[House Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


                       MARKUP OF VARIOUS MEASURES

=======================================================================

                                 MARKUP

                               BEFORE THE

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                        HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION

                               __________

                            November 7, 2023

                               __________

                           Serial No. 118-58

                               __________

        Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
        
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                    U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE                    
54-164 PDF                 WASHINGTON : 2023                    
          
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                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

                   MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Chairman

MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas, Chairman

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey     	GREGORY MEEKS, New Yok, Ranking 
JOE WILSON, South Carolina               	Member
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania	 	BRAD SHERMAN, California
DARRELL ISSA, California		GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
ANN WAGNER, Missouri			WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
BRIAN MAST, Florida			DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island
KEN BUCK, Colorado			AMI BERA, California
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee			JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
MARK E. GREEN, Tennessee		DINA TITUS, Nevada
ANDY BARR, Kentucky			TED LIEU, California
RONNY JACKSON, Texas			SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania
YOUNG KIM, California			DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota
MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida		COLIN ALLRED, Texas
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan			ANDY KIM, New Jersey
AUMUA AMATA COLEMAN-RADEWAGEN,   	SARA JACOBS, California
  American Samoa			KATHY MANNING, North Carolina
FRENCH HILL, Arkansas			SHEILA CHERFILUS-MCCORMICK, 
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio			 	Florida	
JIM BAIRD, Indiana			GREG STANTON, Arizona
MICHAEL WALTZ, Florida			MADELEINE DEAN, Pennsylvania
THOMAS KEAN, JR., New Jersey		JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York		JONATHAN JACOBS, Illinois
CORY MILLS, Florida			SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
RICH MCCORMICK, Georgia			JIM COSTA, California
NATHANIEL MORAN, Texas			JASON CROW, Colorado
JOHN JAMES, Michigan			BRAD SCHNEIDER. Illinois
KEITH SELF, Texas      
                    Brendan Shields, Staff Director

                    Sophia Lafargue, Staff Director


                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

                     BILLS AND ADMENDMENTS EN BLOC

H.R. 4175, Repo for Ukrainians Act...............................     2
Amendmentin the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 4175 offered by 
  Mr. McCaul.....................................................    34
H.R. 4723, Upholding the Dayton Peace Agreement Through Sanctions 
  Act............................................................    71
Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 4723 offerd by...    87
H. Res. 149, Condemning the Illegal Abduction of Children from 
  Ukraine to Russian Federation..................................   107
Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H. Res. 149 offered by 
  Ms. Wild.......................................................   112
H.R. 5856, the Frederick Douglass Trafficking Victims Prevention 
  and Protection Reauthorization Act.............................   121
Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 5856 offered by 
  Mr. Smith......................................................   144
H.R. 4681, Illicit Captagon Trafficking Suppression Act..........   177
Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 4681 offered by 
  Mr. Hill.......................................................   190
H.R. 5961, No Funds for Iranian Terrorism Act....................   203
Union Calendar No. 218 H.R. 5961.................................   211
Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 5961 offered by 
  Mr. Mills......................................................   212
Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 5961 offered by 
  Mr. Meeks......................................................   220
Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 5961 offered by 
  Ms. Titus......................................................   227
Amendment to H.R. 5961 offered by Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick.......   231
Amendment to H.R. 5961 offered by Mr. Crow.......................   234
Amendment to H.R. 5961 offered by Mr. Jackson....................   238
Amendment to H.R. 5961 offered by Ms. Kamlager-Dove..............   241
H.R. 793, Calling on Hamas to Immediately Release Hostages Taken 
  During the October 2023 Attack on Israel.......................   244
H.R. 683, Expressing Support for the Diplomatic Relations 
  Required to Encourage the Government of Mexico to Fulfill Its 
  Water Deliveries on an Annual Basis to the United States Under 
  the Treaty Between the United States and Mexico Regarding the 
  Utilization of the Colorado and Tijuana Rivers of the Rio 
  Grande.........................................................   254
H.R. 6119, the State Department Security Notification Act........   260
H.R. 6087, the YALI Act of 2023..................................   266

                                APPENDIX

Hearing Notice...................................................   282
Hearing Minutes..................................................   284
Hearing Attendance...............................................   285

    STATEMENT SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY

Statement submitted for the record from Representative Connolly..   286
STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD SUBMITTED FROM REPRESENTATIVE WILSON....
Statement for the record submitted from Representative Wilson....
288..............................................................

                                 VOTES

Votes............................................................   289

                             MARKUP SUMMARY

Markup summary...................................................   300

 
                       MARKUP OF VARIOUS MEASURES

                       Tuesday, November 7, 2023

                          House of Representatives,
                      Committee on Foreign Affairs,
                                                    Washington, DC.

    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:19 a.m., in 
room 210, House Visitor Center, Hon. Michael McCaul (chairman 
of the committee) presiding.
    Chairman McCaul. A quorum being present, the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs will come to order. The committee's meeting 
today for consideration of H.R. 4175, Repo for Ukrainians Act; 
H.R. 4723, Upholding the Dayton Peace Agreement Through 
Sanctions Act; H. Res. 149, Condemning the Illegal Abduction of 
Children from Ukraine to Russian Federation; H.R. 5856, the 
Frederick Douglass Trafficking Victims Prevention and 
Protection Reauthorization Act; H.R. 4681, Illicit Captagon 
Trafficking Suppression Act; H.R. 5961, No Funds for Iranian 
Terrorism Act; H.R. 793, Calling on Hamas to Immediately 
Release Hostages Taken During the October 2023 Attack on 
Israel; H.R. 683, Expressing Support for the Diplomatic 
Relations Required to Encourage the Government of Mexico to 
Fulfill Its Water Deliveries on an Annual Basis to the United 
States Under the Treaty Between the United States and Mexico 
Regarding the Utilization of the Colorado and Tijuana Rivers of 
the Rio Grande; H.R. 6119, the State Department Security 
Notification Act; and finally, H.R. 6087, the YALI Act of 2023.
    The chair announces that any requests for recorded votes 
may be rolled and he may recess the committee at any point and 
without objection, so ordered.
    Pursuant to the rules, I request that members have the 
opportunity to submit views for any committee report that may 
be produced on any of today's measures and with objection, so 
ordered.
    Pursuant to notice, I will now call up H.R. 4175, Repo for 
Ukrainians Act.
    [The Bill 4175 follows:]

                               bill 4175
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

    The bill was circulated in advance and the clerk shall 
designate the bill.
    The Clerk. H.R. 4175, to authorize the Secretary of State 
to provide additional assistance to Ukraine using assets 
confiscated from the Central Bank of the Russian Federation and 
other sovereign assets of the Russian Federation and for other 
purposes.
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading is 
dispensed with and the bill is considered read and open to 
amendments at any point. I recognize myself in support of the 
bill.
    We are living in incredibly dangerous times with multiple 
conflicts around the globe which threaten to upend the balance 
of power. Despite the recent eruption of the Hamas-Israel war 
and the growing threat of the CCP around the globe, we cannot 
lose sight of the importance of the war in Ukraine. These 
conflicts are all interconnected. Russia, China, and Iran are 
all working together to undermine the security of the United 
States and our closest allies and partners.
    If Putin were to succeed in Ukraine, it would only embolden 
our adversaries and undermine our national security interests. 
We need a plan for victory as soon as possible, one that 
ensures the U.S. is not shouldering this burden alone.
    So that is why I introduced the Repo Act, this bipartisan, 
bicameral legislation demands the Biden Administration transfer 
frozen Russian sovereign assets to Ukraine. It is time that 
Russia starts paying for the war that it started.
    My bill also prohibits the Biden Administration from 
returning Russian sovereign assets to Vladimir Putin until 
Russia compensates Ukraine. The Administration's disastrous $6 
billion payout for Iran is part of its hostage deal with the 
Ayatollah, exposes the President's willingness to trade 
billions of dollars in negotiations with our adversaries. That 
is why I introduced H.R. 5861, a bill we will mark up shortly. 
It will permanently freeze $6 billion of Iranian funds covered 
under the hostage deal.
    To be clear, the war crimes and genocide committed by 
Russia cannot be reversed by money alone. Murder of innocent 
civilians, including women and children cannot be brought back 
and the trauma will live on for generations. But critical 
infrastructure, homes, towns, and businesses can be rebuilt. 
Along with our European and G7 allies, we hold as much as $300 
billion of Russian funds that can be used for Ukraine's 
recovery and reconstruction, as well as immediate economic and 
humanitarian assistance. Taking this action would deter other 
would-be aggressors with a clear message, the financial systems 
of the G7 and EU will be blocked to those who violate another 
nation's sovereignty.
    Transferring Russian sovereign assets is not just the 
morally and strategically right thing to do, it is also the 
fiscally responsible thing to do on behalf of our constituents. 
As we anticipate considering a supplemental bill sent over from 
the Senate, with Ukraine assistance included, I am determined 
to push ahead on ensuring the aggressor pays. Putin causes 
devastation and Putin must pay for his crimes, not the American 
taxpayer. And so with that, is there any further discussion on 
the bill?
    The Ranking Member is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Mr. Chairman, I am going to reserve my remarks 
for when you offer your amendments.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion on the bill?
    Mr. Hill. Mr. Chairman?
    Chairman McCaul. Mr. French Hill is recognized.
    Mr. Hill. Chairman McCaul, thank you for holding this 
important markup and let me reiterate my thanks to you and your 
staff for working collaboratively with me on your Repo Act to 
incorporate key aspects of my Ukraine Reconstruction Act which 
will be reflected in the ANS that we talk about in a few 
minutes.
    Russia should be held responsible for the cost of the 
damages stemming from its illegal invasion of Ukraine, not 
American taxpayers. And to that end, I am in strong support of 
the efforts of Chairman McCaul's Repo bill and a cosponsor.
    The Repo for Ukrainians Act would give the President the 
authority to seize, transfer, or vest Russian sovereign assets 
within U.S. jurisdiction into an international fund for the 
sole purpose of Ukraine's eventual reconstruction. Considering 
most Russian sovereign assets are located outside the United 
States, it is important for our partners and allies around the 
world to introduce and pass companion legislation with similar 
authorizing capabilities as the U.S. cannot tackle this issue 
unilaterally.
    There is bipartisan recognition in Congress that the United 
States must be a global leader through coordination with the G7 
and our other allies. This bill is consistent with well-
established international precedent where the United States 
work with international partners to establish a fund like we 
saw with Afghanistan in 2022, the Iran-U.S. Claims Tribunal in 
1981, and the U.N. Compensation Fund for Kuwait in 1991 
following Iraq's invasion of Kuwait.
    This legislation still has some room for improvement, 
whether that is adding State-owned enterprises like Sberbank or 
Gazprom in the definition of a sovereign asset or in clarifying 
that Russia's illegal war first began in February 2014 after 
its invasion of Crimea. But with that said, I want to 
acknowledge a few ways that we were able to make this vest bill 
possible for this markup.
    First, we made sure to hold Belarus accountable for its 
direct role in supporting Russia's illegal war against Ukraine. 
We added controls to ensure the governance and standards around 
the international Ukraine compensation fund and its 
compensation mechanism are fully audited, including independent 
auditors and audit by the GAO. We also clarified important 
concepts like judicial review and the definition of seizure to 
mean the confiscation of all rights, title, and interest in a 
sovereign asset.
    And so let me thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your work on 
this bill, for your leadership in this important topic, on 
behalf of U.S. taxpayers and the defeat of Putin and Ukraine. I 
appreciate the time and I yield back to the chair.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Let me also thank 
the gentleman for working with me and my staff to improve the 
bill from its original form and using your expertise from the 
Financial Services Committee. It was an excellent collaboration 
to better products at the end of the day. So I want to thank 
you for your efforts and your help and working with me.
    Is there any further discussion on the bill?
    Mr. Wilson is recognized.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Chairman Mike McCaul. Also thank 
Ranking Member Greg Meeks for bringing the bipartisan measures 
before us today. It has never been more critical for us to work 
together to promote peace and stability and I was particularly 
in press yesterday the coverage that Ranking Member Meeks got 
on the front page of different publications around the country 
of his working together in a bipartisan manner.
    And in regard to H.R. 4175, I urge support. As chairman of 
the U.S.-Helsinki Commission and friend of freedom-loving 
Ukrainians, I am grateful to work with the bipartisan 
rebuilding, economic prosperity, and opportunity for the 
Ukrainian side. This straight forward bill takes into 
consideration the absolute depravity inflicted on Ukrainians by 
war criminal Putin and his forces since the full-scale invasion 
of Ukraine on February 24, 2022.
    Putin and his murdering thugs have systematically engaged 
in a genocide against the people of Ukraine. Denying their 
existence as a people, committing sexual violence against 
children, torturing civilians, abducting tens of thousands of 
children to be reprogrammed and brainwashed and forced 
adoption, and sadly the list continues.
    America is in an war we did not choose and that is its 
dictators with rule of gun invading democracies with rule of 
law. War criminal Putin invaded Ukraine on February 24, 2022 
and has been a puppet for Hamas of Iran invading Israel on 
October 7th, 2023. The agenda of death to Israel is leading to 
death to America. The dictators have clearly announced their 
goals of the axis of evil. War criminal Putin has written that 
Ukraine does not exist. The Chinese Communist Party explains 
that Taiwan does not exist. Iran chants with its puppets death 
to Israel, death to America. This war is solely war criminal 
Putin's responsibility, solely the responsibility of the regime 
in Tehran and he should be footing the bill for the rebuilding 
of what has been destroyed in Ukraine.
    Again, I appreciate the leadership of Chairman Mike McCaul 
and his effort in leading this legislation. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion on the bill?
    There being no further discussion of the bill, the 
committee will move to consideration of amendments.
    I have an amendment in the nature of a substitute at the 
desk and I ask for its consideration at this time.
    [The Amendment offered by Mr. McCaul follows:]

