must be adhered to.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. And with information you have 
right now, do you believe that they will meet the eligibility 
requirements?
    Mr. Hammer. Again, it is not just my decision alone. This 
is a very thorough interagency process led by our USTR. And I 
think that given what we have been discussing here at this 
hearing, it is fair to say that there are very serious 
remaining concerns given the reports of human rights violations 
occurring currently in both Oromia and Amhara.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Thank you for your testimony.
    I yield back.
    Mr. Hammer. You are welcome.
    Mr. James. The chair now recognizes Rep. Kim for 5 minutes.
    Mrs. Kim. Thank you, Chairman.
    Special Envoy Hammer, I want to thank you and start by 
commending your efforts to reach an agreement to bring the 
intense conflict to an--to be an end about a year ago. But it 
is clear that the terms of the agreement have not been fully 
implemented, and it looks like the timeline for peaceful 
resolution of those disputes in line with the constitution 
remain still undefined.
    Many human rights groups and experts, including the Simon-
Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide at the U.S. 
Holocaust Memorial Museum, have been critical of the 
transitional justice process being conducted by the Ethiopian 
government. However, despite the skepticism, the State 
Department appears to be giving credence to this government-run 
process.
    So I want to ask you, who is the senior-most individual in 
the government of Ethiopia or among the Tigrayan political 
establishment to be held accountable for the human rights 
violations?
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you, Representative Kim. The process is 
ongoing. I know that we are impatient in terms of wanting to 
see that justice be done and that individuals be held 
accountable. I can assure you again at all levels of our 
government, with the Ethiopian government and those responsible 
for developing their transitional justice process and ensuring 
that there is accountability, that we continue to press to make 
sure that it is a process in terms of transitional justice that 
is inclusive and that will be----
    Mrs. Kim. Special Envoy, does Ethiopia's interministerial 
level task force still exist?
    Mr. Hammer. I believe it does. And, again, there are 
internal Ethiopian processes underway. We provide advice and 
support to try to ensure, again, that it will be a credible, 
inclusive transitional justice----
    Mrs. Kim. Does the task force have jurisdiction over the 
ministry of defense?
    Mr. Hammer. I believe it--well, I do not think so.
    Mrs. Kim. Well, what benchmarks is the Administration using 
to determine whether the Ethiopian government's proposed 
transitional justice policies are in line with the 
international standards, including being victim centered?
    Mr. Hammer. Yes. No, you are absolutely right. It needs to 
be victim centered, and I am sure my colleague from USAID, 
Tyler, can provide even further guidance in terms of the 
support that we are doing there.
    The white paper enunciating the government's policy has not 
come out yet. There have been discussions in the lead-up to it. 
We have been providing advice. I attended one of the 
conferences with a group of international experts on 
transitional justice where there were other experts from 
Africa, Europe, and Latin America, so I know that the 
government has been getting advice in terms of how it best 
should proceed in line with other international efforts that 
have produced credible, inclusive transitional justice 
processes.
    Mrs. Kim. Can you tell me who has the accountability over 
the ministry of defense?
    Mr. Hammer. Well, the government of Ethiopia is responsible 
ultimately, and they will have to ensure that members of their 
forces who have been involved in gross violations of human 
rights are held accountable.
    Mrs. Kim. You know, Chinese economic activists--activities 
and investments throughout Africa have been directly linked to 
environmental degradation and have created public health 
emergencies throughout the continent. For example, in 2014, the 
Somali Ogaden region of Ethiopia has been--has seen thousands 
die from a mysterious disease in areas surrounding a Chinese 
government-linked natural gas plant that has poisoned the 
drinking water supply.
    I want to ask the question to both of you. How does the 
State Department plan to hold China accountable for the 
negative impact of China's investments in African and local 
communities?
    Mr. Beckelman. I am happy to take a first stab at that.
    Mrs. Kim. Yes.
