[House Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]



                   IGNORING OUR ALLIES IN THE WESTERN
                HEMISPHERE: REVIEWING PRESIDENT BIDEN'S
                    FISCAL YEAR 2024 BUDGET REQUEST

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

                   SUBCOMMITTEE ON WESTERN HEMISPHERE

                                 OF THE

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                        HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION

                               __________


                              JUNE 7, 2023

                               __________


                           Serial No. 118-48

                               __________


        Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs





                 [GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]






Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov, 

                       or http://www.govinfo.gov


                               ______
                                 

                 U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE

54-496PDF                 WASHINGTON : 2024












                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

                   MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Chairman

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey     GREGORY MEEKS, New York, Ranking 
JOE WILSON, South Carolina               Member
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania	     BRAD SHERMAN, California
DARRELL ISSA, California	     GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
ANN WAGNER, Missouri		     WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
BRIAN MAST, Florida		     DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island
KEN BUCK, Colorado		     AMI BERA, California
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee		     JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
MARK E. GREEN, Tennessee	     DINA TITUS, Nevada
ANDY BARR, Kentucky		     TED LIEU, California
RONNY JACKSON, Texas		     SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania
YOUNG KIM, California		     DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota
MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida	     COLIN ALLRED, Texas
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan		     ANDY KIM, New Jersey
AUMUA AMATA COLEMAN RADEWAGEN, 	     SARA JACOBS, California
    American Samoa		     KATHY MANNING, North Carolina
FRENCH HILL, Arkansas		     SHEILA CHERFILUS-McCORMICK, 
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio		         Florida
JIM BAIRD, Indiana		     GREG STANTON, Arizona
MICHAEL WALTZ, Florida		     MADELEINE DEAN, Pennsylvania
THOMAS KEAN, JR., New Jersey	     JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York	     JONATHAN JACKSON, Illinois
CORY MILLS, Florida		     SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
RICH McCORMICK, Georgia		     JIM COSTA, California
NATHANIEL MORAN, Texas		     JASON CROW, Colorado
JOHN JAMES, Michigan		     BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois
KEITH SELF, Texas


                     Brenda Shields, Staff Director

                    Sophia Lafargue, Staff Director

                                 ------                                

                   Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere

                     MARIA SALAZAR, Florida, Chair

KEN BUCK, Colorado                   JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas, Ranking 
MARK GREEN, Tennessee                    Member
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan		     GREG STANTON, Arizona
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio		     JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
KEITH SELF, Texas		     SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California

                    Ana Quintana, Staff Director









                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

                               WITNESSES

Nichols, Brian, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Western Hemisphere 
  Affairs, U.S. Department of State..............................     8
Robinson, Todd, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of International 
  Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, U.S. Department of State    16
Valls Noyes, Julieta, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Population, 
  Refugees, and Migration, U.S. Department of State..............    23
Escobari, Marcela, Assistant Administrator, Bureau for Latin 
  America and the Caribbean, U.S. Agency for International 
  Development....................................................    29

                                APPENDIX

Hearing Notice...................................................    49
Hearing Minutes..................................................    51
Hearing Attendance...............................................    52

            RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

Responses to questions submitted for the record from Chairwoman 
  Salazar........................................................    53
Responses to questions submitted for the record from Chairman 
  McCaul.........................................................    81
Responses to questions submitted for the record from 
  Representative Castro..........................................   137









 
                   IGNORING OUR ALLIES IN THE WESTERN
                HEMISPHERE: REVIEWING PRESIDENT BIDEN'S
                    FISCAL YEAR 2024 BUDGET REQUEST

                        Wednesday, June 7, 2023

                          House of Representatives,
            Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere,
                      Committee on Foreign Affairs,
                                                    Washington, DC.