    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall distribute the McCaul 
amendment in the nature of a substitute and the clerk shall 
report the amendment.
    The Clerk. Amendment in the nature of a substitute to H.R. 
4175 offered by Mr. McCaul of Texas. Strike all after the 
enacting cause and insert the following: Section 1 short title, 
table of contents----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with. I support this amendment. It is a 
very short Statement here. And do any other members seek 
recognition?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. I want to thank Chairman McCaul for placing H.R. 
4175 on the markup agenda. Only 2 days after Russia's renewed 
invasion of Ukraine, the United States worked with our partners 
to impose unprecedented economic sanctions against Putin's 
Russia. This included prohibiting any business with the Russian 
Central Bank. This was no easy task. And thanks to a strong 
diplomatic effort by President Biden and his Administration, we 
are working collectively to curb Russia's heinous war. 
Nevertheless, as the war evolves, so shall economic strategy, 
including support for Ukraine that enables it to emerge as a 
healthy, economic player in Europe. This must be done during 
the war, not only after Ukraine wins.
    Today's legislation deals with one of the potential tools 
we have yet to exercise, the transfer of frozen Russian solvent 
assets to assist Ukraine. It is a solution that we should 
prudently pursue, along with our European partners. For now, 
there are encouraging signs from Europe where most of those 
assets sit and whose legal hoops are more demanding. I 
consistently argue that we should act in coordination with our 
democratic allies and our support for Ukraine. Our unity and 
resolve are what Putin has always been betting against.
    So again, I want to thank Chairman McCaul. I support this 
bill. I want to thank his staff for cooperating in its 
advancement and encourage my colleagues to support it as well 
and I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. Thank you for the Ranking Member's support 
and working with me to get to a good place. Again, I think this 
bill is what we have been looking for and that is let the 
criminal pay for the crime, not the American taxpayer. And that 
is just the bottom line here.
    Does any other member seek recognition?
    Mr. Kean is recognized.
    Mr. Kean. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for introducing this 
legislation and your leadership on this issue. Following 
Russia's illegal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine in February 
2022, the United States and our allies in Europe and around the 
globe froze roughly $300 billion worth of Russian sovereign 
assets. Let me be clear. Russia should never again have access 
to these assets. Instead, these resources should be transferred 
immediately to Ukraine to alleviate the suffering of Russia's 
countless victims there.
    Due to Russia's unprovoked and destructive war of 
aggression, Ukraine's near and long-term needs are substantial. 
But the United States and our European allies should not be 
solely responsible for Ukraine's recovery and reconstruction. 
Putin must pay. Of course, the lion's share of frozen Russian 
assets are in Europe, not in the United States, but America 
must lead by example on this and demonstrate to others around 
the world that it can and it should be done.
    The President, unfortunately, has abdicated his leadership 
and refused to transfer frozen Russian sovereign assets in the 
United States to Ukraine, even though he already has the 
authority in law to do so. This legislation would force the 
Administration's hand to accomplish this and urge our allies 
and partners to follow suit. By transferring these frozen 
Russian assets to Ukraine, we can provide continued support to 
Ukraine while significantly defraying costs to taxpayers. This 
will also ensure that Russia can never access these funds and 
use them for malign purposes. This is morally correct, fiscally 
responsible, and strategically sound. I am proud to cosponsor 
this important legislation and I urge my colleagues to vote in 
favor of it today. I yield back my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Do any other members 
seek recognition?
    There being no further discussion, do any other members 
wish to offer an amendment to the McCaul amendment in the 
nature of a substitute?
    There being no further amendments, the question now occurs 
on the amendment in the nature of a substitute offered by 
myself.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye. Aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it and the 
amendment is agreed to.
    There being no further amendments, I move that the 
committee report H.R. 4175, as amended, to the House with a 
favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it and the 
motion is agreed to.
    A roll call vote has been requested by me. If I win on 
voice, that is not so bad, but OK, has been requested. Pursuant 
to the chair's previously announcement, this vote will be 
postponed.
    [The Bill 4723 follows:]