    Mr. Beckelman. Congresswoman, thank you very much for your 
question. I think the incidents that you cite are absolutely 
tragic, and we know across the board, you know, in Ethiopia 
that environmental degradation is a huge problem in many parts 
of the country, and it contributes to poverty and food 
insecurity.
    Our first response to this should be--and we would 
certainly encourage the government of Ethiopia to do its own 
investigation and to prosecute those companies that are 
responsible for harming their citizens, first and foremost, as 
a mechanism of responsibility.
    I would also say that, just as USAID, we place the highest 
priority on ensuring that our investments are in line with 
world-class standards of environmental quality and 
sustainability. But I would really press the government of 
Ethiopia to fully investigate and to hold accountable those 
firms that are harming the Ethiopian people.
    Mrs. Kim. I think my time is up, but----
    Mr. James. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman.
    Mrs. Kim. Thank you.
    Mr. James. The chairman now recognizes Rep. Kamlager-Dove 
for 5 minutes.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    And good to see you again, Mr. Hammer. I just want to say 
on the outset that I think the African community as a whole 
would like to see some consistency regarding our outrage to 
civilian deaths and human rights violations and the need for 
accountability. I am not justifying any side of any conflict, 
but African countries often feel our double standard.
    I would also just like to thank you for elevating the 
underrated power of diplomacy. The last Administration didn't 
understand that when it came to the continent.
    So I have a few questions. The first is, what do you think 
the impact of BRICS's recent expansion, to include Ethiopia, 
and what should we be thinking about?
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you. It is good to see you again. I do 
have to report that my Trojan daughter, Brinya, graduated and 
is working in L.A.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Great. Right on.
    Mr. Hammer. Got to keep the Trojan connection.
    Well, on the BRICS, we, as the Administration, see that the 
majority of countries want a stable and open and prosperous and 
secure world. They respect sovereignty and territorial 
integrity and promote shared responsibility and enables 
cooperation on shared challenges. We have no interest in 
dividing the world into rigid blocks. The United States will 
continue to work closely with our partners, including those 
that are members of BRICS.
    And so, yes, we have seen that Ethiopia is going to join 
the group. It is a motley of countries that do not seem to 
share much in common. So from the U.S. perspective, we want to 
again stand by our values, our market economy, the key 
components that have helped in development and have helped 
countries progress. And we remain I think a very attractive 
partner to countries around the world, including in Ethiopia.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you for that. I think they do 
share a skepticism for the West, and I ask the question because 
I do have concerns about Somalia and contentions around 
maritime route.
    I will go to my next question. I have been concerned to 
hear reports of escalating hostilities in Ethiopia, 
particularly in Amhara, between the Fano militias and the 
Ethiopian National Defense Force.
    So has the State Department been engaging with the 
government on ways to bring an end to this violence?
    Mr. Hammer. Yes, in fact, we have. I was in Addis last 
week, met with the prime minister and some of his senior 
advisers, and we continued to impress upon them that we do not 
see a military solution to the conflict in Amhara, and that we 
believe that the best way forward would be to start some type 
of dialog. And of course we have repeatedly urged all parties 
to refrain from hurting and inflicting horrific acts on 
civilians.
    So there is an absolute need to protect civilians, to stay 
away from ethnic hatred, and the United States is prepared, 
again, to offer our good offices, our diplomatic efforts to try 
to, again, bring some level of peace to that region, and so 
that those problems can be addressed through dialog rather than 
conflict.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Great. Deputy Assistant Administrator 
Beckelman, I would love to get your voice on the record. So 
recent studies suggest that more than 100,000 women may have 
been the victim of conflict-related sexual violence in Tigray 
during the 2-year civil war.
    So what is the level of need of victims of this conflict-
related sexual violence? And what has USAID--how have they been 
serving in this space?
    Mr. Beckelman. Thank you, Congresswoman, for that question. 
Let me just say that the need is huge. The degree of sexual 
violence that attended this conflict was horrific and 
widespread. We have seen--you know, it is very difficult to 
verify these reports, but we have seen upwards of estimates of 
over 50 percent of the women in Tigray experience some form of 
sexual violence, a lot of times--and a significant majority of 
those cases being rape and other forms of really, really severe 
sexual violence.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. All ages? Ages?