    The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:01 p.m., in 
room 2200, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Maria Elvira 
Salazar (chair of the subcommittee) presiding.
    Ms. Salazar. So, the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere 
will come to order. The purpose of this hearing is to examine 
the Biden Administration's Fiscal Year 2024 State and Foreign 
Operations budget request for the Western Hemisphere and to 
ensure this budget protects the United States' interests and 
ensures America remains the partner of choice in Latin America 
and the Caribbean. I now recognize myself for an opening 
statement and thank you to all of you for being here this 
afternoon.
    President Joe Biden has taken every opportunity to ignore 
our allies in Latin America. And I'm going to explain my strong 
language with examples. In May 2021, Vice President Harris 
challenged the United States corporations to invest in Latin 
America to solve the migration crisis.
    In that spirit, Ecuador requested a free trade agreement 
with us, the United States, but they were ignored up until now. 
Until today, Ecuador is the only country on Latin America's 
Pacific Coast that does not have a free trade agreement with 
the United States.
    As well, Uruguay pleaded for a trade deal. Despite their 
democratic record and strategic location, they have been 
ignored up until today. As a consequence, last year both 
countries took their business elsewhere, meaning China. 
Meanwhile, the Chinese trade with Latin America has exploded 
from $12 billion in 2000 to $495 billion last year, making it 
the biggest trading partner in the Western Hemisphere. That is 
very troublesome.
    By contrast, the Oval Office has graciously welcomed 
Columbia's President Gustavo Petro, a socialist; Argentina's 
President, Alberto Fernandez, whose VP Cristina Kirchner is 
among the most corrupt politicians in South America; and 
Brazil's President Lula De Silva, who was sentenced to 12 years 
for corruption before returning to power.
    This Administration unfortunately has denied that welcoming 
gesture to some conservative presidents since entering the 
White House. For example, Guatemala's President Giammattei told 
me personally over the phone that he felt disregarded by 
President Biden. We know Guatemala is a critical choke point on 
the path through Central America. And it holds one of the keys 
to ending illegal immigration at our southern border. The White 
House has ignored them as well, sanctioning some of Guatemala's 
top government officials.
    Let's go to the Caribbean, where our ally, President 
Abinader from the Dominican Republic, has been overlooked 
despite his aggressive anti-corruption measures and economic 
growth. He has cried over the phone to myself again for help to 
end the humanitarian crisis in Haiti, his neighbor. But we 
abandoned the Dominicans and the Haitians and hoping for the 
Canadians to step in, but they never have.
    On top of that, the White House issued a travel ban that 
labeled the Dominicans racist, damaging their tourism for 6 
months. When I asked Secretary Blinken to provide evidence of 
that racism, nothing was presented but thankfully the ban has 
been lifted.
    Now let's go to El Salvador, where President Biden also 
rejected a visit from President Nayib Bukele. President Bukele 
inherited the most dangerous country in Latin America and in 3 
years has made it a safe haven for tourism and for investment.
    He dismantled gangs, reduced the murder rate by 60 percent 
and opened the country for business. El Salvador's economy has 
raised historical averages for the second year in a row, but 
the White House unfortunately threatened their progress by 
sanctioning five of his top government officials.
    Let's go to Panama. The Panamanian foreign minister 
informed my office, in my presence, of their request to buy 
nothing--they do not want anything given. They want to buy 
helicopters and military vehicles from the Biden Administration 
to secure the Darian Gap.
    Once again, they assured me that they did not want anything 
free. They wanted tools to secure the bottleneck between South 
and Central America, but they are still waiting. Ignoring our 
allies in Latin America is a vacuum that is being filled by 
China, Russia, and Iran.
    In another case, a few days after President Biden stopped 
buying oil from Russia, a top Latin American advisor in the 
White House, Mr. Juan Gonzalez, got on a plane to visit 
President Maduro. But at the time, Maduro was not even 
recognized as the legitimate president and was on the FBI's 
most wanted list for $50 million on his head. We struck a deal 
to buy some of the dirtiest oil produced on the planet. I 
wanted to hear complaints from the environmentalists 
surrounding President Biden, but they have remained silent.
    Now let's look at Cuba. The regime has spread the most 
anti-American poison in the last 60 years, but we have removed 
the cap of remittances to give oxygen to their repressive 
apparatus. We have welcome the Coast Guard to our military 
installations. And we have sent some delegations to the island 
and lifted sanctions on tourism. Something is very wrong with 
our foreign policy when we are helping Cuba's tourism more than 
Dominican Republic's tourism industry.
    And now, I'm not sure if you know, that the Cuban regime 
announced that Cuban soldiers are going to be going to Russia 
to be on the front lines fighting the Ukrainians.
    This budget does not reflect reality. Your actions show 
that you have ignored our allies to the benefit of our enemies, 
unfortunately. I'm just going to say a quick message in Spanish 
and then we can proceed to the questions.
    [Spanish language spoken.]
    Ms. Salazar. The chair now recognizes the ranking member, 
the gentleman from Texas, Mr. Castro, for an opening statement. 
Thank you.
    Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairwoman. Good afternoon, 
everybody. It is great to be here today in our Subcommittee's 
budget hearing to examine the Biden Administration's request 
for funding toward our Nation's foreign policy priorities in 
the Western Hemisphere.
    I have long stated that our neighbors to the south are our 
most important allies. We are united by shared bonds of culture 
and heritage and by economic cooperation that supports millions 
of jobs here in the United States and also millions of jobs in 
Latin America and the Caribbean.
    It is not only beneficial but essential that we work with 
our neighbors on issues from migration to democracy promotion 
and security cooperation. This budget request shows that the 
Biden Administration is prioritizing our engagement with the 
Western Hemisphere.
    As the 2022 National Security Strategy says, ``no region 
impacts the United States more directly than the Western 
Hemisphere.'' I am going to lay out a few of the issues that I 
believe the Administration needs to prioritize. And I look 
forward to hearing from the witnesses on their own approach.
    The first is fentanyl. Fentanyl, as you all know, is a 
serious challenge to public health, and my heart goes out to 
the Americans who have lost friends and loved ones to the 
fentanyl epidemic. They deserve real solutions that address the 
threats of transnational criminal organizations and invest in a 
broader public health response that tackles demand side issues 
as well.
    Unfortunately, some of the recent ideas proposed by some of 
my colleagues, including bombing the cartels, are putting 
American soldiers at risk in Mexico and are not serious or 
credible ideas. Therefore, I look forward to hearing from our 
witnesses on how the United States and Mexico have continued to 
cooperate on and address these concerns through concrete, 
impactful, and focused efforts.
    Second is arms trafficking. Just as we look to work with 
the Mexican government to fight fentanyl trafficking, I believe 
we need to do more to stop the trafficking of firearms from the 
United States into Mexico. The vast majority of weapons used by 
cartels in Mexico and the Caribbean originate in our Nation, 
the United States. No effort to take on these cartels is 
serious if we do not address this issue.
    I authored the ARMAS Act to align U.S. Government efforts 
to combat the trafficking of firearms. And earlier this year, I 
requested that the U.S. Government Accountability Office 
produce a comprehensive report into firearms trafficking into 
the Caribbean.
    The United States needs to acknowledge the role our weapons 
play in perpetuating violence in these countries. And I look 
forward to hearing from our witnesses on progress made on this 
issue in the last few years.
    Next, migration. The Western Hemisphere is currently facing 
the biggest migration crisis in decades, fueled by political 
turmoil, failing institutions, and climate change. But the 
reality is the majority of displaced people in our region are 
not at our border. They remain within other Latin American 
countries like Costa Rica, which has welcomed hundreds of 
thousands of Nicaraguan migrants, and Columbia and Ecuador, 
which have provided temporary status for millions of 
Venezuelans.
    While 7 million Venezuelans have been displaced in recent 
years, 6 million of those remain in the Latin American region, 
not in the United States and not at our border. Our neighbors 
have stepped up and they want to do more, but they also need 
our help.
    I think there is an issue with the audio so we got to pause 
for a second.
    [Pause.]
    Ms. Castro. All right. I look forward to hearing about what 
we can do to help these countries with the integration of 
migrants as part of our border strategy and on migration in the 
hemisphere.
    And finally on TPS, I want to urge the Administration to 
re-designate temporary protected status for countries affected 
by ongoing U.S. court cases, including Nicaragua, Honduras, and 
El Salvador. I sincerely hope that the Administration pursues a 
re-designation of TPS, not merely an extension or renewal of 
TPS.
    Absent broader congressional action, re-designating TPS for 
these nations could be the single most consequential thing the 
Biden Administration does on immigration and would meaningfully 
help thousands of families.
    I also look forward to hearing from the witnesses on U.S. 
policy toward the Caribbean and how we will address democratic 
backsliding and human rights violations in the hemisphere. 
Additionally, I want to publicly call for the release and 
return of Eyvin Hernandez, who has been wrongly retained in 
Venezuela since March 2022. I know that Congresswoman Kamlager-
Dove, his representative in California, has been working hard 
to bring him home.
    And thank you to our witnesses for being here today and for 
your commitment to public service. And thank you, Chairwoman 
Salazar, for convening this hearing.
    Ms. Salazar. Thanks to you. And other members of the 
committee are reminded that opening statements may be submitted 
for the record.
    Now we are pleased to have a distinguished panel of 
witnesses before us today on this important topic. Let's start 
with Mr. Brian Nichols is the Assistant Secretary for the 
Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs of the Department of 
State.
    We have Mr. Todd Robinson is the Assistant Secretary for 
the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement at 
the Department of State.
    We have Ms. Julieta Valls Noyes is the Assistant Secretary 
for the Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration at the 
Department of State.
    And Ms. Marcela Escobari is the Assistant Administrator in 
the Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean at the United 
States Agency for International Development.
    Your full statements will be made part of the record. And I 
will ask each of you to keep your spoken remarks to 5 minutes 
in order to allow time for members' questions.
    Now, I recognize Assistant Secretary Nichols for his 
opening statement. Welcome, sir.

  STATEMENT OF BRIAN NICHOLS, ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU OF 
      WESTERN HEMISPHERE AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

    Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Chairwoman Salazar, Ranking Member 
Castro, and distinguished members of the Subcommittee for the 
opportunity to speak with you about the Administration's 
proposed Fiscal Year 2024 budget for the Western Hemisphere.
    The Western Hemisphere is experiencing the most pivotal 
moment in the last 30 years, the ability of the United States 
to advance its national security interest at a time of dynamic 
change while continuing to galvanize regional action in 
response to regional and global challenges requires a clear 
articulation of our approach to the Western Hemisphere that 
supports accountable and representative democracies, a 
prosperous middle class, thriving communities, and sustainable 
development.
    The Department's Fiscal Year 2024 budget request 
demonstrates our sustained engagement in support of the 
President's vision of a region that is secure, middle class, 
democratic in contrast to the transactional approach of our 
strategic competitors.
    More than in any other part of the world, competition 
between major powers in the Western Hemisphere directly affects 
the prosperity and security of the United States and our 
people.
    Although the People's Republic of China has become the top 
trading partner for the four largest economies in South 
America, the United States remains by far the largest source of 
investment and remittances in the region. However, to compete 
more effectively, the United States will employ the full 
toolkit at our disposal.
    Similarly, 21 Latin American and Caribbean countries have 
signed on to the Belt and Road Initiative, or BRI. But the 
expansion of BRI has also brought with it buyer's remorse for 
many countries in the region. Countries tire of China's lack of 
transparency and its disrespect for norms and freedoms that 
characterize its commercial engagement. Nations bristle at the 
PRC's absence of engagement and consultation with non-State 
stakeholders, including civil society, that underpin regional 
support for democracy. Worse still is the widespread 
understanding that PRC offerings always come with strings 
attached.
    By contrast, most of the countries in the Western 
Hemisphere view the United States as a partner of choice on 
management of governments, rule of law, trade, and human 
rights. Now they want us to present a viable alternative to 
Chinese economic engagement. It is vital that we answer their 
call.
    Our proposed budget will use diplomatic engagement and 
foreign assistance strategically to build partnerships in areas 
of common interest. We are doing that through the Americas 
partnership for economic prosperity. We will create compelling 
conditions for U.S. companies to do business, help our partners 
analyze the risk of working with strategic adversaries, and 
develop safeguards against cyberattacks, illegal resource 
extraction and other malign activities. These investments are 
vital to our neighbors' safety, prosperity, and democratic 
future as well as our own.
    This budget prioritizes comprehensive solutions to address 
the political, economic, and security challenges driving 
irregular migration.
    We request $979 million for State and USAID to implement 
the U.S. strategy for addressing the root causes of migration 
in Central America, in alignment with the United States 
Northern Triangle Enhance Engagement Act. The budget also 
includes $184 million for programs that advance legal pathways, 
integrate migrants, and stabilize communities that host them.
    Of this amount, $51 million for the Americas Partnership 
Opportunity Fund will help countries take responsibility for 
long-term migration management through sustainable public 
planning and community-based solutions. Funds used to message 
directly to prospective migrants will raise awareness of U.S. 
immigration laws and programs and the dangers of irregular 
migration.
    With U.S. support, democratic governments that honor the 
rights of all persons and deliver for their people will foster 
societies where citizens can feel they can build their futures 
as home. The proposed budget bolsters democracy, social 
inclusion, and human rights by funding support to civil 
society, democratic actors, independent media, and the 
Organization of American States and its Inter-American 
Commission on Human Rights to hold governments accountable.
    Bolstering democratic institutions will help us push back 
against democratic backsliding, corruption, and the false 
narratives perpetrated by illiberal regimes.
    The proposed budget includes more than $291 million for 
Haiti to address longstanding food insecurity, political 
instability, gang activity and complements the objectives of 
the 10-year plan to implement the U.S. strategy to prevent 
conflict and promote stability in Haiti, efforts to combat gang 
activity focused on enhanced training and equipment for the 
Haitian National Police.
    This assistance is necessary, but not sufficient on its own 
to build a more stable and economically viable Haiti, focusing 
on improving health and education outcomes, advancing economic 
and food security and improving the independence and 
accountability of government institutions.
    We are under no illusions that the international community 
can solve deeply rooted problems in Haiti without Haitian 
actors coming together to find a way forward.
    Finally the budget includes $370 million to build climate 
resilience through programs that contribute to protecting 
biospheres like the Amazon, advancing clean energy solutions, 
enhancing food security, building early warning and response 
systems for natural disasters, and improving enforcement of 
environmental crimes often perpetrated by transnational 
criminal organizations and companies linked to strategic 
competitors.
    Our budget priorities for the Western Hemisphere envision a 
hemisphere that thrives together to benefit the American 
people. I look forward to your questions and comments.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Nichols follows:]