                                 hr4723
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

                           amemdment to 4723
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H.R. 4723, Upholding the 
Dayton Peace Agreement Through Sanctions Act.
    The bill was circulated in advance. The clerk shall 
designate the bill.
    The Clerk. H.R. 4723, to provide for the imposition of 
sanctions with respect to foreign persons undermining the 
Dayton Peace Agreement or threatening the security of Bosnia or 
Herzegovina for other purposes.
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading is 
dispensed with. The bill is considered read and open to 
amendment at any point. Without objection, the Wagner amendment 
in the nature of a substitute was circulated to members in 
advance shall be considered as read and will be treated as 
original text for purposes of amendment.
    Is there any discussion on the bill?
    The gentlelady from Missouri is recognized.
    Mrs. Wagner. Chairman McCaul and Ranking Member Meeks, I 
would like to thank you both for working with me to include my 
legislation, the Upholding the Dayton Peace Agreement Through 
Sanctions Act in today's markup. I would also like to thank 
Representative Wild, our Europe Subcommittee Chairman Kean, and 
Intelligence Committee Chairman Turner for joining me in 
introducing this important and timely measure.
    For months now, Bosnia and Herzegovina have suffered a 
serious political crisis. Today, the country is experiencing no 
less than an assault on its constitution and democratic 
institutions. Self-serving, corrupt politicians like Milorad 
Dodik President of Bosnia's Republic of Srpska entity are 
engaged in sustained attacks on Bosnia's unity, its 
sovereignty, and multi-ethnic character. This summer, Dodik 
unilaterally removed the Republic of Srpska from the 
jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia, a serious 
escalation in his campaign against Bosnian sovereignty. He has 
also threatened to hold a referendum on independence by the end 
of this year.
    Again and again, he attacks the authority of the high 
representative and Bosnia's Federal Government. In short, he is 
taking a sledge hammer to the foundations of peace in the 
Western Balkans. Dodik and his cronies know that a prosperous, 
transparent and Western-facing Bosnia is a threat to their 
personal power and ill-gotten wealth. They are willing to tear 
their country apart to maintain control over their illicit 
patronage networks. Because of the reckless actions of a few 
corrupt elite, the foundations of Bosnia peace agreement, its 
democratic institutions, its ethnic power-sharing arrangements, 
even the Office of the High Representative, the independent 
body tasked with implementing the Dayton Accord are at risk. 
Let me add as well that the brutal and criminal Putin regime is 
actively aiding separatist actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina to 
sow more chaos and further undermine European stability.
    As guarantor of the Dayton Peace Agreement that ended the 
horrific Bosnian war, the United States must deter these 
destabilizing and anti-democratic actors. It is in our clear, 
national security interest to oppose Russia's destructive 
influence and prevent the spread of conflict further in Europe.
    Peace in Bosnia came at a very steep price, Mr. Chairman. 
Those who would threaten that hard-won peace must be held to 
account. My bipartisan bill would codify and mandate key 
sanctions, authorities to send an unmistakable message to any 
actor that threatens the peace, security, stability, or 
territorial integrity of Bosnia. If such destabilizing behavior 
does not stop, that person will be sanctioned period. We know 
these sanctions are working, but much more leverage needs to be 
brought to bear against Dodik, his inner circle and his Russian 
backers.
    In a hearing before the Europe Subcommittee, Deputy 
Assistant Security for the Western Balkans Gabriel Escobar 
shared with us that Republic of Srpska officials begged the 
U.S. and I quote, ``Please, no more sanctions.'' When the bad 
actors are begging us to stop, you know the sanctions are 
working and that maximum pressure will produce changes in 
behavior. Mr. Escobar agrees this legislation was absolutely 
timely and necessary to hold accountable those who would damage 
the country. Time is running out to send a strong deterrent 
message to bad actors intent on destabilizing the country.
    I hope my colleagues will join me today in demonstrating 
the United States' unequivocal commitment to a unified, 
sovereign, and multi-ethic Bosnia. I would urge my colleagues 
to support to H.R. 4723, the Upholding the Dayton Peace 
Agreement Through Sanctions Act, and I yield back, Mr. 
Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back.
    Any further discussion on the bill?
    Oh, Mr. Kean?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. I also support this measure authored by my 
friend, Representative Wagner, on the importance of fragility 
of the Dayton Peace Accords.
    A tenuous diplomatic settlement led to the end of the 
Balkan Wars of the 1990's, and it kept the peace and allowed a 
post-war society to govern. It is frustratingly imperfect, and 
yet, provides a framework for Bosnia and, indeed, the Balkans, 
to succeed.
    This bill calls attention to the difficulties on Bosnia's 
path toward joining the EU. It correctly criticizes those 
actors who are not only hampering progress, but are dismantling 
peace.
    Furthermore, the bill reaffirms the United States' 
commitment, along with our European partners in Europe, to 
complete the Transatlantic Peace Project and make sure that 
Bosnia does not step away from that important future.
    And with that, I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any other discussion on the bill?
    Mr. Kean is recognized.
    Mr. Kean. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And I thank my good friend, the gentlelady from Missouri 
and vice chair of the full committee, for her leadership on 
this issue.
    The Bosnian War of the 1990's saw some of the most 
egregious war crimes and human rights abuses since the 
conclusion of the Second World War. The Dayton Peace Agreement 
of 1995 finally brought an end to that horrific conflict. It 
established a peace that was fragile, but it was peace, 
nonetheless, and it has held for almost 30 years.
    Unfortunately, that peace has been threatened in recent 
years by malign actors in the region who seek to rewrite the 
status quo and reopen the violent disputes of the 1990's. Make 
no mistake, individuals like Milorad Dodik are playing with 
fire and threatening the peace and stability of the Western 
Balkans. This irresponsible and dangerous behavior must be held 
to account with strong sanctions.
    H.R. 4723 would create new sanctions authority for the 
United States to use against these malign actors seeking to 
undermine the Dayton Peace Agreement. This authority has been 
tailored to protect the Dayton Agreement, uphold peace and 
stability in the Western Balkans, and punish those risking 
renewed conflict in the region.
    Putin would like nothing more than to destabilize an 
already vulnerable region in order to distract the West from 
this unprovoked war against Ukraine. We cannot let Putin start 
fires elsewhere in Europe to distract from his crimes in 
Ukraine.
    This legislation is timely and needed to ensure continued 
stability in the Western Balkans. I urge my colleagues to join 
me in supporting it.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Self is recognized.
    Mr. Self. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I want to emphasize that precedent is powerful. This bill 
is necessary to stop the further spread of causing problems 
throughout the former Yugoslavia. So, I encourage my colleagues 
to vote for this bill to set a precedent that we want the 
Dayton Accords to be adhered to.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion on the bill?
    Mr. Connolly. Mr. Chairman? Mr. Chairman?
    Chairman McCaul. Mr. Connolly is recognized.
    Mr. Connolly. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I just want to add my support for the resolution, but I 
also want to remind my colleagues who talked about precedent 
and talked about standing up to Putin, that's why we need to 
make sure that we continue providing military and humanitarian 
and economic assistance to Ukraine. If we're going to stand up 
against authoritarianism, if we're going to send a message not 
only to the Balkans, but to all of the aspiring nations of the 
former Soviet Union, especially right now including Ukraine, 
the best thing we could do is to pass an aid package for 
Ukraine.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion on the bill?
    There being no further discussion on the bill, the 
committee will move to consideration of amendments. Does any 
member wish to offer an amendment?
    There being no amendments, I move that the committee report 
H.R. 4723, as amended, to the House with a favorable 
recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it, and the 
motion is agreed to.
    A roll call vote has been requested.
    Pursuant to the chair's previous announcement, this vote 
will be postponed.
    It's a leadership ask, you know. You know, just cut me a 
little slack here.
    [Laughter.]
    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H.Res. 149, ``Condemning 
the illegal abduction of children from Ukraine to the Russian 
Federation.'' This resolution was circulated in advance.
    The clerk shall designate the resolution.
    The Clerk. ``H.Res. 149, Condemning the illegal abduction 
of children from Ukraine to the Russian Federation.
    Whereas, on January 12, 1951, the Convention on the 
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide''----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading is 
dispensed with.
    The resolution is considered read and open to amendment at 
any point.
    [The resolution H.Res. 149 follows:]

                                hres149
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    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the Wild amendment in 
the nature of a substitute, No. 29, circulated to members in 
advance, shall be considered as read and will be treated as 
original text for purposes of the amendment.
    [The amendment No. 29 in the nature of a substitute offered 
by Ms. Wild follows:]