    Mr. Beckelman. All ages. After the signing of the COHA, 
USAID made it a priority to surge support into organizations 
that were providing protection services to women, providing 
counseling services to women who were affected by this terrible 
conflict, providing psychosocial support to women who were 
affected by this conflict.
    We estimate that through USAID programs we will reach close 
to 100,000 survivors of SGBV with counseling services, with 
dignity kits. We are supporting a broad network of referrals in 
hospitals to be able to help women access these services, 
continue to get the treatment that we need, and we have seen an 
increase of approximately about 25 percent of sort of service 
availability to now over 68 percent, just in the time since the 
COHA was signed, due to USAID investments and the work of our 
implementing partners on the ground.
    We are going to continue to make this a priority for our 
investments, and we are going to continue to try and make sure 
that women who were affected get the services that they 
desperately need.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you for that.
    Apologies for the time going over, Mr. Chair. I just want 
to say I think it is the frailty of men that caused them to 
harm women.
    And with that, I yield back my time.
    Mr. James. Thank you. I would like to come back to a 
question that I do not believe was answered. Ambassador Hammer, 
if you could State for me clearly, you acknowledged credible 
reports of gross violations of human rights in Amhara and 
Oromia. Does the Department consider that a pattern? Yes or no.
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As of yet, we do not. 
But we are constantly reviewing the facts on the ground, and we 
know the implications of making such an assessment and 
determination in terms of whether it is a consistent pattern or 
pattern of gross violations of human rights.
    Mr. James. Thank you. I now recognize Rep. Crow for 5 
minutes.
    Mr. Crow. Thank you, Chairman. I represent a diverse 
district in Colorado with a vibrant Ethiopian diaspora 
community. For this community, these challenges that we are 
discussing today are tangible, lived reality. They have loved 
ones who have been affected by conflict, killed, displaced in 
extreme economic stressors, by droughts and floods, and by 
ongoing challenges that have shaped and distorted their way of 
life over many years.
    I meet with these communities to hear about their concerns, 
and I appreciate the opportunity to discuss a few of them 
today.
    So, first, in signing the Cessation of Hostilities 
Agreement, Federal officials committed to restoring basic 
services and expediting aid. But I still hear from constituents 
about their inability to access basic necessities.
    So to Deputy Assistant Administrator Beckelman, how has the 
U.S. pushed the Ethiopian government on the issue of addressing 
outstanding access issues in Tigray? And can you speak to the 
Ethiopian government--how they have taken steps to abide by the 
cessation agreement and make improvements?
    And also, similarly, along the same vein, I have heard a 
lot of concerns about human rights violations and civilian harm 
in Amhara as well, and a lot of issues there. So a State of 
emergency and other limitations have reduced access to the area 
and make it very difficult to understand what is occurring on 
the ground in real time.
    So to Ambassador Hammer, how is the United States 
monitoring reported violations and engaging with the Ethiopian 
government to pursue a peaceful resolution in the Amhara region 
as well?
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you, Congressman, very much for your 
question. Let me just say the access picture for humanitarian 
organizations, USAID partners, and others, is still decidedly 
mixed. We saw, after the COHA, a tremendous increase in access 
to parts of Tigray that silenced the guns, and we took full 
advantage of those opportunities to surge our assistance and 
services into those locations.
    In other places, access continues to sort of track around 
the areas that are experiencing insecurity. So in parts of 
Amhara and Oromia now it is still very difficult and very 
dangerous for humanitarians to work there. They continue to 
face persistent threats on the ground, and they continue to 
have to make day-to-day decisions about their security and 
their ability to deliver services in those locations.
    We continue to insist and continue to push for full access 
across the board for all of our implementing partners. But, 
really, you know, there is still a lot more work that needs to 
be done, and it still remains a very dangerous place for 
humanitarian service providers.