                                NICHOLS

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]


    Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Assistant Secretary Nichols. And I 
now recognize Assistant Secretary Robinson for his opening 
statement. Welcome.

   STATEMENT OF TODD ROBINSON ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU OF 
   INTERNATIONAL NARCOTICS AND LAW ENFORCEMENT AFFAIRS, U.S. 
                      DEPARTMENT OF STATE

    Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Chair Salazar, Ranking Member 
Castro, and distinguished members of the Committee. Thank you 
for the opportunity to testify before you today.
    The Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement 
Affairs, INL, is responsible for nearly $1.4 billion of foreign 
assistance globally under the International Narcotics Control 
and Law Enforcement account request. This includes $536.5 
million in INCL funding for the Western Hemisphere. It's about 
38 percent of the total INCL request.
    Countering the flow of fentanyl and its precursors is a top 
priority. The CDC estimates nearly 110,000 people in the United 
States died of a drug overdose in 2022 with a majority 
involving fentanyl.
    The State Department is leading a global response to the 
synthetic drug challenge by disrupting transnational criminal 
organizations ability to produce, traffic, and profit from 
these deadly substances.
    Most fentanyl seized in the United States is trafficked 
through Mexico using diverted precursor chemicals sourced from 
the People's Republic of China. Our cooperation with Mexico is 
critical to the success of our efforts to combat the fentanyl 
crisis.
    We recognize that disrupting the flow of precursor 
chemicals is crucial too, including engagement with the PRC and 
others to better track and control these chemicals. We believe 
INL is implementing programs that are making an impact against 
fentanyl.
    For example, we have provided more than 500 canines to 
Mexican agencies to assist in seizures of fentanyl and other 
drugs. Since 2019, these canines have seized nearly 485,000 
fentanyl pills, representing tens of thousands of lives 
potentially saved.
    We also cannot ignore other counternarcotics challenges in 
our hemisphere. Our approach in Columbia and Peru has evolved 
from a focus on just cocaine reduction into a balanced approach 
addressing factors enabling production and trafficking. This 
includes promoting rural security, justice, and development, 
drug demand reduction, and addressing corruption, and money 
laundering.
    In Ecuador, with INL's assistance, the government has 
launched a specialized court with jurisdiction over drug 
trafficking, human trafficking, kidnapping, and money 
laundering cases.
    In Haiti, INL is building the Haitian National Police's 
capacity to counter the violent gangs driving instability.
    In the Caribbean, through the Caribbean Basin Security 
Initiative, INL programming reduces illicit narcotics 
trafficking and illicit firearms, disrupts organized crime, and 
promotes regional cooperation.
    In Central America, INL efforts focus on reducing the 
governance and security drivers of irregular migration. 
Programs to improve community policing and engage youth deter 
gang influence and crime.
    Corruption and impunity siphon resources from the 
communities that need them, enabling insecurity and robbing 
citizens of economic opportunity. INL works with partner 
nations to identify and prosecute this corruption.
    In many countries in our hemisphere anti-democratic 
governments are closing the space for productive engagement. We 
thus have increased our collaboration with local civil society 
and independent media to combat the corruption, crime, and 
impunity threatening the region.
    Finally, INL ensures partners in the region remain 
committed to the rule of law and rules based systems. They need 
to be aware of the risks to partnering with the PRC as opposed 
to the benefits of the United States as their security partner 
of choice.
    Getting ahead of all of these threats requires strategic 
and innovative thinking. The challenges before us are immense, 
but I am confident we can address them together to keep our 
country and people safe. Thank you for the opportunity to 
testify before you. I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Robinson follows:]

                                ROBINSON

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]


    Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Assistant Secretary Robinson. I now 
recognize Assistant Secretary Valls Noyes for her opening 
statement.

 STATEMENT OF MS. VALLS NOYES, ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU OF 
 POPULATION, REFUGEES, AND MIGRATION, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

    Ms. Valls Noyes. Good afternoon, Chair Salazar, Ranking 
Member Castro, and distinguished members of the subcommittee. I 
am pleased to be here with my colleagues to speak about the 
critical work that we are doing together in the Americas. My 
remarks here summarize the written testimony I already 
provided.
    As we gather today, Western Hemisphere governments are 
confronting the largest displacement crisis in history. Of the 
more than 100 million people forced to abandon their homes, 
families, and livelihoods globally, some 20 million are in this 
hemisphere, including more than 7 million Venezuelans.
    The problem is complex, it is growing, and it is 
increasingly clear that no single country can tackle it alone. 
This is why 20 other Western Hemisphere leaders joined 
President Biden in endorsing the Los Angeles Declaration on 
Migration and Protection on the margins of the Summit of the 
Americas last year.
    The LA Declaration calls for regional approaches to address 
migration challenges and make progress on shared priorities. We 
are already seeing progress.
    In response to growing needs, the Bureau of Population, 
Refugees, and Migration provided nearly $580 million in 
humanitarian assistance for the Western Hemisphere in Fiscal 
Year 2022. This assistance helped deliver lifesaving aid, like 
water and emergency healthcare to refugees, asylum seekers, and 
other vulnerable migrants.
    It also supports integration and livelihoods programs to 
countries throughout the hemisphere to provide solutions closer 
to home for displaced people who might otherwise pursue 
dangerous migration onward, including to the United States.
    It funds capacity-building work to develop effective and 
efficient asylum systems in partner countries. It gives local 
communities resources to respond to migration and forced 
displacement, and it gets results.
    With PRM, partner organizations helped Colombia develop and 
implement a 10-year temporary protected status program that so 
far has allowed 1.6 Venezuelans, million Venezuelans, to work 
and access health and education services.
    PRM also funded the U.N. Refugee Agency to help Mexico grow 
its national asylum agency and streamline processes to manage a 
sevenfold increase in applications. Mexico has become a viable 
destination for asylum applicants, who again might have sought 
asylum in our country.
    Right now, the Department is bringing together existing and 
available resources to the table to surge support to the region 
to the maximum extent possible. We are substantially expanding 
migration-related programming in this hemisphere this year as 
we reevaluate assistance priorities. And as we make difficult 
decisions and look forward to future requirements, we will do 
so in close coordination with the Congress.
    Meanwhile, we are also expanding our own refugee 
resettlement efforts in the hemisphere. The President committed 
to resettling 20,000 refugees over 2 years from our hemisphere, 
and we are working to make that number even higher.
    At the same time, we are building a resettlement diplomacy 
network of governments around the world to expand overall 
global refugee resettlement capacity and share responsibility 
for refugee resettlement more equally. I hosted a productive 
meeting of senior officials of this network in Washington just 
last week.
    We are also working in close partnership with the 
Department of Homeland Security on humane migration management 
as part of a comprehensive, hemispheric approach to migration. 
This includes a new initiative of regional processing centers 
for lawful migration pathways that we are now are calling 
Movilidad Segura, safe mobility.
    Under Movilidad Segura, our international organization 
partners will run regional offices where they will prescreen 
refugees for resettlement and provide migrants information on 
other lawful pathways to the United States and other countries 
or for local integration or for voluntary returns home.
    Refugees and other vulnerable migrants will be able to 
visit these offices to get critical information and assistance 
without putting themselves in the hands of smugglers or in the 
way of danger.
    We are committed to responsible stewardship of limited 
resources to meet growing humanitarian needs in the Americas 
and beyond. We are actively seeking new ways to multiply the 
impact of every taxpayer dollar. We are looking beyond 
traditional bilateral approaches and working with the 
international financial institutions and the MDBs.
    We have launched a public-private partnership for refugee 
employment, and we are pursuing other initiatives to put 
together both our humanitarian assistance and our development 
funding in ways that multiple the effect of both.
    So in closing, I want to thank the members of this 
committee for holding this hearing and giving us the 
opportunity to discuss the work we are doing to meet the 
challenges of the moment.
    We appreciate your support. And I thank you and look 
forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Valls Noyes follows:]

                              VALLS NOYES

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]


    Ms. Salazar. Thank you. Thank you, Assistant Secretary 
Valls Noyes. I now recognize Assistant Administrator Escobari 
for her opening statement.