                        amendment to hres149wild
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

    Chairman McCaul. Is there any discussion on the resolution?
    Mrs. Wagner is recognized.
    Mrs. Wagner. I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And I want to urge support for Representative Wild's H.Res. 
149, condemning Russia's abhorrent abduction of Ukrainian 
children for resettlement and reeducation in Russia.
    Representative Wild and I have worked together on a number 
of bills over the years--from legislative to secure allied and 
partnered telecommunication systems against Chinese influence 
to Upholding the Dayton Peace Agreement Through Sanctions Act. 
I am proud to co-lead this resolution with her.
    Just a couple of weeks after Russia invaded Ukraine, 
Representative Wild and I, alongside several other members of 
this committee, traveled to the Poland-Ukraine border, as 
millions of Ukrainians families--women, children, and the 
elderly--fled their homeland. We saw firsthand the incalculable 
cost, human cost, of this war.
    The sweet little ones that we met in Poland should be 
spending their childhood playing outside with their parents and 
siblings and going to school. Instead, they were forced to hide 
from lethal Russian artillery assaults in subways, in theaters. 
Many of these assaults were specifically designed to target 
children.
    And in yet another act of chilling and unadulterated evil, 
Putin's forces have kidnapped hundreds of thousands of 
Ukrainian children, ripping them away from loving parents and 
caregivers, to be raised as Russians. This is a depraved 
attempt to erase Ukraine's identity as an independent nation, 
and I believe it is an act of genocide, Mr. Chairman. Only a 
butcher attacks families and children. It is clear to me that 
Putin is personally culpable for the staggering atrocities and 
war crimes the people of Ukraine have suffered, and he must be 
stopped and punished.
    This resolution condemns Russia in the strongest possible 
terms for this flagrant violation of the Genocide Convention. 
It sends a clear signal that the U.S. Congress is watching and 
that we are prepared to bring Putin to justice for his crimes 
against humanity.
    I urge my colleagues to support H.Res. 149, and, Mr. 
Chairman, I yield back.
    Mr. Connolly. Would my friend yield?
    Mrs. Wagner. I yield to my friend.
    Mr. Connolly. I thank my friend.
    And I, of course, had the honor of joining her and Mr. 
McCaul and Mr. Meeks on that visit you talked about on the 
Polish-Ukraine border. And you are right, we were so struck 
with all of these innocent children crossing the border in tens 
of thousands. We visited one crossing. There were six at that 
time, each of which was hosting over 20,000 refugees a day.
    And I think your point about what Putin is up to with 
respect to children and the abduction of children from Ukraine 
is abhorrent and repugnant and to be condemned. Hostage-taking, 
whether it be in Israel or whether it be in Ukraine, is to be 
condemned.
    And that is why it is important, at least for this Member--
and I hope for this committee--that we work in tandem to 
address both sets of atrocities, because a human life is a 
human life, whether it is in Ukraine or whether it is in Israel 
or whether it is in the West Gaza.
    So, I thank my friend for yielding and join her in 
supporting this resolution.
    Mrs. Wagner. I thank my friend, Mr. Connolly, for his 
support of this resolution.
    Representative Wild and I, along with the chairman, Ranking 
Member Meeks, and others, were on that incredible trip. It was 
horrifying to see the atrocities that this war criminal, 
Vladimir Putin, has put forward. It's horrific to see the 
hostages that have been taken in Gaza.
    I appreciate his support. I stand in solidarity in this 
regard.
    And, Mr. Chairman, I now yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I would like to thank Representative Wild for her 
introduction of this resolution and her tireless work on the 
issue of Russia's abduction of Ukrainian children.
    In fact, as indicated, only 3 weeks after Russia's brutal 
invasion, I led a delegation to the Ukraine-Polish border, 
along with Representative Wild, and then-Ranking Member McCaul, 
and others on this committee.
    We met fleeing families, children, and other refugees 
escaping the war. Simultaneously, however, Russian authorities 
were forcing Ukrainians in besieged territories the other way--
east into the Russia.
    This resolution highlights the systemic nature of Russia's 
attempt to wipe out Ukraine and its culture. Not only are 
Russian forces targeting cities and towns and civilian 
structures in their attacks, but they have also abducted and 
reeducated young Ukrainians. I should say, ``re-miseducated'' 
young Ukrainians.
    And guess what? Russia, they are not hiding these acts. In 
the Kremlin, they are showcasing these acts.
    In March this year, the ICC issued an arrest warrant for 
Vladimir Putin for the unlawful deportation of children. Until 
that reckoning comes, Congress will continue to work to support 
the push toward justice, to support Ukraine in its fight, and 
to help heal the scars that generations of Ukrainians are 
already working to heal.
    And with that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my 
time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    Ms. Wild is recognized?
    Ms. Wild. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I rise in support of H.Res. 149.
    And I want to begin by thanking my good friend and 
colleague, Representative Ann Wagner, for joining me from the 
other side of the aisle to co-lead this resolution.
    As Ranking Member Meeks just commented, we were together on 
a trip in the very beginning of this war, and we saw many of 
these children who, thankfully, were coming across the border--
hopefully, to safety.
    And I want to thank so many colleagues of both parties who 
have cosponsored this resolution.
    And above all, I want to thank the extraordinary Ukrainian 
American leaders in my community who have worked so hard to 
build and maintain support for the Ukrainian people in the face 
of unthinkable aggression. You know who you are. Father Richard 
Jendras, Marta Fedoriw, and many, many other constituents. This 
legislation would not have gotten to this point without your 
tireless efforts. Thank you for your partnership, for your 
moral leadership, and for keeping the cause of a principled 
United States stance in support of Ukraine alive day-in and 
day-out in our community in Pennsylvania 7.
    With that, let me say that, since the beginning of Russia's 
full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Russian forces have engaged in 
a systemic attempt to destroy Ukraine's democracy, sovereignty, 
territorial integrity, and ultimately, the country's identity 
itself. Russian authorities' crimes against children stand out 
as the most heinous aspect of a much larger strategy--a 
relentless campaign of State violence against the most 
vulnerable members of Ukrainian society.
    As part of this effort, Russian forces have abducted and 
forcibly relocated thousands of Ukrainian children to Russian-
occupied and affiliated areas--in complete violation of Article 
II(e) of the Genocide Convention. The Russian objective is 
clear: to wipe out the young generations of Ukrainians by 
attempting to eradicate their sense of national and cultural 
identity.
    In response to this atrocity, a bipartisan group of 
colleagues in the U.S. House of Representatives and I 
introduced a resolution at the end of the previous Congress 
condemning Russia's mass abduction of Ukrainian children and 
stating that these actions amount to genocide. And on February 
21st of this year, we reintroduced this same resolution in the 
current Congress.
    For the vibrant Ukrainian American community in my district 
and all those who stand with them, this resolution is very 
personal. This is not some abstract debate about geopolitics. 
It is about human lives, children's lives. It's about 
protecting children and our common humanity from the forces of 
inhumanity.
    Together, Democrats and Republicans alike, we are sending a 
clear signal: the United States will not waver in our resolve. 
Our support for the Ukrainian people is not negotiable. This 
fight is not just for Ukraine; it is for every democracy and 
every people yearning to be free.
    I urge my colleagues of both parties to stand with me and 
the Ukrainian American community in my district and across our 
country.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    Ms. Manning is recognized.
    Ms. Manning. Thank you, Chairman McCaul, Ranking Member 
Meeks, for your leadership and work to advance many important 
measures in this markup.
    I am proud to support H.Res. 149, a bipartisan resolution I 
cosponsored, introduced by my friends and colleagues, 
Representative Susan Wild and Representative Ann Wagner, which 
condemns the abduction of children from Ukraine.
    Since Russia's full-scale, illegal invasion on February 
24th, 2022, Russia has been engaged in an attempt to eradicate 
Ukraine's sovereignty and identity. Among the most horrific 
atrocities committed by Russians is the forcible relocation and 
indoctrination of Ukrainian children in a concerted effort to 
erase their identity.
    The Ukrainian government has already verified at least 
20,000 of these deportations. It is truly unthinkable, and as a 
mother, I can barely stand learning what has been going on. It 
is horrific to see Russian forces bombard Ukrainian cities like 
Mariupol, Kherson, and Kharkiv, then, cynically, use its 
illegal invasion as a pretext to evacuate Ukrainian children to 
Russia--separating thousands from their parents and placing 
them into reeducation camps, camps in Russia where they have 
been mistreated, forced to speak only Russian, and effectively, 
are culturally brainwashed. These are clear violations of the 
Geneva Convention, the Convention on the Rights of Children, 
and fundamental international norms, laws, and principles.
    I'm glad that in March the International Criminal Court 
indicted Vladimir Putin, as well as Maria Lvova-Belova, 
Russia's Commissioner for Children Rights, for these atrocities 
and issued warrants for their arrest.
    Mr. Chairman, Russia would like the world to believe that 
it is somehow rescuing these children; that its war against 
Ukraine is justified, and that its forces somehow are not 
guilty of war crimes, atrocities, and genocide. Nothing could 
be further from the truth.
    This is exactly why the United States and the international 
community needs to highlight the facts for all the world to see 
and hear. This resolution does just that. It sets forth the 
facts, demonstrated for the entire world, that Congress 
acknowledges and condemns the horrific reality of Russia's mass 
abduction and indoctrination of children. It resolves to hold 
Putin and his cronies, like Maria Lvova-Belova, responsible for 
their horrific crimes.
    That is why I urge all members to join me in supporting the 
resolution. And I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back. Any further 
discussion on the resolution?
    I recognize myself.
    I, too, was on that trip and have seen all those children 
fleeing Ukraine. I also met with a group of young girls who got 
out of these indoctrination camps, and they were completely 
traumatized. And it was one of the saddest things to see these 
girls who had been in these camps, and you could tell; you 
could see it in their eyes that they were traumatized.
    As the ranking member pointed out, there is an indictment 
now on Mr. Putin for this dark crime--one of the darkest, I 
think, of this war, because our innocent children should be 
protected.
    And after World War II, and after the Holocaust, the United 
Nations got together and had the Genocide Convention. Article 
II of the 1948 U.N. Genocide Convention identifies five acts 
that qualify as genocide. The fifth act, ``Forcibly 
transferring the children of a national, ethnic, racial, or 
religious group to another group, concisely and accurately 
describes Russia's actions in Ukraine.''
    Kremlin officials have attempted to disguise the abductions 
as a routine wartime security measure, but Moscow's well-
documented efforts to reeducate young Ukrainians and turn them 
into Russians tells a very different story. And to date, we 
have had probably upwards of 25,000 children being abducted, 
taken from their homes or families, for this re-indoctrination 
purpose.
    I just find this one of the most offensive things about 
this. War is hell and war is never good in any circumstance, 
but when the children are affected like this, that is probably 
one of the worst.
    So, I support this resolution very strongly, and I 
appreciate Ms. Wild for bringing this forward.
    Any further discussion?
    There being no further discussion of the resolution, the 
committee----
    Ms. Wild. Mr. Chairman? I'm sorry, may I request a roll 
call vote on this?
    Chairman McCaul. Yes.
    Ms. Wild. Thank you.
    Chairman McCaul. Just I have to get this----
    Ms. Wild. Sorry, sorry. Bad timing.
    Chairman McCaul. I know you're there.
    [Laughter.]
    All right. The committee will move to consideration of 
amendments.
    Does any member wish to offer an amendment?
    There being no amendments, I move the committee report 
H.Res. 149, as amended, to the House with a favorable 
recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it, and the 
motion is agreed to.
    Ms. Wild. Mr. Chairman, may I request a roll call vote?
    Chairman McCaul. A roll call vote has been requested.
    Pursuant to the chair's previous announcement, this vote 
will be postponed.
    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H.R. 5856, ``The 
Frederick Douglass Trafficking Victims Prevention and 
Protection Reauthorization Act of 2023.''
    The bill was circulated in advance.
    The clerk shall designate the bill.
    The Clerk. ``H.R. 5856, To reauthorize the Trafficking 
Victim Protection Act of 2000, and for other purposes.''
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading is 
dispensed with.
    The bill is considered read and open to amendment at any 
point.
    [The bill H.R. 5856 follows:]

                                 hr5856
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    Chairman McCaul. Is there any discussion on the bill?
    Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman?
    Chairman McCaul. Mr. Smith is recognized.
    Mr. Smith. I have an amendment in the nature of a 
substitute.
    Chairman McCaul. Yes. Is there any discussion on the bill?
    No? OK. There being no further discussion on the bill, the 
committee will move to consideration of amendments.
    Does any member wish to offer an amendment?
    Mr. Smith. I have an amendment, Mr. Chairman, at the desk, 
in the nature of a substitute, and I ask for its consideration 
at this time.
    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall distribute the Smith 
Amendment in the nature of a substitute.
    And the clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. ``Amendment in the nature of a substitute to 
H.R. 5856 offered by Mr. Smith of New Jersey.
    Strike all after the enacting clause and insert the 
following:''
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    [The amendment in the nature of a substitute offered by Mr. 
Smith follows:]