    Mr. Crow. Ambassador?
    Mr. Hammer. Yes. Thank you very much. Appreciate your 
interest. I have engaged with Tigrayan diaspora in Denver 
directly, so I know of their passion and their concern for 
their loved ones in Tigray as well as the diaspora writ large, 
some of the members who are here representing the Amhara 
community of course, Oromia and all the others.
    We, as the United States, care about all Ethiopians and 
certainly will denounce violations of human rights against any 
individual, irrespective of ethnicity.
    In terms of the situation in Amhara, we have had 
discussions and urged the government to lift the State of 
emergency to allow access to media, to allow access to the 
internet, and to enable there to be clear ability to understand 
what the situation in Amhara currently is.
    We also have urged the government to find a way forward 
through dialog and peaceful discussion to address some of the 
very difficult historic issues that affect people in Amhara and 
that are currently the reason for the fighting. We have been 
clear that there are no military solutions to this conflict, 
and we hope that, like the government has in the past, that 
perhaps the United States might be able to help resolve these 
issues by offering our good offices and our expertise in terms 
of trying to move forward in a way that ends the violence.
    Mr. Crow. Thank you, Ambassador. I appreciate that, and I 
appreciate the outreach to the diaspora community as well. I 
mean, I represent all of those groups, Tigrays, Amharas, 
Oromos, and it is very clear that the only pathway to peace 
will be if all of those groups have the right to live in 
security and dignity and safety.
    And I will reiterate my request that the Administration 
continue to push the government to make sure that that is the 
case, that is true, and that they are pushing--that we are 
pushing hard for peace and security for all Ethiopians.
    Thank you.
    Mr. Hammer. Rest assured that we are and we will continue.
    Mr. Crow. Thank you.
    I yield back.
    Mr. James. Thank you, sir.
    I now recognize Rep. Sherman for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Sherman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for having this 
hearing. Thank you for allowing me to participate, although I 
am not a member of the subcommittee. This conflict lasted 2 
years. Half a million people died. That is 40 times the number 
of deaths in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict over--since 
October 7.
    It is outrageous that this conflict has not gotten more 
attention in the world. That is not a problem caused by our 
witnesses here. They are working on it every day.
    We have a U.N. Secretary General who outrageously said that 
what is happening in Gaza is unparalleled. No. What is 
unparalleled is what happened in northern Ethiopia. We have a 
number of others in the human rights community who have very 
falsely said that what is happening in Gaza is massively larger 
than anything that has happened since 2019. No, it is what we 
are here to talk about today, and thank you, Mr. Chairman, for 
having this hearing.
    There is also a feeling that since we had the Pretoria 
agreement in November 2022 our job is done. I think this 
hearing is illustrative of the fact that that is not the case. 
I know there has been discussion here about Ethiopia's desire 
for a seaport.
    Obviously, we do not change international boundaries almost 
ever. But I will point out I believe that Bolivia has certain 
rights with regard to Chilean ports. There are a number of 
other circumstances where a landlocked country has the right to 
use a port and have access to it and to not have tariffs on 
goods going out or going in. And I would think it would be a 
step toward peace if Eritrea would agree not to give up any of 
its territory, but also not to charge tariffs.
    Mr. Hammer, thank you so much for coming to my district and 
meeting with the diaspora there. Last November, I asked 
Assistant Secretary Phee if the United States would support 
additional sanctions on Eritrea if they failed to withdraw 
their troops from Ethiopia. And I asked particularly sanctions 
on the president himself and on mining that goes on in Eritrea. 
She said yes.
    It is a year later, and Eritrean troops are still there. 
What is worse is that they are committing extra judicial 
execution of civilians, sexual enslavement of women, and other 
terrible human rights abuses. So I will ask you, why haven't we 
sanctioned Eritrea, its mining operations, and especially its 
president?
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you, Representative Sherman. Good to see 
you again, and I appreciate your passion, dedication, and 
concerns for all Ethiopians affected by horrific human rights 
violations.