STATEMENT OF MARCELA ESCOBARI, ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU 
     FOR LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN, U.S. AGENCY FOR 
                   INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

    Ms. Escobari. Chair Salazar, Ranking Member Castro, and 
distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for the 
opportunity to be here with you today.
    We have a vested interest in the stability and prosperity 
of our closest neighbors. And the President's 2024 budget 
request for USAID allows us to continue to be good partners on 
our shared interests, good neighbors, and good stewards of 
taxpayer dollars.
    Our approach to development, building long-term 
relationships, showing up in times of need and delivering 
lasting results works, and it stands in direct contrast to the 
often opaque and opportunistic approach of the PRC.
    When we are good partners toward a more democratic and 
prosperous hemisphere, our work advances our national security 
goals. For example, development can and has played a critical 
role in responding to the historic levels of migration across 
the region.
    USAID's holistic approach complements broader USG efforts 
by first addressing the root causes of migration and giving 
people the option to stay in their communities. We are creating 
economic opportunity and tackling insecurity and corruption.
    Our work is helping women like Mercedes, who I met last 
month in Guatemala, turn her subsistence farm into a business 
that is now prosperous enough to enable her husband, who had 
migrated abroad, to come home.
    Second, our support of H-2 visa programs helps people come 
to the U.S. to work in conditions of dignity, safety, and 
mutual benefit. Guest workers fill jobs in places like Utah and 
Alaska and then return home with more skills and resources to 
support their families and invest in their communities.
    And third, we invest in the integration of migrants in 
partner countries. Our support of Colombia and Ecuador as they 
implement their generous TPS policies has helped Venezuelans 
displaced by the disastrous Maduro regime. They can now put 
their kids in school, access healthcare, get jobs, open bank 
accounts, and settle where they are.
    This budget requests $83 million to expand on these 
integration programs. Now, we know that the real sources of 
political instability in the region are autocracy and 
corruption, and this budget requests $535 million to support 
independent media, human rights, and rule of law, and to help 
democracies deliver for their citizens.
    With $50 million in Venezuela, USAID will push for more 
competitive elections in 2024, making it harder for the Maduro 
regime to commit election fraud.
    With $20 million in State and AID funding for Cuba and $15 
million for Nicaragua, we will continue to support those on the 
front lines fighting for their most basic rights and freedoms.
    We are also there when disaster strikes. In 2022 alone, 
USAID provided $500 million in emergency response in 12 
countries. We responded to floods in Peru, the earthquake in 
Ecuador, volcanic eruptions in St. Vincent, forest fires in 
Chile, and much more.
    We continue to support the Haitian people whose lives have 
been upended by gang violence. USAID is reaching 700,000 
Haitians with food and supports over 150 health clinics, which 
most recently helped limit the outbreak of cholera, and $246 
million in Fiscal Year 2024 for Haiti will allow us to meet 
these urgent needs while we work toward a diplomatic solution 
on security.
    We know that our aid will always be small relative to the 
size of the challenges. So we focus on solving market failures 
and piloting solutions that local governments and companies can 
then adopt and expand.
    With modest loan guarantees, we helped unlock over a 
billion dollars in commercial bank finance for small businesses 
in former conflict zones in Colombia. We piloted new carbon 
markets and 24-hour courts to combat gender-based violence, 
which now continued forward on their own.
    This budget will allow us to double down with neighbors who 
embrace reform, like the Dominican Republic. We are helping 
them carry out transparent public procurements that facilitate 
investments in strategic infrastructure like the Port of 
Manzanillo, which is now allowing the DR to capitalize on 
nearshoring opportunities. We seek to make investments that 
generate impact far beyond our dollars.
    During my recent trip to the region, I heard repeatedly 
from our partners that now is when we are needed the most.
    With an uneven economic recovery and democratic values 
under attack, our allies have asked for our help. USAID is 
prepared to give it, and this budget will make that possible.
    Thank you for the Subcommittee's commitment to Latin 
America and the Caribbean, and I look forward to your 
questions. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Escobari follows:]

                                ESCOBARI

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]