[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes 
on his amendment.
    Mr. Smith. Thank you so very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank you 
for arranging for the committee to consider this legislation 
today, for your sponsorship of the bill itself. And I want to 
thank Mr. Meeks. Last Congress Karen Bass and I had a very 
similar piece of legislation. We tried for 2 years, over 2 
years to get it passed. He was very supportive. So I thank him. 
And, again, I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your strong support 
and that of your staff in making this a reality.
    Mr. Chairman, more than 20 years ago, the U.S. Congress 
approved and the president signed historic legislation that I 
had authored called the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 
2000, a comprehensive, whole-of-government initiative to combat 
sex and labor trafficking in the United States and around the 
world. The TVPA created a bold new domestic and international 
anti-human trafficking strategy and established numerous new 
programs to protect victims, prosecute traffickers, and to the 
extent possible prevent human trafficking in the first place, 
what we often refer to as the three Ps.
    Though it is hard to believe now, the TVPA was met with a 
wall of skepticism and opposition, dismissed by many as a 
solution in search of a problem. For most people at that time, 
including many lawmakers, the term trafficking applied almost 
exclusively to drugs and weapons, not to human beings. Reports 
of vulnerable persons, especially women and children, being 
reduced to commodities for sale were often met with surprise 
and incredulity or outright indifference.
    The bill was signed into law finally on October 28, 2000. 
And within a year after enactment, no one, I say again no one 
because I chaired the hearings, was arguing anymore that the 
Trafficking Victims Protection Act and its integrated three P 
strategy was flawed, unworkable, unnecessary, or 
counterproductive.
    Today we are marking up reauthorization of the Trafficking 
Victims Protection Act, named in honor of Frederick Douglass. 
This legislation was cosponsored by my friend and subcommittee 
ranking member, Susan Wild, and I want to thank her for that, 
and Chairman McCaul, of course, Ann Wagner, Kathy Manning, 
Henry Cuellar, Joe Wilson, Amata Radewagen, Michael Burgess, 
and Donald Davis.
    I especially want to thank our staffs, including Mary Vigil 
for her tremendous work on this and Janice Kaguyutan for her 
work as well. It has been a great collaboration of the staffs 
and members. So I want to thank them for that.
    Specifically, the bill encourages the usage of prevention 
efforts to include assessable, age appropriate, and trauma-
informed approaches for USAID beneficiaries. And a big emphasis 
in the bill is on prevention and the further incorporation of 
counter-trafficking efforts across the development portfolio.
    It streamlines statutory language for the Tier 2 Watch 
List. It reauthorizes the Department of State office to monitor 
and combat trafficking in persons. And it reauthorizes funding 
for the International Megan's Law and the Angel Watch Program.
    Just parenthetically on that issue, little Megan Kanka, a 
girl who has lived in my hometown, my wife and I, hometown of 
Hamilton, New Jersey, in 1994 was killed by a convicted 
pedophile who lived across the street. We now have Megan's Laws 
in every State. But unfortunately, many of the people who 
commit these crimes upon leaving jail after their incarceration 
go on child sex tourism trips, and they abuse little children 
all around the world, from Thailand to Brazil to Mexico, all 
around the world.
    This legislation, which it took 8 years to pass, it passed 
the House three times. The Senate kept objecting to it. Finally 
we got it enacted into law. And now it provides notice to 
countries of destination of any of these convicted pedophiles 
before they travel so that if the country wants to say you are 
not coming in, they are empowered to do so knowing that the 
reason for that travel could likely be and probably is child 
sex tourism.
    The Homeland Security on October 27th, just a few days ago, 
provided me with an update. So far they have provided 22,790 
notifications. And countries who have denied travel include 
8,357 times where they said you are not coming in. So it is 
having an impact. And hopefully it is taking the secrecy, or 
some of it, out of these child sex tourism trips. That is 
reauthorized in the bill.
    Again, I want to thank you, Mr. Chairman, again for your 
steadfast support of trafficking, for the laws that you have 
written, including when you were chairman of Homeland Security, 
with the Blue Campaign, a tremendous law. And I yield back the 
balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion? Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I strongly support this bipartisan measure that is led by 
Representative Smith, who has worked on this tirelessly, and I 
admire him for it, as well as Representative Wild, to 
reauthorize the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000.
    We have reauthorized this bill several times, in 2003, 
2006, 2008, 2013, and most recently in 2019. This legislation 
serves as a reminder that Congress has played and will continue 
to play a critical role in advancing the United States in 
global efforts to combat and eliminate human trafficking.
    I thank Representative Smith for authoring the first modern 
trafficking bill and its subsequent reauthorizations, again 
tirelessly fighting to do the right thing to protect children. 
We thank you for your leadership. And we are proud to partner 
with you, not only in elevating this issue but also in making 
real differences in people's lives, which is what this is 
really all about.
    Today we build on the successes and the lessons learned 
over the last decades. This bill is a 5-year reauthorization of 
important counter-trafficking programs. And it also modernizes 
some of the prevention, protections, and prosecution tools and 
to eradicate this billion dollar criminal enterprise.
    I support the Smith ANS. And I again thank him. As he has 
indicated, he worked with Congresswoman Bass in the past. He 
has worked with Congresswoman Wild. You know, he has done this 
in a completely bipartisan effort because this is not about 
politics. This is about doing the right thing. It is about 
humanity. And it is about protecting kids and stopping this 
heinous trafficking.
    And I encourage all of my colleagues to support this. And I 
yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Do any other members seek recognition? Mrs. Wagner.
    Mrs. Wagner. I want to thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking 
Member Meeks, Representative Wild, and most especially 
Representative Smith, for your decades, sir, of leadership on 
this vital legislation.
    The Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, or TVPA, is 
the most significant Federal anti-trafficking law in the United 
States. The landmark provisions of this law have helped rescue 
countless victims from abuse and exploitation, both in the 
United States and around the world.
    However, tragically, human trafficking and child 
exploitation continue to rise within our own borders and 
internationally. According to the Department of Justice, the 
number of individuals prosecuted for human trafficking has more 
than doubled in the past decade. Even worse, the National 
Center for Missing and Exploited Children has seen an 89 
percent increase in online child sexual abuse material since 
2019 and a 567 percent increase in the sexual enticement of 
children since 2018. All of these issues are interconnected. 
And Congress must adopt a whole-of-government approach in 
reversing these horrific trends.
    Passing this bill, H.R. 5856, is a vital step that we must 
take to combat the scourge of trafficking and exploitation. 
This legislation will ensure Federal dollars go toward areas 
with high intensity child sex trafficking and prioritizes 
prevention and education programs to focus on how social media 
is used to groom and entice children. These efforts are crucial 
to not only rescuing victims but also ensuring that vulnerable 
individuals are aware of the potential dangers online and in 
communities throughout the country.
    Last, I want to highlight the Trafficking Survivor 
Employment and Education Program in this bill. I have worked 
with numerous survivors throughout my time in Congress and in 
Missouri's 2d congressional District. And one of the most 
important issues for these brave individuals is breaking the 
cycle of exploitation that traps victims in such horrifying 
situations. This program will help give survivors the tools 
they need to restart their lives, whether it is assistance with 
education, job skills and vocational training, or financial 
literacy. This program will help survivors break that vicious 
cycle and begin a new life.
    I want to again thank Representative Chris Smith for his 
work on this bill. And as a proud original cosponsor of this 
legislation, I look forward to its bipartisan approval by this 
committee and eventual passage into law.
    I thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back.
    Does any other member seek recognition? Ms. Wild.
    Ms. Wild. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I, too, rise in support of H.R. 5856, the Trafficking 
Victims Protection Act of 2000. And I, too, would like to thank 
the chair of the Subcommittee on Global Health and Human 
Rights, Mr. Smith, a subcommittee that I am proud to be ranking 
member on and have been present at the hearings where we have 
heard from the witnesses who have been the victims of this type 
of trafficking, in addition to which I spent time this summer 
in Nepal visiting, meeting with survivors of human trafficking 
and sex trafficking and with NGO's that are on the ground 
trying very, very hard to help those survivors.
    I could think of no subject more suitable for bipartisan 
support. And I hope that all of our members will vote in favor 
of this. One of the things that is most enjoyable about the 
Foreign Affairs Committee, quite frankly, is our ability to 
work in a bipartisan manner on so many important issues. And 
this is certainly one of them.
    And I just, again, want to thank you, Chairman Smith, for 
your efforts on this and for asking me to co-lead it. And with 
that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back.
    Any further discussion? Ms. Manning is recognized.
    Ms. Manning. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I am proud to support H.R. 5856, the Frederick Douglass 
Trafficking Victims Prevention and Protection Reauthorization 
Act of 2023, bipartisan legislation I helped introduce 
alongside my good friends and colleagues, Representatives Chris 
Smith of New Jersey and Susan Wild of Pennsylvania.
    I want to thank them for their leadership. And I am very 
proud to serve alongside them on the Subcommittee on Global 
Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations 
where we have had important hearings about the problem of human 
trafficking. And, Representative Smith, I just want to mention 
how much I appreciate your passion and tenacity on this 
critically important issue.
    Human trafficking and modern day slavery is a horrific 
crime whose continued existence should be a shock to the 
conscience of our society. Each year millions of people around 
the world are trafficked across borders. Violent cartels and 
some States prey on and abuse the most vulnerable among us, 
forcing them into child labor, sex slavery, and other abhorrent 
crimes. That is why it is important that Congress pass this 5-
year reauthorization of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act 
of 2000, which established the Department of State's office to 
monitor and combat trafficking in persons which ranks 
governments around the world on their efforts to confront and 
combat human trafficking.
    This bill and the ANS would make several important updates 
to the law, incorporating trauma and victim-centered approaches 
supported by many stakeholders, as well as an extension of 
International Megan's Law, which helps prevent convicted 
predators from preying on and exploiting victims in other 
countries around the world.
    In closing, I urge all my colleagues to support this 
important bipartisan bill that I am proud to cosponsor. I yield 
back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back.
    Any other members seek recognition? I recognize myself.
    Let me just say to my dear friend, Mr. Smith, you know, I 
know who has worked very hard and tirelessly for many years to 
get to this point. And we suffered together through much of 
that with the Senate. I just congratulate you on getting this 
thing done.
    It is a milestone bill. You know, there is nothing better 
than when you pass a bill and you know you are going to save 
lives, you know. It does not happen every day up here, but to 
pass a bill, to know that you are not only going to save 
children's lives but you are going to make their lives better, 
the most innocent people in our society with one of the most 
grotesque crimes.
    You know, as a Federal prosecutor for many years, I have 
seen the victims and what was done to them. And, you know, in 
many respects, it is the absolute worst. And, you know, we 
always said there is a special place in hell for people like 
that, especially in prison. And I have sent some of them to 
prison and rescued many of them.
    And I just think you are doing, you know, when you do God's 
work here on earth, that really, that is what it is all about, 
making a difference in this Nation and this world. And, sir, I 
just want to commend you and all the members of this committee. 
I know the ranking member, I know Mrs. Wagner has worked really 
hard on this issue. This is a righteous one. This is a 
righteous issue. And I am delighted we could move it forward. 
And I am delighted that we have the Senate now that may 
actually pass it. And it is well deserved. And I just wanted to 
say that.
    So any other members seek recognition?
    There being no further discussion, do any members wish to 
offer an amendment to the Smith amendment in the nature of a 
substitute?
    There being no further amendments, the question now occurs 
on the amendment in the nature of a substitute offered by 
Representative Smith.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. And the 
amendment is agreed to.
    There being no further amendments, I move that the 
committee report H.R. 5856 as amended to the House with a 
favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. And the 
motion is agreed to.
    Mr. Connolly. Mr. Chair, I ask for a recorded vote.
    Chairman McCaul. A roll call vote has been requested. 
Pursuant to the chair's previous announcement, this vote will 
be postponed.
    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H.R. 4681, the Illicit 
Captagon Trafficking Suppression Act. The bill was circulated 
in advance. The clerk shall designate the bill.
    [The Bill H.R. 4681 follows:]