    And as you have indicated, the job is not done. We continue 
to work on this every day. Appreciate your comments on access 
to the port, access to the sea. We discussed this earlier in 
the hearing, but it is interesting that you would mention 
Bolivia and Chile, as I have served in both Bolivia and been 
Ambassador to Chile, and had a discussion with Prime Minister 
Abiy just last week on Thursday, on Thanksgiving day, where I 
mentioned that they might want to look at that as an example.
    But the prime minister has clarified or made public remarks 
that in fact he is looking for a commercial, peaceful way to 
achieve that access, and so we will continue to encourage that. 
We cannot afford another war on the Horn.
    In terms of your specific question of sanction of 
Eritreans, we have sanctioned some. We have extended the 
Executive Order, and we continuously review whether we should 
sanction other individuals or organizations. So I will take 
that back and see where we are at on that.

    Mr. Sherman. Especially with the commitment made by the 
assistant secretary that under those circumstances we would 
have sanctions on the president. It is time to act. It has been 
a year. What would be even better of course is if Eritrea 
withdrew its troops. There is absolutely no justification for 
them being there.
    Second, I understand that our food trucks will be getting 
in next month, that finally Abiy has relented and allowed us to 
have the control necessary to prevent massive theft.
    And I will ask the witness from USAID, are we going to be 
sending enough in, not only to deal with those in refugee camps 
but all of the very hungry people in northern Ethiopia?
    Mr. Beckelman. Thank you, Congressman Sherman. We are going 
to do our best on this and----
    Mr. Sherman. Do we have sufficient funds and trucks and 
logistics to get the job done?
    Mr. Beckelman. We are confident in the logistics chain that 
we are doing it. We are confident in our partners' ability to 
deliver. And we are--and with the very generous support of 
Congress, we greatly appreciate--we think we are in a good 
place to continue to make a difference in the lives of the 
Ethiopians.
    Mr. Sherman. People are hungry.
    Mr. James. Thank you, Mr. Sherman.
    I now recognize Ranking Member Jacobs for as much time as 
she may consume.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. So many more questions for you guys.
    The UAE and Turkey have both sent sizable arms shipments to 
and engaged in significant military cooperation with Ethiopia 
during the 2-year civil war. Given the significant relationship 
the United States has with these two countries, and the 
seemingly few consequences these two countries have seemed to 
face for this involvement, did the U.S. Government ever urged 
either government to seize its material support to Ethiopia 
during the war? What was the response? If not, why?
    How have we prioritized our policy objectives in Ethiopia 
with these two countries when we are dealing with them at the 
highest diplomatic levels?
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you, Ranking Member Jacobs. One of the 
first trips I made out to the region included a stop in Abu 
Dhabi, and I have had also separate discussions with Turkey 
officials, as have more senior members of our government, 
expressing concern about the provision of drones to the 
government of Ethiopia during the conflict.
    Rest assured, we raised those concerns, made clear that it 
was only making matters worse, and fortunately we were able to 
bring an end to that conflict through the COHA. But we did in 
fact, during the conflict, make it clear that it was only 
fueling more suffering and that we had hoped that they would 
desist.
    Ms. Jacobs. And have they faced any repercussions for their 
involvement in the conflict vis-a-vis that relationship with 
us?
    Mr. Hammer. We have very broad and complex relationships 
with both of those countries, and I would defer to others who 
handle those relationships. But, again, we have very frank and 
direct conversations with our partners, our allies, and others, 
making U.S. views very clearly known.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. So the humanitarian needs in 
Ethiopia remain high. We have talked about them a bit already. 
They continue to be triggered by the combined effects of 
climate events, conflicts, intercommunal violence, disease 
outbreaks. According to OCHA, only 33 percent of the funds 
required to address these needs have been met.
    Deputy Assistant Administrator Beckelman, what is the U.S. 
doing to urge the international community and key regional 
partners to scale up humanitarian assistance in Ethiopia and 
address challenges to humanitarian operations in the region?