    Ms. Salazar. Thank you, Assistant Administrator Escobari. 
And now I recognize myself for 5 minutes of questioning.
    Thank you once again for being here, Mr. Nichols. And I 
recognize that I am going to echo your words that fentanyl is 
our No. 1 problem that we need to work with Mexico. But I'm 
going to talk about Mexico in a few minutes. Let me start with 
Colombia.
    Colombia is right now the No. 1 producer of coke. They have 
their resources to produce cocaine and many other drugs. And I 
just want to ask you did anyone in the U.S. Government receive 
a call from anyone in the Petro Administration to cancel ex-
Ambassador's Armando Benedetti's visa to the United States?
    Mr. Nichols. Madam Chairwoman, I am not aware that any 
person in our Administration has received such a call.
    Ms. Salazar. And do you know why this Government canceled 
ex-Ambassador Armando Benedetti's visa to the United States?
    Mr. Nichols. I'm afraid I cannot discuss the individual 
visa cases. And I would have to refer you to the Bureau of 
Consular Affairs.
    Ms. Salazar. And why do you think his--do you have any idea 
why the visa was canceled?
    Mr. Nichols. Well, I note that he----
    Ms. Salazar. You're the top guy. I am sure they would have 
to call you and tell you, hey, we are going to do this and 
that. Benedetti is, you know, I do not have to explain to you 
who he is, and the importance he may have in bringing 
information to us as to how the Petro Presidential campaign was 
funded.
    Mr. Nichols. Well, he is subject to investigation in 
Colombia at this moment. His government withdrew his 
accreditation to Venezuela, and he is currently the subject of 
an investigation in his home country. I have full faith in 
Colombian institutions to get to the bottom of this matter.
    Ms. Salazar. But you know that he said that he has been 
willing to say who financed President Petro's campaign. So I'm 
sure that you are interested in knowing that piece of 
information.
    So my question is, if Mr. Benedetti wants to come in front 
of this forum to tell us, to tell us in particular, who 
financed Petro's campaign, will you give him the visa? And do 
not tell me that that belongs to the Bureau of Visas because 
you are the top guy, and you can make the call and say, yes, 
give it to him so he can come to the United States. Would you 
be willing to do that?
    Mr. Nichols. I do not have the authority to issue visas.
    Ms. Salazar. Sure you do.
    Mr. Nichols. What I would suggest----
    Ms. Salazar. You can call.
    Mr. Nichols [continuing]. That Ambassador Benedetti----
    Ms. Salazar. You can call and say, we would like the guy to 
be in the United States.
    Mr. Nichols. I suggest that Ambassador Benedetti use his 
already demonstrated ability to talk to the media, to use 
Twitter, and to talk to Colombian authorities to tell his 
story.
    Ms. Salazar. Twitter is not under oath in front of this 
Committee. So I'm saying, can I count on your word to grant--to 
help us get the visa for Benedetti?
    Mr. Nichols. I would encourage him to work with Colombian 
authorities so that his own government can investigate the 
allegations in play.
    Ms. Salazar. Let me now--I'll get back to you on that, but 
thank you.
    Let me now talk to Mr. Robinson. Thank you again. This is 
the first time we have had the ability to talk to each other. 
I'm going to paraphrase some of the phrases on your testimony 
and basically the phrase that stuck out is that the space for 
productive engagement is closing as anti-democratic governments 
have gained power and that's true. And I wish you were talking 
about Nicaragua or about Venezuela or Cuba. But you're talking 
about Guatemala and El Salvador.
    And you said that we have, as you just said right now, 
innovative thinking, strategic. So basically, what you are 
saying is that you are not going to work with the AGs, the 
attorney generals, of Guatemala and El Salvador. And this 
government is not going to provide resources to those two 
government officials. They are in charge of fighting drugs, 
crime. So you are going to be canceling two of the key 
countries in Central America. Why?
    Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Madam Chair, for the question. The 
short answer is we are. We continue to work with both of those 
governments on issues that are important to us, including 
counternarcotics.
    Ms. Salazar. But you said that you are not going to work 
with their AGs.
    Mr. Robinson. I have not said we're not going to work with 
their AGs. But I would note that I think both AGs have been 
sanctioned by the Biden-Harris Administration for either anti-
Democratic or corrupt issues.
    Ms. Salazar. But, listen, you have a lot of anti-democratic 
people, governments in this hemisphere, starting with people 
that you work with all the time. Venezuela, we're buying oil, 
Cuba, we're sending delegations, and Nicaragua. So I understand 
that there are no saints in the hemisphere, but we have to work 
with El Salvador and Guatemala for our own benefit and our own 
interests, right, of stopping fentanyl.
    So how can we work with these two governments that 
according to your statement you are not going to work with 
those AGs because of those anti-Democratic governments?
    Mr. Robinson. What I would say is we in fact are working 
with both of these governments. We are working with them on 
migration issues. We are working with them on counternarcotics 
issues. We are supplying them with technical assistance and 
equipment that they need to go after the narcotics traffickers 
that are trafficking drugs, precursor chemicals.
    Ms. Salazar. So you're backtracking your statement that you 
are going to work with the AGs.
    Mr. Robinson. We have been. We are working with national 
police. We are working with civilian security. We are working 
with those prosecutors that we think can be useful and are not 
working in an anti-democratic or corrupt manner. Yes, we will 
find people to work with.
    Ms. Salazar. Okay. I just want to point out the fact that 
you said that Honduras, you can work with Honduras because it 
is less corrupt than the other two. But I just want to point 
out the fact that the President of Honduras, one of her first 
acts of government after she was elected president was to 
pardon all officials from her husband, Manuel Zelaya, that were 
accused of corruption charges against them.
    So you're telling me that Honduras is less corrupt than 
Guatemala and El Salvador and the first act of government from 
this lady is to pardon people who are in jail for corruption?
    Mr. Robinson. What I would say is we have to find ways to 
work with those countries that are crucial to fighting 
counternarcotics, fighting corruption, and we have to support 
their democratic institutions. That's what my bureau, INL, is 
focused on. And we will find those actors in those governments 
that are willing to do that.
    Ms. Salazar. Ms. Julieta, let me just ask you--let's go a 
little bit to the harrowing experiences that you heard to 
Necocli in Colombia. Just narrate for us one of the most 
grueling experiences that you experienced there.
    Ms. Valls Noyes. Thank you, Chair Salazar. I visited 
Colombia in March and met with our international organization 
partners, who are doing a lot of work to help support 
integration and capacity building for Colombian authorities. 
But I also had the opportunity to visit the beachfront town of 
Necocli, which is basically the entrance point into the Darien 
Gap. It's a beautiful little beach town, and it was one of the 
most awful mornings of my life.
    Ms. Salazar. And tell me.
    Ms. Valls Noyes. Because I saw hundreds of people amassed 
there, who had spent all of the money that they had, had sold 
everything, given up everything that they had in order to try 
and find a better life for their families and in doing so had 
put themselves in the hands of criminal organizations to try 
and smuggle them through this jungle, this otherwise 
impenetrable jungle.
    And it broke my heart because I saw people there with 
babies in strollers, carrying a few treasured possessions, and 
some of them I think naively thinking that it was just going to 
be a walk through a park when in fact they were going into a 
true tropical jungle with all of the dangers implicit in the 
wild life and the insects and the snakes, but also the dangers 
that come from the criminal organizations.
    And some of the people I saw I am convinced will never 
emerge from that jungle. They will be killed. They will be 
raped. They will be exploited. And that is just the beginning 
of the passage because if they make it through the jungle many 
of them will try to continue onward to try to make it to our 
border.
    Ms. Salazar. Right.
    Ms. Valls Noyes. And that is why it is so important for us 
to find new, innovative solutions like these Safe Mobility 
offices that we are trying to establish around the region so 
that the criminal organizations no longer have the ability to--
--
    Ms. Salazar. And that's what we are all trying to do. Thank 
you for your--Okay. I am now going to recognize Ranking Member 
Castro for 5 minutes. Thank you.
    Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairwoman. As we discussed, the 
vast majority--I discussed earlier the vast majority of 
migrants displaced in the Western Hemisphere are in countries 
like Venezuela, Ecuador, Costa Rica, Panama, and Mexico.
    And so this question is for Assistant Administrator 
Escobari and Assistant Secretary Noyes. What specific efforts 
are you undertaking or proposing to help countries integrate 
these migrants? And can you walk me through how effective U.S. 
funding would be if directed toward this purpose? And I know 
there is a lot of ground to cover there, but maybe you all 
could do it as succinctly as possible.
    Ms. Escobari. Thank you, Congressman. As you rightly noted, 
what is different about this crisis is the 7 million people 
coming out of Venezuela that are being absorbed in South 
America. The growth of migration, of migrants, has grown inside 
of Latin America 17 times more than from Latin America to the 
U.S. So it is these countries that are taking the burden and 
have taken really historic policies, both in terms of their 
pragmatism and their generosity, to take then out of the 
shadows and let them work and settle in those countries.
    We were next to the Colombian government from the moment 
they started implementing this, we gave them 400 surge staff to 
be able to do the TPS. Or helping in Peru, many migrants 
validate their degree so they can actually work because the 
Peruvian government allowed them to validate during the 
pandemic, particularly healthcare workers. And they have added 
tremendously to the response.
    And similarly, Colombia is making the bet which they have 
shown in numbers that if they successfully integrate these 
migrants, it is going to end up providing over $2 billion to 
their GDP.
    So where we hope to help--the problem is that it is very 
politically costly to do this. The cost is now, and the benefit 
is later. So we are helping them with our colleagues at State, 
but it is still a small percentage of the need. Right now, we 
are the largest funders. And I do think we do need to galvanize 
the rest of the international community because what we learn 
from that integration work is going to be helpful for the rest 
of the world because dislocation is only going to continue.
    Ms. Valls Noyes. So I would just jump in to thank the 