                                hr 4681
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    The Clerk. H.R. 4681, to provide for the imposition of 
sanctions with respect to illicit captagon trafficking----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading is 
dispensed with. The bill is considered read and open to 
amendment at any point.
    Is there any discussion on the bill? Mr. Hill is 
recognized.
    Mr. Hill. Mr. Chairman, thank you for scheduling H.R. 4681, 
the Illicit Captagon Trafficking Suppression Act, for today's 
debate and markup. I want to particularly thank Congressman 
Moskowitz, who is my partner in offering this legislation after 
2 years of working very closely with your team, including in 
the last Congress when I was not a member of this committee. So 
I want to thank you and the Foreign Affairs Committee staff for 
the hard work and appreciate helping me address this issue 
effectively.
    In addition to being a documented war criminal, Bashar al-
Assad in Syria has become a transnational drug kingpin whose 
captagon drug is devastating families in the region and fueling 
his terror partnership with Iran and Hezbollah and now with 
additional of millions if not billions of new, growing illegal 
sources of funds.
    In June, the Biden Administration outlined their strategy 
to combat the illegal revenue of captagon mandated by my first 
bill, the Captagon Act, which was signed into law as a part of 
the fiscal 1923 NDAA. The Illicit Captagon Trafficking 
Suppression Act will further press the Assad regime by imposing 
new sanctions to directly target individuals and networks 
associated with the production and trafficking of this drug. To 
ensure stability in the region, the U.S. Government must 
continue to work with our allies and partners and put pressure 
on stopping the proliferation of this drug and the money it 
generates.
    I have been to the region, Mr. Chairman, three times this 
year, and captagon has come up in every visit with the regional 
governments. Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq directly have seen 
captagon trade infiltrate their borders and affect their 
populations. And Egypt, Israel, and Turkey are certainly 
concerned about the money generated by captagon which fuels 
terrorism on their borders and against their people.
    The Israeli Defense Force just in the last few weeks 
announced that captagon pills had been found on killed and 
captured Hamas fighters in the days following the October 7th 
brutal massacre in southern Israel. The New Lines Institute's 
Captagon Trade Project has now tracked more than 800 seizures 
of captagon since 2015. Further, earlier this year the British 
government estimated the global value of the captagon trade at 
$57 billion. With more than 80 percent of captagon being 
produced in Syria, that is big money for an economy on the 
brink of utter collapse.
    While I commend the Biden Administration and the United 
Kingdom jointly for using Caesar sanctions this past spring to 
sanction individuals for captagon trade, it is important that 
we now have specific sanctions on the production and 
trafficking of this drug. This bill is an important piece to 
the other legislation that this committee has passed and 
related to the region's work at pushing back against the 
normalization of diplomatic relations with Assad, the presence 
Iran has in every conflict in the region, and in supporting our 
ally, Israel.
    I ask for my colleagues' support. And I yield back the 
balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion? Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. [Audio malfunction.]
    Chairman McCaul. OK. Any further discussion on the bill? 
Mr. Wilson is recognized.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I am grateful to support my colleague and friend, French 
Hill, in this critical legislation to hold the mass murdering 
regime of Bashar al-Assad accountable for his narcoState in 
trafficking the dangerous drug captagon across the region. The 
Assad regime is already notorious for its torture of children, 
use of chemical weapons against civilians, and continued 
bombing of non-regime areas of Syria. Nearly a million people 
have been murdered at the hands of Assad, yet the world remains 
largely silent about his crimes against Syrians. Assad saw an 
opportunity to line his pockets and give his criminal regime 
more leverage with countries in the region who are desperately 
seeking to curb the proliferation of the drug captagon.
    Congressman Hill is correct. It has been reported that 
Hamas puppets of Iran were deranged with captagon as they 
committed the massacre in Israel of Israeli citizens a month 
ago today, October 7th. Appropriately, it was on Vladimir 
Putin's birthday. Burning babies alive and parading the 
murdered Israeli-German Shani Louk in the back of a pickup 
truck through Gaza exposes the barbarism enhanced by captagon. 
Thirty-two Americans were murdered and civilians kidnapped as 
hostages held in the murderous tradition of Iran, as in 1979 
the U.S. Embassy, as war criminal Putin now has kidnapped 
babies to replace the brave Russians who have fled the Putin 
oppression.
    I am grateful to French Hill, appreciated for his South 
Carolina heritage, for his commitment to holding mass murder 
and puppet Putin Assad accountable. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion on the bill?
    There being no further discussion, the committee will move 
to consideration of amendments. Does any member wish to offer 
an amendment?
    Mr. Hill. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk. 
And I ask for its consideration at this time.
    Chairman McCaul. Mr. Hill is recognized. And the clerk 
shall distribute the Hill amendment in the nature of a 
substitute. The clerk shall report the amendment.
    [The Amendment offered by Mr. Hill follows:]

    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    The Clerk. Amendment in the nature of a substitute to H.R. 
4681, offered by Mr. Hill of Arkansas, strike all after----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes on his amendment.
    Mr. Hill. Well, Mr. Chairman, thank you.
    This amendment in the nature of a substitute makes two 
changes in the base text. And these are being made after 
detailed discussions and support from the ranking member, Mr. 
Meeks, and the minority staff.
    First, we changed the national security waiver provision 
standard from vital to important on page 5, line 19 of the ANS. 
And second, we add in a humanitarian waiver on page 6. And this 
humanitarian waiver language is consistent with the precise 
same waiver language that we had in the Caesar Act that was 
approved by this committee and has been utilized in sanctioning 
the Assad regime.
    I want to thank my friend, the ranking member, for his work 
and, of course, his staff for their willingness to collaborate 
with me and get this measure in a position where the ranking 
member can have support of my bill.
    Barring any back and forth with the ranking member on this 
point, I would urge everybody's support and yield back the 
balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion? Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Let me thank Congressman Hill for offering this 
measure in addressing the Assad regime's trafficking of the 
drug captagon.
    For years now the brutal Assad regime, its affiliates and 
criminal networks have used the sale and trafficking of the 
illegal narcotic captagon to enrich itself and fuel its 
campaign of brutality against Syria's people. The Biden 
Administration has taken steps to improve coordination with 
allies and partners to interdict, counter, and disrupt the 
networks that perpetuate these flows. However, more, much more 
can be done.
    This bill builds upon this committee's previous legislative 
efforts to mandate additional sanctions on individuals and 
entities responsible for captagon's trafficking, as well as 
important congressional reporting on steps the United States is 
taking to counter these criminal efforts.
    And I also want to give a special thank you to Mr. Hill for 
working with me on a bipartisan amendment which ensures 
legitimate humanitarian work and that work will continue while 
making sure that these additional sanctions are, in fact, 
targeted and effective. I want to thank you, Mr. Hill. I want 
to thank your staff for working collectively. Again, this is 
what I am happy to do. And you are a person of integrity. And I 
really appreciate it and working with you as always.
    And again, I encourage all of the members of this committee 
to support this bill as I do also. And I yield back the balance 
of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any other members seek recognition? I recognize myself for 
a brief Statement.
    I want to congratulate Mr. Hill for bringing this forward.
    I think a lot of people did not know what captagon was 
prior to the Hamas invasion of Israel. But it is a very wicked 
amphetamine that causes delusional behavior. And if you look at 
the videos of Hamas terrorizing the kibbutz and the Jewish 
people with these horrific crimes of humanity, against 
humanity, you know, raping, tearing a baby out of a mother's 
womb and burning children alive and cutting heads off, and what 
drives people to do something like this, it's terrorism. And 
just like the Nazis, they are all jacked up on amphetamine and 
other things. And it causes very, very violent behavior.
    So I think this is an excellent bill. And I fully support.
    Any other members seek recognition?
    There being no further discussion, do any members wish to 
offer an amendment to the Hill amendment in the nature of a 
substitute?
    There being no further amendments, the question now occurs 
on the amendment in the nature of a substitute offered by Mr. 
Hill.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. And the 
amendment is agreed to.
    There being no further amendments, I move that the 
committee report H.R. 4681, as amended, to the House with a 
favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    Mr. Hill. Mr. Chairman?
    Chairman McCaul. Mr. Hill is recognized.
    Mr. Hill. I would ask for a recorded vote, please.
    Chairman McCaul. A roll call vote has been requested. 
Pursuant to the chair's previous announcement, this vote will 
be postponed.
    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H.R. 5961, No Funds for 
Iranian Terrorism Act. The bill was circulated in advance. The 
clerk shall designate the bill.
    [The Bill H.R. 5961 follows:]

                                 hr5961
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                               hr5961pt2
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