    Mr. Beckelman. Congresswoman, that is a fantastic question. 
We very much appreciate it. I think if you look globally, 
sadly, because of so many crises around the world, humanitarian 
needs are going up everywhere. And so we continue to 
recognize--USAID is by far the largest donor in Ethiopia, but 
we cannot do it alone, and we continue to emphasize to all of 
our partners, and regular donor dialogs on the ground in 
Ethiopia, with our mission in Addis and in other places, the 
need for others to step in and to help.
    We are also very focused on ensuring that we are not just 
providing relief and assistance, but we are helping people 
recover and stand on their own and graduate from humanitarian 
assistance and be able to provide for themselves. That is why, 
you know, with the very generous support of Congress through 
previous supplementals, we have also invested heavily in 
resilience and recovery activities that we hope will make a 
difference in helping reduce long-term needs in Ethiopia.
    Thank you.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. And then my last question, because I 
know some of my colleagues have some more questions for you as 
well, one of the key grievances that needs to be addressed in 
Ethiopia is corruption, including at the regional State level. 
We have been hearing from the various diaspora communities 
about their concerns on this issue in particular.
    So if both of you could talk to what we are going to 
support anti-corruption efforts across the country, including 
not just at the national level but also within regional 
governments.
    Mr. Beckelman. Thank you. Again, great question. I think 
the--as I mentioned in my opening statement, one of the key 
elements of our support is to support and empower Ethiopians 
who are leading the charge on addressing those issues.
    So we continue to expand and look to continue to partner 
with support to local civil society organizations throughout 
Ethiopia, who are playing an absolutely critical role in 
exposing corruption and providing that sort of popular check on 
those types of abuses. And we are proud to continue that 
support as one of the key elements of our program and portfolio 
there.
    Mr. Hammer. Yes. I would just add that--give great credit 
to my colleagues in USAID that uncovered this massive aid 
diversion denying the people who needed much-needed food 
assistance. And that is part of the effort of fighting 
corruption. In fact, we are using that to demonstrate to the 
government that it needs to do more, and that we are prepared 
of course to fight corruption and to support efforts.
    But, again, USAID's work in this field has been tremendous, 
and we will continue to expand. And I am sure there are 
programs that our colleagues in the INL Bureau are also 
involved in to support anti-corruption efforts.
    Ms. Jacobs. That is great. And, you know, I think sometimes 
we forget that anti-corruption is both a programmatic focus but 
needs to be addressed at a diplomatic level as well. So I 
appreciate you all working together.
    Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
    Mr. James. Thank you, Madam Ranking Member.
    I now recognize Rep. Sherman for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Sherman. Thank you. Mr. Beckelman, returning to the aid 
situation, I point out that AP has reported that possibly 
thousands of people have starved to death in Tigray since we 
suspended aid. On the other hand, the diversions there were not 
only harmful to the people in Ethiopia, but if we ignore 
diversions that will be harmful to aid elsewhere in the world.
    So I understand what you have done up until now. Some 
reporting suggests that USAID is only restoring aid to those 
who are refugees in Ethiopia. Can you clarify that we will be 
providing food to other--and medicine to other needy people in 
northern Ethiopia?
    Mr. Beckelman. I can, Congressman. Thank you for that 
question. We did announce that we have resumed--after we 
reached agreement with the government of Ethiopia on the 
implementation of reforms, that we have resumed food assistance 
deliveries to the entire country, including conflict-affected 
IDPs in northern Ethiopia.
    I would also just note that a lot of focus has been placed 
on the pause in food aid. But throughout, you know, the period 
of that pause, food aid is just one component of the overall 
sort of suite of humanitarian activities that we provide to the 
people, that we help provide to the people of Ethiopia. And 
things like, you know, supplementary and nutritional feeding 
for malnourished children and children under five continued 
throughout the period of pausing.