Congress for the appropriations that it has delivered to allow 
us to provide support for these countries for the lifesaving 
work that they are doing over the last--since 2017, the United 
States has provided $2.8 billion worth of humanitarian 
assistance to support Venezuelan migrants in 17 countries.
    And as a result of that support, most of those Venezuelans 
have stayed in the Americas where there are perhaps more 
cultural affinities, linguistic affinity. And they are closer 
to home because the majority of them, what they really want to 
do, is to return safely 1 day to their country. But right now, 
that is just not possible to a place like Venezuela.
    Nicaraguans are also leaving. There are people leaving from 
other countries in our hemisphere. So all of the support that 
you generously appropriate to allow us to support these people 
helps keep people closer to home and closer to a longer term 
solution.
    Mr. Castro. Oh, thank you. And I think the Chairwoman has 
generously said I can go over 2 or 3 minutes on these remarks. 
Thank you. And in that spirit, I want to respond to some of 
your opening statements. As you can imagine, you know, we have 
a bit of countertakes on some of it. And I just want to go 
through some of those countries and kind of what we are seeing 
in terms of engagement.
    In Guatemala, you know, elections are coming up on June 25. 
And Guatemalan judges are largely perceived to be under the 
influence of President Giammattei have banned four of the top 
opposition Presidential candidates from participating.
    But the front runner, conservative Pineda, was suspended 
from running 2 weeks ago. The other three candidates, who 
represented indigenous populations, were banned based on false 
allegations of bribery and embezzlement to links with drug 
cartels. And many democracy indexes have categorized Guatemala 
as a hybrid regime, just barely above authoritarian.
    The U.S. Government has sanctioned numerous government 
officials for corruption, including Attorney General Porras. 
And last month, El Periodico, an outlet famous for 
investigating corruption cases, was forced to shut down due to 
intimidation, harassment, and arrest of its journalists.
    In Cuba, the Biden Administration's re-engagement with Cuba 
has allowed for the restart of remittances, which is essential 
for survival and family reunification programs. The U.S. 
Government is also better able to collaborate on law 
enforcement, migration, and economic opportunity. And Cuba has 
opened up its business and private sector to a level unseen in 
years.
    More and more Cuban entrepreneurs are advocating for the 
United States to support them and the people through lessened 
sanctions. Re-engagement with the Maduro regime has allowed the 
United States and its partners to better support the Venezuelan 
people, whether it is those who are trying to reunite with 
their family in the region or in the United States or fight for 
democracy.
    Negotiations in Colombia and Mexico have made meaningful 
progress, including through the agreed creations of a UN-
monitored humanitarian fund that will provide support directly 
to the people from sanctioned assets. While providing Maduro 
with legitimacy with regard to Venezuela is dangerous, we must 
work to uplift democratic institutions and humanitarian access 
in that country.
    We support efforts to ensure Venezuela's 2024 election is 
as free and as far as possible following the end of the interim 
government lead by Mr. Guiado, which means recognizing the 
legitimacy of the candidate chosen to run by the Unitarian 
opposition party.
    In El Salvador, 132 of the people jailed in El Salvador in 
a State of exception died without a trial, without having been 
found guilty of their accused crimes. Over 66,000 people have 
been arrested under the State of exception, many without due 
process, access to counsel, or adequate prison conditions. They 
face torture and denial of food and medical services. This is a 
dangerous precedent for the region, implying that the way to 
deal with criminal activity and gangs is to suspend human 
rights and increase violent and arbitrary enforcement.
    The systematic violation of human rights and dismantling of 
the rule of law are not the answer to these problems. This 
strategy also criminalizes those living in poverty and in gang-
ridden neighborhoods.
    And then finally on Mexico and fentanyl, 86 percent of 
fentanyl traffickers are American citizens, not migrants, not 
cartel members, American citizens, our own people.
    The Biden Administration and Mexico recently announced 
agreements to crack down on labs and smuggling as well as 
increased information sharing. Despite rhetoric from AMLO, the 
United States has increased funding while Mexico has committed 
to increase staffing. In April, the White House increased 
sanctions to combat fentanyl trafficking.
    While rhetoric on invading Mexico may seem unrealistic, 
members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee have called for 
invading Mexico and use the designation of fentanyl as a 
chemical weapon a basis for such military action.
    Representative Crenshaw and Representative Waltz introduced 
an AUMF against the cartels, which has a total of 20 co-
sponsors. A majority of Republican Presidential candidates have 
expressed openness or support for military action even without 
Mexico's cooperation, permission, or support. Congress 
commissioned an extensive report last year, which determined 
that progress against fentanyl would be achieved only by 
pairing enforcement with a reduction in U.S. demand.
    Thank you, Chair. I yield back
    Ms. Salazar. I now recognize the gentleman from Texas, 
Congressman Self.
    Mr. Self. Thank you, Madam Chair. I'm very interested in 
some of your written testimony. We'll go quickly since I do 
have to leave. Mr. Robinson, you said that regarding cocaine, 
you wanted to increase security and decrease criminality. What 
do you mean by decrease criminality in regard to cocaine?
    Mr. Robinson. I suspect, not knowing the context, I suspect 
we mean increase the--decrease the ability of people, the 
reasons for people to join in this criminality.
    Mr. Self. When we think about Mexico, it is certainly an 
important trading partner. But I believe now we have determined 
that rather than the less than hundreds of billions of dollars, 
the cartel operations are now worth well over several hundred 
billion dollars when we consider human trafficking, drug 
trafficking, sex trafficking. They've taken over the avocado 
drop, I think.
    So how in the world are we going to address that without 
direct action? I mean, you all are about soft power here. How 
in the world are we going to get at the cartels? And would 
you--and here is the direct question. Do you consider Mexico 
close to a failed State?
    Mr. Robinson. I do not consider Mexico close to a failed 
State, No. 1. And there is direct action, No. 2, on both sides 
of the border, both in the United States and in Mexico. Our law 
enforcement people are facing these cartels every day, and they 
are dying on both sides of the border. So there is direct 
action going on.
    Mr. Self. And I will say, while I admire our 200k 
resettlement, I think the number is probably closer to 5 
million under the Biden Administration.
    I want to turn to Mr. Nichols. You testified that China is 
now the top trading partner for the four largest economies in 
South America, and yet we are by far the greatest source of 
investment. Does that not seem like an oxymoron to you?
    Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Congressman. No, it does not. The 
issue is that a number of countries in South America are large 
commodity producers. So countries like Brazil sell soy, 
fertilizer, wheat. Mining countries like Chile and Peru are 
selling copper and other products to China. That is where the 
source of the trade is.
    U.S. investment in these countries creates high value jobs 
in technology services. We are providing manufactured goods. 
That trade creates high-value jobs. One-third of the economy of 
Brazil is created by U.S. American Chamber of
    Commerce member companies. So that is a statement on the 
value of what our companies are doing.
    Mr. Self. Now, staying with China, we are still paying the 
price for our withdrawal from Afghanistan. And I believe that 
one of the results of that may be that China obviously wants 
Taiwan back in the Chinese orbit, the Communist Chinese orbit.
    In your opinion, oh, it is out of your bailiwick. I will 
tell you I think we probably have less than 2 years before they 
make their move because--and it depends on the Presidential 
election. But if China makes their move during the current 
Administration, riding the coattails of the absolute disastrous 
withdrawal from Afghanistan, which we are paying the price all 
over the world, everybody knows they can test us. I think that 
what you have testified here is not enough.
    And the direct question for Mr. Nichols is, does this 
budget give you the opportunities to address the threat of 
China? And the threat of China, the most direct threat, 
shooting the closest wolf to the sled, would be deterring them 
from Taiwan.
    Mr. Nichols. Well, thank you Congressman. Our budget does 
provide us with crucial tools to deal with PRC incursions into 
our hemisphere. It allows us to strengthen our partners' 
democracies, to give greater access to education, healthcare, 
to provide more opportunities for infrastructure development, 
and to build resilience in democracies that are under pressure 
from the PRC and other strategic adversaries.
    Mr. Self. How many countries in Central and South America 
have broken ties with Taiwan over the last 2 years?
    Mr. Nichols. Two.
    Mr. Self. Just two?
    Mr. Nichols. But we need to do as much as we can to talk 
about values in our hemisphere and to make sure that countries 
appreciate the importance of a strong democratic partner like 
Taiwan.
    Mr. Self. My time runs short, Chairman. Thank you, 
Chairwoman. Thank you.
    Ms. Salazar. I recognize the gentleman from Arizona, 
Congressman Stanton.
    Mr. Stanton. Thank you very much, Madam Chair. Thank you to 
all the outstanding witnesses for being here today. My home 
State is Arizona. And we have a very close relationship with 
Mexico. We are neighbors. We are trading partners. And we share 
a precious resource, the Colorado River.
    The 1944 U.S.-Mexico Water Treaty between our two countries 
outlines the parameters for sharing the river's water. Mexico 
has been a key partner on the river. And the United States has 
always made its treaty deliveries to Mexico.
    In recent years, Mexico has contributed in the same way as 
other basin States in reducing consumption as we face drought. 
Last year Mexico's allocation of the Colorado River was reduced 
by 5 percent. And this year as the drought has persisted, it 
was reduced by 7 percent.
    These cuts, combined with significant cuts taken by Arizona 
and Nevada have been helpful. But they will not be able to 
reverse the devastating impacts of the ongoing 23-year drought, 
a drought that threatens the entire Colorado River ecosystem 
and all who rely on it.
    We all have an interest in protecting the system from 
collapse. Recently, the lower basin States, Arizona, Nevada, 
and California reached an agreement to conserve an additional 3 
million acre feet of water over the next 3 years to protect 
water levels in Lake Mead and Lake Powell, but we cannot do it 
alone.
    This crisis needs an all hands on deck approach from all 