                               mr. mills
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

    The Clerk. H.R. 5961, to freeze certain Iranian funds 
involved in the 2023 hostage deals between the United States 
and Iran and for other purposes being enacted by the Senate and 
the House of Representatives of the United States of America--
--
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading is 
dispensed with. The bill is considered read and open to 
amendment at any point.
    I recognize myself in support of this bill. This bill, the 
No Funds for Iranian Terrorism Act, imposes new sanctions on 
the $6 billion of Iranian funds transferred to Qatar as part of 
the 2023 hostage deal.
    First, let me say that I am relieved that Americans held 
hostage by Iran are safely at home. They have been through a 
terrible ordeal and should never have been imprisoned. But 
cutting a $6 billion deal with a leading State sponsor of 
terrorism, with a 44 yearlong history of hostage taking, is in 
my judgment foolish and only incentivizes more hostage taking. 
It is about 1.2 billion per blue passport.
    Fourteen hundred people were killed during the Hamas 
barbaric attack against Israel. Two hundred and forty-two 
hostages were taken. There is no acceptable response to this 
brutal terrorist assault other than to impose new restrictions 
to permanently prevent Iran from tapping into a $6 billion 
windfall, which it will use to prop up its terror proxies.
    Money is fungible. And giving Iran access to funds in any 
form frees up money for its malign activities. Iran has 
historically spent 100 million a year supporting Hamas alone. 
That is just a fraction of what it contributes its network of 
terrorist proxies overall.
    Iran's long documented history of sanctions evasion and 
money laundering means we cannot trust Iran to use this money 
for humanitarian purposes. And if you have any doubt about 
this, any doubt about Iran's intentions, just look at not my 
words but the words of the Iranian president, Raisi, bragging 
to the world that Iran would spend the $6 billion ``wherever we 
need it.' '
    Well, I take him at his word. It would be irresponsible to 
allow another cent to flow to Iran. So that is why my bill 
ensures the funds remain permanently off limits to the Iranian 
regime. This bill would impose immediate mandatory sanctions on 
any financial institution that helps Iran use the $6 billion, 
effectively freezing it.
    With such instability in the region, the last thing we need 
is to give Iran access to $6 billion to be diverted to 
terrorism. We must sanction anyone who enables the transfer or 
processing of transactions involving these funds, plain and 
simple. And I urge my colleagues to support this bill.
    Is there any further discussion on the bill? Mr. Meeks is 
recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    President Biden did the right thing. He brought five 
Americans home who were rotting in Iran's notorious Evin 
prison. And every Member of Congress who was aware of these 
cases wanted our fellow citizens to come home. We promised 
their families we would fight to bring them home. We were all 
calling on the president to make it happen. President Obama 
could not get them out. President Trump could not get them out. 
President Joe Biden succeeded.
    The agreement isn't pleasant for anybody. The 
Administration does not love it. Democrats in Congress do not 
love it. Republicans in Congress do not love it. No hostage 
agreement with an enemy is pleasant or easy. And no deal with 
the regime in Tehran, a murderous and corrupt regime, is 
pleasant or easy. But thanks to this agreement five American 
families are now whole again. And Iran has lost the leverage of 
holding American hostages.
    The bill before us would sanction parties that carry out 
the financial terms of the hostage agreement in question. Let's 
take a moment and walk through some facts. The Trump 
Administration established a restricted account in South Korea 
where billions of Iran's own profits from oil sales were 
sitting for Iran to make approved humanitarian purposes. We had 
no control over this account, none.
    This agreement moved that $6 billion from the restricted 
account in South Korea, converted it into euros, and relocated 
it into a restricted account in Qatar. The United States has 
visibility now over this account, which we did not before. Not 
a single penny has moved into Iran. Iran has gained nothing, 
zero, nada, period. The regime just lost their hostages.
    Under the terms of the agreement, Iran can use its money in 
Qatar to make approved humanitarian purchases to acquire 
medicine, medical equipment, agriculture goods, and food. Iran 
will never touch this money. The entirety of the transaction 
occurs outside of Iran. And Iran only received the vetted 
humanitarian goods. Thus far, Iran has not made any request of 
this humanitarian fund.
    Again, nothing has been gained by Iran. All of the money 
remains in the account, every single penny of it, an account 
that we can watch, an account we now have leverage over due to 
our relationships with the correspondent banks in Europe that 
are integral to process any transactions, which we did not have 
before. In other words, we now have more control over this 
money than we did when it was in Korea. In fact, this account 
provides us with leverage, not the other way around.
    Furthermore, following the horrific attacks in Israel on 
October 7th, the humanitarian fund has been frozen indefinitely 
by the United States and Qatar. No humanitarian purchase will 
be approved any time soon. Again, nothing has changed. The 
money remains in the account. And we continue to have leverage.
    But if we pass this bill, that leverage will be gone. We 
will also lose our ability to conduct diplomacy with Iran and 
others in the future, because if we blow up this agreement by 
passing this bill we, the United States, will be the ones 
breaking yet another sensitive negotiated agreement with Iran. 
Our word and integrity will no longer be good in negotiations. 
This prisoner agreement has eliminated a longstanding obstacle 
for improvement in U.S.-Iranian relations for the purpose of 
preventing Iran from ever obtaining a nuclear weapon.
    And I am not suggesting we try to befriend Iran, quite the 
opposite. Iran has only served to destabilize the broader 
Middle East by including supporting terrorist groups like 
Hezbollah and Hamas. The population of Gaza would not be 
engulfed in war were it not for Hamas. Iran-backed Hamas 
brought this upon everyone.
    But we must remain sober and serious about the challenge of 
Iran and keep a focus on Iran's nefarious nuclear program. None 
of the bad options we possess to stop Iran's nuclear ambitions 
are better than the diplomatic track which has already proven 
successful.
    Remember, it was the United States who violated the JCPOA, 
not Iran. Pulling out of this hostage agreement will be the 
second time we violated an agreement with Iran's leaders. 
Passage of this bill would mean potentially slamming the door 
closed on future diplomacy and leaving us only with dangerous 
and highly risky options of confronting Iran's nuclear program.
    The prisoner swap confirms to the Iranian regime and others 
watching that the United States is a reliable negotiating 
partner. This is a crucial basis for the reopening of formal 
nuclear negotiations in the future. We must keep this 
possibility alive.
    So, concluding, this agreement has freed five Americans who 
were suffering in Iranian prison. It shifted Iran's own money 
from an account in Korea we did not control to one where we 
play a role. And not a single penny has left the account or 
entered Iran. And this fund remains frozen indefinitely by the 
U.S. and Qatar. And there is no reason to jeopardize future 
negotiations or further inflame an already dangerous situation 
by passing this bill.
    And I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion? Mr. Mast is recognized.
    Mr. Mast. Thank you, Chairman.
    I rise in support. And I guess the way that I would capture 
this is to say it is literally a situation of adding injury to 
insult. And not injury in the immediate but injury in the 
future.
    And I recognize everybody in this room has had the 
opportunity for classified briefing on this. I do not know if 
everybody attended classified briefing on it. I will only say 
this about the briefing. I received a briefing on it. And I 
remain 100 percent not convinced that the status quo will keep 
these funds from being used by Iran for terror activities. Let 
me say that one more time. I remain unconvinced that the status 
quo would keep the funds from being used for terrorism by Iran, 
by any of their proxies, shuffled on down the line to whoever 
it is that they want to shuffle that to. And I do not know if 
other people heard different things in the briefings than what 
I heard.
    But I would make this point as well, as we are in a moment 
of hundreds of hostages being held by these same arms. I cannot 
speak for Iran. But I consider it highly unlikely that Iran is 
out there speaking to its proxies right now telling them that 
you are not going to get anything for these hostages. See, 
look, we had this deal. And yes, it says $6 billion, but we 
actually did not get anything. I just somehow doubt that that 
is the conversation that is taking place right now between Iran 
and the Palestinian Army of Hamas that they are out there 
supporting.
    And that, I thank you for the time, Mr. Chairman. And I 
yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion? Ms. Kamlager-Dove.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair. This bill, I 
think, sets a dangerous precedent by questioning our commitment 
to securing the release of American hostages and fracturing 
U.S. diplomatic credibility and upholding negotiated 
agreements. The deal with Iran advanced two important U.S. 
interests.
    First, it got the Iranian government to use its own funds 
for humanitarian aid for the Iranian people, something deeply 
needed as they are suffering under this regime and remain 
menaced by and acute economic crisis. And this is the part 
everyone conveniently forgets. Return five Americans who are 
being held hostage by the regime.
    These Americans had been sitting in an Iranian jail for 
years over the course of several Presidential Administrations, 
unsure if they would ever see their loved ones again. They were 
held at Evin Prison which is notorious for human rights 
violations, psychological torture, and repulsive living 
conditions. One of the Americans had been imprisoned for seven 
and a half years which is longer than some of us have served in 
Congress.
    The fundamental expectation that we would uphold our side 
of the bargain is the only reason those prisoners were able to 
come home to see their families. So what message are we sending 
our constituents when we renege on this deal, that if they are 
held hostage we won't help them? Well, my constituent, Eyvin 
Hernandez, is being wrongfully detained in Venezuela, and there 
is nothing that I would not do to make sure that he gets to see 
his family again.
    I think he's worth it. I think he's worth all kinds of 
negotiations. And I would hope I can say the same for this 
country. By refusing to uphold our end of the bargain, we also 
lose diplomatic credibility.
    And we severely disincentivize any agreement like this from 
happening again with other countries who have American 
hostages. This bill jeopardizes the changes of freedom for 
American hostages in order to score political points. No 
country would make a deal with someone who does not follow 
through, and we are all learning our lesson of dealing with bad 
faith actors in Congress.
    We cut deals with all kinds of actors every single day, 
good and bad. And it is so important that we separate policy 
from politics and propaganda. To the points made by the ranking 
member, the timing was poor on this deal, yes.
    But sanctions are already present and will continue. Checks 
and balances are already in place. And heightened 
accountability has been added as a result of October 7th. 
Diplomacy means you talk to your friends, and it means you also 
find ways to talk to your enemies.
    And at the end of the day, we should not forget that this 
was about bringing home American hostages, people who deserve 
our attention and as much diplomatic and negotiated 
interactions as possible to bring them home safely to their 
families. We must be abundantly clear what is really at stake 
when we treat diplomacy like it does not matter. You literally 
put American lives at risk. So I would urge my colleagues to 
oppose this legislation, and I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. Gentlelady yields. Any further----
    Mr. Hill. Mr. Chair.
    Chairman McCaul [continuing]. Discussion? Mr. Hill is 
recognized.
    Mr. Hill. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to rise in 
support of this Bill 5961, No Funds for Iranian Terrorism Act. 
And I think we all acknowledge on both sides of the aisle that 
we certainly support efforts by the Administration to bring 
Americans wrongfully detained or held hostage by State actors 
or non-State actors home.
    That's the goal of our country. It's the goal of everybody 
in this Congress. Congressman Haley Stevens and I co-chair the 
task force in the House to help educate members about what they 
can do to support their constituents that, in fact, have family 
members held wrongfully abroad by a State actor or non-State 
actor.
    So that's to be commended. But when you put a price on the 
blue passport, you encourage more hostage taking, not less. And 
if we're talking about diplomatic relations and not honoring 
agreements, let's start with Tehran and the Biden policy of 
continuing the appeasement of the Obama Administration which is 
at the root of much of the drama and terror that we are 
witnessing right this week.
    Iran is the world's largest and No. 1 State sponsor of 
terrorism. Sanctions relief and appeasement under the past 
Democratic Administrations absolutely aren't accomplishing any 
diplomatic objective. And it's certainly not accomplishing 
easier access to hostages.
    In fact, under this Administration, Iran's GDP is growing. 
It's now 550 billion dollars. It was that level under President 
Obama with the all of the above sanctions policies that 
President Trump took, shrunk to 300 billion by a loss of 200 
billion per year.
    And now under President Biden, it's back growing again. It 
was 359 billion in 1921 and it's now almost 400 billion in 
2022. So Iran is growing.
    They aren't facing sanctions like they were under the Trump 
Administration. And while it's important to recognize the 6 
billion dollars is also just a small part of the money freed up 
for this terrorist State. Because just as has been described 
accurately by Mr. Meeks and Mr. McCaul, this 6 billion dollars 
is just one account that is Iranian money held in escrow in 
Qatar.
    But there's another one of 10 billion that's in Oman that 
is for gas sales from Iran to Iraq that's also being freed up 
at this time. And when you look at 17 billion dollars in an 
economy of that size, that's a lot of fungible money that as 
Chairman McCaul has said can be spent for whatever the mullahs 
want. So this Administration has allowed Iran back into the 
global economy.
    And yet they're exporting ballistic missile technologies. 
In Ukraine, to defeat Ukraine, Iran is selling drones and arms 
to Russia to kill Israelis and wipe Israel off the map. Iran is 
the primary financier of Hamas and Hizballah and Lebanon as a 
protector and partner to Assad who we just discussed in Syria.
    Iran is the principal financier of the Assad regime, Hamas, 
and fights alongside Russia in killing Syrians. And then Yemen, 
Iran is the principal financial supporter of the Houthis which 
last time I checked in the last few days have been firing 
rockets over Saudi Arabia to hit Israel. And this is who we 
want to give more money to.
    This makes no sense to me. So circumstances change in 
negotiations. Circumstances change in negotiations. And Iran is 
directly involved in all these conflicts, directly involved in 
funding terror, directly involved in killing Israelis.
    And to cap it all off, 91 percent of the Iranian oil 
exports are being bought by China, the largest part of Iran's 
economy. Why is it growing? Because they're selling oil to 
China.
    This builds an important step and a small step. But it 
allows us to make consistent U.S. policy that sees Iran for 
what it is and puts the sanction pressure where it deserves. I 
thank the Chairman. I support this bill, and I yield back my 
time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion? Mr. Davidson is recognized.
    Mr. Davidson. I thank the chairman. And I just have to 
address Mr. Meeks' argument and some of our colleagues that 
have defended the idea of even entering into negotiation for 
hostages. Look, I think we should do everything we can to get 
hostages back.
    It's shameful. Frankly, so much conflict in the world comes 
about because people just cannot live by basic maxims. Don't 
hurt people, and do not take their stuff. But somehow that 
breaks down.
    And so you have to right it. There has to be justice. But 
the idea that there's a greater moral good by setting a market 
price for taking American hostages. And make no mistake, that's 
what this does.
    It sets a market price on the head of every American. If I 
take this hostage, I might be able to exchange him for this 
kind of money. And that is an incredible moral hazard.
    I think it's a horrible approach to diplomacy by our 
Administration or any Administration for that matter. But I 
think one of the other things that I'm concerned about and 
while I do, I think, in balance support this bill, one of the 
ways that Congress is broken that most folks back home do not 
really appreciate is why are so many things kind of in half 
measures here? And it's because of the committees of 
jurisdiction.
    And frankly, Mr. Pfluger has a similar bill, but it 
involves other committees of jurisdiction, ways and means, 
financial services, maybe oversight. You might need four 
committees of jurisdiction to try to holistically solve this 
problem. And that creates challenges to being able to make 
things work.
    It certainly slows things down. And we all know Congress 
already works slower than is necessary to solve problems on the 
pace of real world time demands. So I think it's disappointing.
    I hope we'll collaborate to find a way to work through some 
of these committees of jurisdiction. I hope that when we do 
bring this to the floor that we do not simply do it in a way 
that is a suspension vote. I hope we do it in a way that allows 
for debate and amendment so that some of these things that are 
in other areas of jurisdiction can be considered because I 
think we can make this good bill stronger.
    But we cannot necessarily do that within the jurisdiction 
of foreign affairs. So look, it's a common sense approach. The 
arguments are made well. But I do not think the whole solution 
can be made narrowly within the foreign affairs jurisdiction. I 
believe I'll support it, but I hope we can make it even 
stronger. And with that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. And let me just say 
I have been in touch with my colleague from Texas. And we've 
been working on this.
    I anticipate this will go to the floor under a rule. And we 
will have amendments that I will negotiate with him to get that 
in. So if that gives you some relief from your concern. Mr. 
Baird?
    Mr. Baird. I'm good.
    Chairman McCaul. You're good? OK. No further discussion?
    Chairman McCaul. The committee will move to consideration 
of amendments. Does any member wish to offer an amendment?
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment 
at the desk.
    Chairman McCaul. OK. The clerk shall distribute the 
amendment.
    Mr. Meeks. Meeks number 9.
    Chairman McCaul. Clerk shall report the amendment.
    [The Amendment offered by Mr. Meeks follows:]