    Mr. Sherman. Thank you. Looking at the internally displaced 
persons, 1.8 million have been displaced. They have been 
ethnically cleansed from western Tigray by Amhara forces. The 
question is, what will we do to accomplish two goals: first, to 
let people go back to their homes; and then, second, to make 
sure that we resolve the issue of western Tigray.
    The Pretoria agreement says that that is supposed to be 
according to constitutional means. The constitution seems to 
say you go with a referendum, but nothing is more phony than a 
referendum after an ethnic cleansing.
    So what does--Ambassador, what can we do with AGOA and the 
IMF to press Ethiopia to allow Tigrayans to return to western 
Tigray and to make sure that a resolution occurs that isn't a 
phony referendum?
    Mr. Hammer. Thank you very much for the question. As you 
probably know, I have visited Mekelle. I visited an IDP camp, 
and I have seen the horrific circumstances under which those 
Tigrayans are living and their urgent need to return back to 
their homes.
    As you accurately pointed out in the Cessation of 
Hostilities Agreement, it has meant that the disputed areas be 
resolved within the constitution as well as through political 
dialog, and that is ongoing. We are all inpatient. We all 
recognize the urgent need for internally displaced people to be 
able to return to their homes and live in security. We are 
continuously assured that security will come to western Tigray.
    Mr. Sherman. If I can interrupt.
    Mr. Hammer. Yes.
    Mr. Sherman. We have had all these people displaced from 
western Tigray. Have other people from outside western Tigray 
moved in? Or is land lying fallow? What is happening in western 
Tigray?
    Mr. Hammer. Unfortunately, it is difficult for us to know 
exactly what is happening because of the security situation. 
There are no impediments from the government for us to travel 
into Welkait, western Tigray. But given the security situation, 
it is extremely dangerous, and we have to be very careful about 
deploying our personnel from the Embassy, from USAID, into that 
area.
    So we do not have perfect clarity, so I do not want to 
misspeak. But, again, what we are very much focused on is 
making sure that internally displaced people, wherever they 
might be, are able to return to their homes as soon as 
possible.
    Mr. Sherman. If the Ethiopian government on this issue and 
other important issues does not adhere to the Pretoria 
agreement, their biggest pressure point is to prevent IMF 
lending to Ethiopia. Are we prepared to do that? And do we have 
the clout inside the IMF to do it? Not with a goal of 
permanently preventing the IMF lending, but with the goal of 
getting Ethiopia to adhere to the agreement.
    Mr. Hammer. I appreciate the question. And, frankly, our 
engagement with the IMF is very much focused on trying to 
ensure that there is not a collapse of the Ethiopian economy, 
which would certainly not be in America's interest, in the 
Ethiopian people's interest.
    And the engagement of the IMF--and I will defer of course 
to my Treasury colleagues--is important, to try to bring about 
economic reforms, privatization, that will help all Ethiopians. 
So----
    Mr. Sherman. I would hope that in addition to those reforms 
that resolution in western Tigray and the implementation of the 
Pretoria agreement is at the very highest level, that major IMF 
loans are not approved until we get Ethiopia on the right track 
there.
    We are dealing with a government that interrupted USAID, 
first, allowed the theft, and then, second, interrupted the aid 
by not allowing us until I guess next month to have the kind of 
controls that we have elsewhere in the world.
    So this is a government that needs your pressure, and I am 
sure you will do it. It is a difficult job, but we have you 
there doing it.
    Mr. Hammer. With that I can agree.
    Mr. Sherman. Thank you.
    Mr. James. Thank you. So, at this time, we are going to 
conclude, and we conclude with my thanks and gratitude from 
this subcommittee. Your valuable testimony and the members--I 
am grateful for your questions. Very insightful.
    The members of this committee will have some additional 
questions, which may be given to the witnesses later on, and 
you can respond to them in writing.
    Pursuant to committee rules, all members may have 5 days to 
submit statements, questions, and extraneous materials for the 
record, subject to length limitations.
    Without objection, the committee stands adjourned. Thank 
you.
    [Whereupon, at 11:22 a.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

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                        statement for the record

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            RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

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