basin users, including Mexico. Assistant Secretary Nichols, as 
a cooperative work through the International Boundary and Water 
Commission and the Department of Interior continues, I hope the 
United States will work expeditiously with all basin 
stakeholders to ensure our two countries are able to protect 
the Colorado River in the near-term and lay the groundwork for 
long-term solutions to this looming disaster before it is too 
late.
    Assistant Secretary Nichols, can you provide us an update 
on discussions with Mexico on this most important issue?
    Mr. Stanton. Thank you, Congressman. The work of the 
International Boundary Water Commission is vital to address 
this increasing challenge for both of our countries. We have 
continued to negotiate, as you laid out, the way forward to 
deal with lower water levels and to address Mexico's deficit in 
feeding water into the system.
    The efforts will continue. Mexican farmers, just as U.S. 
farmers as well as urban populations, will need to make 
significant adjustments to their water consumption and look for 
infrastructure investments that will allow water to be 
conserved through things like run-off control as well as better 
treatment options.
    As this process goes forward, we hope to be able to ensure 
a steady, safe, reliable supply of water for both of our 
countries.
    Mr. Stanton. I appreciate that. Your role is critical. We 
cannot come up with a global solution to the 1,200 year 
drought, the worst drought in 1,200 years, along the Colorado 
River, unless Mexico is a full partner and that has to do with 
international agreements. And so time is ticking away. It is a 
critical time right now to reach those full agreements.
    Now turning to illicit fentanyl trade, which is one of the 
State Department's top priorities, I recently spoke with 
Secretary Blinken about this during a full Foreign Affairs 
Committee hearing and in a small roundtable. And I want to 
continue working with the Department of State to stop of flow 
of fentanyl and the tragic overdoses that follow.
    Assistant Secretary Robinson, you were part of the 
delegation to discuss implementation of the Mexico-United 
States bicentennial framework for securing public health and 
safe communities this past April.
    Knowing that President Lopez Obrador has dismissed Mexico's 
role in the fentanyl trade, can you expand upon your efforts to 
work with Mexico on counter narcotics within and outside the 
framework and how you see that collaboration evolving?
    Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Congressman, for the question. The 
fact is the Department of State, the Department of Homeland 
Security, and the Department of Justice are all working 
together in an interagency fashion with our counterparts in 
Mexico on things like technology, making sure that they are not 
using PRC technology at the border.
    We are working with them on investigations. We are working 
with them on capacity building and training for their forces 
that are challenged by the narcotics traffickers. We have also 
recognized the role and responsibility of the United States in 
this in terms of guns and money going south.
    The Department of Justice is working very closely with the 
Mexican prosecutor general to increase the amount of 
investigations and prosecutions in that regard.
    It is a challenge. And one of the biggest challenges 
frankly is that right now Mexico is not investing enough in its 
security apparatus and its prosecutorial apparatus as we are, 
as the United States is. And part of our challenge, part of our 
obligation is to convince them to do more on that front.
    Mr. Stanton. Okay. Well, please let us know how we can 
support those very, very important efforts. In your opening 
statement, you talked about some low hanging fruit, the 
providing of the 500 drug sniffing dogs with Mexican law 
enforcement. That has been very successful in finding almost 
500,000 fentanyl pills just recently.
    What other specific projects are you working on and how 
does your budget request support those efforts?
    Mr. Robinson. Well, we are--the budget request is 
essentially flat lined from 2022. But we feel like we have--we 
feel like we are devoting enough resources on capacity 
building, technology, the canines that we mentioned. We need to 
get the Mexicans to do more.
    We also think we need to look at how we can make the 
business of crossing the border more efficient. We have a study 
out that we and the government of Mexico worked on together to 
look at how we can move illicit goods faster and more 
efficiently across the border while at the same time stopping 
the illicit trade that goes across the border.
    Mr. Stanton. Thank you very much. I yield back. Thank you, 
Chairwoman.
    Ms. Salazar. And now I recognize the gentleman from Ohio, 
Congressman Davidson.
    Mr. Davidson. Thank you all. Thank you, Chairwoman. And I 
appreciate the work you guys are doing or I should say that are 
supposed to be doing. Some of it obviously we disagree on.
    I am encouraged, frankly, by the testimony. Mr. Robinson, 
you just talked about paying attention to the influence that 
China has with technology and other things there. I note that 
the Administration has made some efforts toward China's abusive 
practices in fishing the waters off of Chile and Ecuador for 
example.
    But, you know, what makes the news a lot, maybe it is all 
because of the media's focus is, you know, climate change and 
gender priorities and social agendas that you are trying to 
push on more culturally conservative countries like Guatemala.
    So, you know, I would like to focus on the real threats to 
our security in the region. And when you think about that, I 
was encouraged by the emphasis on fentanyl. And that really 
ties back to one of the big threats is China. I mean, the 
chemicals are coming from China. And, you know, the cartels are 
happy to sell just about anything to make money.
    Mr. Nichols, is China making money or is China just 
subsidizing the fentanyl? What's the China motive for supplying 
all these chemicals to the cartels to kill our people?
    Mr. Nichols. We've raised our concerns with China in a 
number of different fora. Chinese private companies take 
advantage of the opportunity to sell chemical precursors to, as 
well as from, other countries, India, for example, sell 
chemical precursors to illicit organizations in Mexico, which 
are used to produce fentanyl.
    And we have to work together in the international community 
to combat the illicit production of synthetic drugs. I would 
defer to my learned colleague, Todd Robinson, on how we are 
doing that in detail.
    Mr. Robinson. Your concerns are our concerns. We know that 
there is more the PRC can do in terms of being a better partner 
in the global community. There are things like know your 
customer laws that they could implement.
    Mr. Davidson. If we hooked them up with an OFAC regime and 
sanctions on the companies that are supplying these chemicals 
and the individuals affiliated with them, would that help the 
effort?
    Mr. Robinson. Well, not only will it help the effort, it is 
helping the effort. We have just over the last few weeks 
sanctioned a number of Chinese PRC private companies that we 
know are illicitly trafficking precursor chemicals.
    Mr. Davidson. And can that continue into Mexico, Central 
and South America for the individuals that take possession and 
delivery of these chemicals?
    Mr. Robinson. Absolutely. Absolutely.
    Mr. Davidson. I am encouraged by that and so thanks for 
your efforts there. And, you know, Mr. Nichols, when you look 
at, you know, big challenges in the Western Hemisphere and the 
role of China, historically the U.S., you know, had something 
referred to as the Monroe Doctrine. We took a special interest 
in the entire Western Hemisphere. And, you know, there were 
positive attributes to that, negative connotations, certainly a 
reference to the Monroe Doctrine.
    With America paying, you know, a principal interest in the 
Western Hemisphere seems to have waned. We seem to become more 
passive over a long period of time. And China has used that. 
They have definitely grown their influence in a way that 
historically the United States did not really tolerate. When 
did that change in your estimation and why?
    Mr. Nichols. The President's budget provides or requests a 
20 percent increase in funding for our programs in this 
hemisphere. Last year President Biden hosted the leaders from 
across our hemisphere in Los Angeles for the Summer of the 
Americas. Secretary Blinken has traveled throughout the 
hemisphere as I and other numerous other senior officials at 
this table and in our department and around the cabinet.
    Mr. Davidson. Yes.
    Mr. Nichols. We are very focused on this hemisphere. We 
have to bring all the tools to bear that we have across the 
interagency to support our partners in this hemisphere. They do 
not want these influences from the outside in the vast majority 
of the countries in this hemisphere.
    We have to provide them with good options so that they can 
grow and be successful.
    Mr. Davidson. So you are trying. We are just not 
succeeding--not well enough----
    Mr. Nichols. This is a----
    Mr. Davidson [continuing]. Which is why you want more 
money.
    Mr. Nichols. This is why I said, this is the most 
challenging moment I have seen in 30 years in our hemisphere. 
And we have to do everything that we can to help our neighbors 
and our partners around the region to succeed and to resist 
these strategic competitors from outside our region.
    Mr. Davidson. All right. And my last question would just 
be, you know, why the selective enforcement? And the Chairwoman 
kind of talked about it, but it seems like, you know, if you 
have got a left leaning government, like in Mexico or Venezuela 
or Nicaragua, then, you know, you kind of get a little bit of a 
free pass with the Administration, you know. But if you have 
got a right leaning government, well, we want to talk about 
social agendas or we want to talk about something else. We want 
to limit our relationship. We want to apply pressure to those 
countries. And we seem to--you know, how do we improve 
relations with these left leaning countries? Why is that?
    Mr. Nichols. There is absolutely no selective enforcement, 
sir. Our focus is on supporting democracy, private sector led 
growth and opportunities for the middle class throughout the 
hemisphere.
    Mr. Davidson. Has the effort inside El Salvador improved 
the safety and security for the people of El Salvador?
    Mr. Nichols. So El Salvador, in this request, will get $125 
million in bilateral assistance from the United States. El 
Salvador is a country with deep ties to the United States. We 
are committed to helping the Salvadoran people to address the 
needs that they have.
    And certainly there has been a substantial improvement in 
security in El Salvador over the course of the last 2 years. 
But there are also significant concerns about due process and 
respect for human rights in El Salvador, and we have to balance 
those things and act in our interest, which is why we are the 
leading provider of foreign assistance to El Salvador and have 
been for a generation.
    Mr. Davidson. Thank you. I appreciate your answers. And 
best of success in your efforts.
    Ms. Salazar. I now recognize for 5 minutes, the gentlewoman 
from California, Kamlager-Dove.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Madam Chair, and thank you to 
our witnesses for being here today. I also want to thank 
Ranking Member Castro for mentioning the continued wrongful 
detention of my constituent, Eyvin Hernandez, who was 
imprisoned by the Venezuelan government last March. And I will 
say that we need to bring him home.
    I, too, want to talk about real issues that no one seems to 
care about. I have four questions, and I hope you all will be 
succinct because I do not have a lot of time.
    So the first issue is Haiti. Assistant Administrator 
Escobari, the Administration recently released a 10-year 
country plan for implementation of the Global Fragility Act in 
Haiti and how does Phase 1 differ from our existing efforts to 
bolster Haiti security and what is the timeline to launch and 
implement this part of the strategy?
    Ms. Escobari. Thank you, Congresswoman, for your interest 
and commitment to Haiti. The situation is terrible and 
untenable. And what the GFA has allowed us to do is create this 
10-year plan, understanding that the situation is continuously 
changing.
    The difference is really--we have always worked closely 
with our interagency partners, but I think it has taken it to a 
different level. We are in daily contact with INL in thinking 
about how our programming can complement their support with the 
Haitian National Police.
    So we are about to launch an initial $12.5 million Citizen 
Security Project that is part of the GFA. And the idea is for 
it to really tightly complement as communities are supported by 
the HNP. We can come in with youth programs and community 
resources so that that piece can be maintained.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Well, it needs to be sustainable. I 
mean, we have to find some partners and just commit people to 
countries to standing in the gap and helping Haiti because no 
one has helped Haiti since Haiti freed itself.
    Okay. Moving on, abusing women. Latin America is plagued 
with some of the highest rates of gender-based violence in the 
world. And it's only worsened since the pandemic. And it is 
especially true for migrant women.
    So Assistant Secretary Noyes, how does Safe From the Start 
ReVisioned differ from and improve on its predecessor version?
    Ms. Valls Noyes. Thank you very much, Representative, for 
that question. Safe From the Start ReVisioned is a combined 
effort by the bureau that I lead together with USAID's Bureau 
for Humanitarian Affairs. And what it does is focus on trying 
to prevent gender-based violence from the beginning of a crisis 
situation.
    And the way that--and it has been quite successful the way 
that ReVisioned, the updated version of the program, works is 
to put more emphasis on the role of the women themselves in 
determining how they need help and to give them more ability 
and authority to do so. But combating gender-based violence is 
a key aspect of all of our programs.
    And the Chair asked about my visit to Necocli, when I was 
in Necocli, I visited a program that really hit me because it 
was a gender-based violence program. And I got this sticker, 
which I have kept on my desk since then. And it says, in 
Spanish, ``Pare. Si te ama, no te golpeara.'' Stop. If he loves 
you, he will not hit you. This is what those types of programs 
do. Thank you.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you for that. And I notice that 
there is a request in there as well, a budget request so. 
Right. I am sure this is also a part of the budget request.
    Ms. Valls Noyes. Absolutely. Thank you.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Yes, correct, correct.
    Ms. Escobari. Just to reinforce that USAID has this as one 
of our top priorities, exactly for what you said, the rates are 
untenable in Latin America. And some things are not improving, 
like teenage pregnancies, while they are improving everywhere 
else on the globe.
    So I actually, a few weeks ago while I was in Guatemala, 
announced $59 million of programming on gender-based violence, 
and its focus on impunity, protection, education, and improving 
the judicial system as well as protecting the victims.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Great. Thank you. Use up all the time 
because I only have 5 minutes.
    Mr. Robinson. I just want to say INL is also involved in 
programming for gender-based violence.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Okay. Great. Let's talk about the 
Caribbean. People do not seem to care about the Caribbean. And 
I believe that Caribbean nations have an outsized influence on 
our national security but are often overlooked. Maybe it is 
because folks there are brown. Assistant Secretary Nichols, 
what progress has been made over the past year in realizing 
PACC's 2030's commitment?
    Mr. Nichols. Thank you very much for the question. Well, 
tomorrow I will be traveling with the Vice President to meet 
with CARICOM leaders in the Bahamas. We have increased 
assistance and cooperation in the areas of energy, climate 
finance, access to sustainable agricultural practices, climate 
change resilience and adaptation with our Caribbean partners. 
We are going to redouble that effort. We are working to ensure 
that they have the tools that they need to succeed.
    We are cooperating in law enforcement areas, particularly 
to deal with narcotics trafficking and illicit weapons 
trafficking in the region. We are working on economic 
opportunity and prosperity across the region. But 
interestingly, the Caribbean has the highest growth rate in the 
hemisphere. Guyana is growing at about 40 percent a year over 
the last year.
    So this is a really exciting area. There are a lot of 
challenges that we have ahead. This budget provides continued 
resources to help address those, and it is vitally important.
    President Biden met with Caribbean leaders during the 
Summer of the Americas. The Vice President has followed-up 
several times and is looking forward to traveling tomorrow.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you. You know, Madam Chair, I did 
want to ask Assistant Secretary Robinson to describe the main 
challenges to combating illicit gold mining in Peru and 
Colombia, but I do know that my time is up so.
    Ms. Salazar. So I do not think we are going to go to a 
second round, to the delight of our witnesses. We are going to, 
yes, due to--we are going to end the hearing. But due to 
technical difficulties, I have to recognize myself to re-
deliver my opening statement, which I am going to make shorter.
    And once again, I want to thank all of you for being here 
and looking forward to see you at another time in the near 
future. So with your permission, I am going to--there were some 
technical issues that we needed to retape or redeliver my 
opening statement.
    So it is my opinion that President Joe Biden has taken 
every opportunity to ignore our allies in Latin America. And 
I'm going to explain why with a few examples.
    In May 2021, Vice President Harris challenged the United 
States corporations to invest in Latin America to solve the 
migration crisis. In that spirit, Ecuador requested a free 
trade agreement with the United States, but they were ignored. 
And to today, Ecuador is the only country on Latin America's 
Pacific Coast that does not have a free trade agreement with 
the United States.
    Uruguay pleaded for a trade deal as well. Despite their 
democratic record and strategic location, they have been 
ignored up until today. As a consequence, last year both 
countries took their businesses elsewhere. They took t hem to 
China.
    Chinese trade with Latin America has exploded from $12 
billion in 2000 to almost $500 billion last year, making it 
their biggest trading partner.
    By contrast, the Oval Office has graciously welcomed 
Colombia's President Gustavo Petro, who is a socialist, 
Argentina's President, Alberto Fernandez, whose VP Cristina 
Kirchner is among the most corrupt politicians in South 
America, and Brazil's President Lula De Silva, who was 
sentenced to 12 years in prison for corruption before returning 
to power.
    Shockingly, this Administration has denied that welcoming 
gesture to conservative presidents since entering the White 
House. For example, Guatemala's President Giammattei told me 
personally that he felt disregarded by President Biden. We may 
not like his policies, but we have to work with him.
    In the Caribbean, our ally, President Abinader from the 
Dominican Republic, has been overlooked despite his aggressive 
anti-corruption measures.
    On top of that, the White House issued a travel ban that 
labeled the Dominicans racist, damaging their tourism industry 
for 6 months. And when I asked Secretary Blinken to provide 
evidence, nothing was presented. Thankfully, the State 
Department lifted that ban.
    President Biden also rejected a visit from President Nayib 
Bukele of El Salvador. President Bukele inherited the most 
dangerous country in Latin America. And in 3 years, he has made 
it a safe haven for tourism and for investment.
    Panama, a Panamanian foreign minister informed my office of 
their request to buy helicopters and military vehicles from the 
Biden Administration to secure the Darian Gap. Panama did not 
want anything for free. They wanted tools to secure the 
bottleneck between South and Central America, and they are 
still waiting. I believe that ignoring our allies in Latin 
America is a vacuum that is being filled by China, Russia, and 
Iran.
    In another case, a few days after President Biden stopped 
buying oil from Russia, a top Latin American advisor in the 
White House, Mr. Juan Gonzalez, got on a plane to visit 
President Maduro. But at the time, Maduro was not even 
recognized as the legitimate President of Venezuela and was on 
the FBI's most wanted list for $50 million on his head.
    We struck a deal to buy some of the dirtiest oil produced 
on the planet. And I am waiting to hear complaints from 
environmentalists in the Biden Administration, but they have 
remained silent.
    Cuba, the regime that has spread the most anti-American 
poison in the last 60 years, this government has removed the 
cap of remittances to give more oxygen to their repressive 
apparatus. We have welcomed the Coast Guard to our military 
installations. And we have sent some delegations to the island.
    To add insult to injury, the Cuban regime has recently 
announced that Cuban soldiers are going to be going to Russia 
to be on the front lines fighting in Ukraine.
    I believe that this budget does not reflect reality. Your 
actions show that you have ignored key allies to the benefit of 
our enemies. So now I am going to say the same short message in 
Spanish for our neighbors in South America and Central America.
    [Spanish language spoken.]
    Ms. Salazar. Thank you, then. And now we are dismissing. So 
let me read the proper--it's here, right here. No, it is in the 
back, right here. All right.
    So I thank the witnesses for their valuable testimony and 
the members for their questions. The members of the Committee 
may have some additional questions for the witnesses, and we 
will ask you to respond to them in writing.
    Pursuant to the Committee rules, all members may have 5 
days to submit statements, questions, and extraneous materials 
for the record, subject to the length limitations. Without 
objection, the Committee stands adjourned. And thanks again to 
all of you.
    [Whereupon, at 3:27 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

                                APPENDIX

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