    [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T4164.155
    
    The Clerk. Amendment to H.R. 5961 offered by Mr. Meeks of 
New York. In Section 3, redesignate Subsection E as Subsection 
F. In Section 3----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with. The gentleman is recognized for 5 
minutes on his amendment.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I offer this amendment 
to reiterate something I stated unequivocally at the first 
markup of this Congress. I will not support any sanction 
measures that moves through this committee if it does not 
include a waiver in some form or fashion.
    And if the sanctions authority has broad global economic 
consequences like some legislation that has moved through the 
committee, this Congress, then the waiver standard must 
explicitly make room for economic considerations. We should not 
pass sanctions legislation intended to have an economic impact 
and then not allow the President or the Secretary of State to 
consider economic factors when making decisions about waivers. 
The de facto position of the bill is that no Administration 
should be able to negotiate humanitarian aid for the Iranian 
people in exchange for any American global interest, including 
to free American hostages.
    I cannot support that position. So I request all members 
support my amendment and add a waiver to this legislation. And 
with that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. I thank the ranking member for offering 
this amendment. However, I must oppose it. This amendment would 
allow the President to waive the sanctions in this bill if he 
decides that it is, quote-unquote, important to our national 
security interest.
    This is very broad. I think it would undermine the purpose 
of the bill. I think that the intent and motive of the 
Administration is clear.
    When they transferred the funding for the South Korean bank 
account to the account in Qatar that the whole purpose of the 
whole negotiation was to bring that money in to Iran. I 
understand it was for humanitarian purposes. I'm not sure about 
the fidelity of the money going in only for humanitarian when 
it is, A, fungible, B, the President of Iran's Statements that 
he's going to use the money for whatever he wants to.
    So this does not give me enough assurance that the intent 
of this legislation would be carried out. In fact, I think it 
would be waived almost immediately. And so for that reason, I 
oppose. Do any other members seek recognition? Ms.--can I just 
say Cher-McCormick?
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at 
the desk. I ask to be recognized.
    Chairman McCaul. No, no, no. Oh, yes. We're on the Meeks 
amendment. Sorry. We're discussing Meeks amendment right now. 
But you are recognized if you'd like to speak on the Meeks 
amendment.
    Mr. Meeks. Would the gentlelady yield?
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Yes.
    Mr. Meeks. Did she yield?
    Chairman McCaul. Yes.
    Mr. Meeks. OK.
    I just want to stress, Mr. Chairman, that no money goes 
into Iran at all. It was in one account, of which President 
Trump put it in, in Korea, where we had no oversight, and it 
was moved from one account to another account in Qatar, not 
Iran. Not a dime goes into Iran, not a cent, not a penny. That 
we have now greater oversight over it.
    And I would just stress that I do not believe, whether it's 
a Democratic President or a Republican President, that the 
President of the United States should not take into 
consideration the interests of the people of the United States 
and have the ability to have a waiver for economic 
considerations or other. That is the reason why the elected 
President of the United States--we have a check and a balance, 
but information and concerns and moving forward is extremely 
important.
    But I just wanted to stress that not one--because I hear 
``money going into Iran, money going into Iran, money going 
into Iran.'' No money is going into Iran.
    I yield. I give back the time to the gentlelady.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields.
    And any further discussion?
    Mr. Mast?
    Mr. Mast. Thank you. I'm recognized?
    Chairman McCaul. You are recognized.
    Mr. Mast. Thank you.
    What was just said is fundamentally false, Mr. Ranking 
Member. The idea that there was an exchange of funds in an 
account for hostages, and that maybe they're not spending 
something today, but that they're not going to have access to 
spend something when they make the appropriate request to spend 
whatever--I mean, it's a difficult conversation to have in here 
because a lot of what we have discussed has been in classified 
briefings.
    But we know for a fact they can get their hands on the 
money and utilize the money. They can get their hands on the 
money and utilize the money.
    I see some of your staff that weren't sitting in classified 
briefings nodding their heads, so I'm thinking they do not know 
squat.
    But that's a fact. And this is it. I mean, that's----
    Mr. Meeks. Would the gentleman yield?
    Mr. Mast. Well, yes, I will yield in a moment. Last time I 
asked you to yield, you said, I think your exact words were I 
wasn't worth it. I operate differently than you do, and I will 
give you the respect of yielding you a few moments of time. By 
all means.
    Mr. Meeks. Obviously, we're in the same--because I've made 
many classified meetings. Some you were in and some you were 
not in. And most of the members of my staff happened to have 
been in. I know the one that you were in with me, they were 
also in the classified meeting. So, obviously, we might have 
heard, then, different things and different facts.
    But for you to say that money has gone into Iran is 
incorrect.
    Mr. Mast. Is that what I just said?
    Mr. Meeks. Say it again?
    Mr. Mast. That's literally not what I just said to you.
    Mr. Meeks. That is what I heard you say. What did you say?
    Mr. Mast. So, it kind of goes to your point of hearing what 
you want to hear.
    I literally just said, to make the point that they cannot, 
through the channels that they have to go through to request 
funds--we know that there are specific channels to request 
funds, be it for agricultural equipment or whatever somebody 
wants to say it might be for, that they won't be able to use 
the funds of this agreement is fundamentally false. They will.
    Mr. Meeks. I cannot say exactly what we were told at the 
classified meeting. All I could say is, in the meeting it was 
clear that the money--and frozen is a technical term--that the 
money is frozen.
    Mr. Mast. Let me--we'll continue this colloquy for a 
moment.
    Do you believe that term ``frozen'' to be a permanent term?
    Mr. Meeks. I believe the term----
    Mr. Mast. It will not end?
    Mr. Meeks. The term ``frozen'' means that the money, as we 
speak, cannot go into Iran.
    Mr. Mast. But do you think that is a permanent term without 
end?
    Mr. Meeks. Without end? I believe--and I think what we were 
debating here--and what I heard was that the money is going 
into Iran. And I know, and what I've stated, is that we now 
have more control over that money in Qatar than we did when it 
was in Korea.
    Mr. Mast. I want to make sure you said--you did just now 
say the money is going into Iran? I want to----
    Mr. Meeks. Is not going into Iran.
    Mr. Mast. You just said, ``in''. And I realize maybe you 
might have made a mistake.
    Mr. Meeks. I said the money is not going into Iran. And we 
now have more control over that money than we did when it was 
in the account in Korea.
    Mr. Mast. But you won't say that that term ``frozen'' is a 
permanent term. And I believe that you won't say that because 
that is not a permanent term.
    Mr. Meeks. Well----
    Mr. Mast. You might be speaking in the short term, saying, 
well, maybe they cannot access something today or tomorrow, but 
to pretend that there is not a method, a set of--a set path for 
them to get the dollars that are a part of this deal--it is at 
risk.
    Mr. Meeks. My position is diplomacy matters. So, if you're 
asking if--you know, we do not know what the future holds.
    Mr. Mast. But we know they can access the money.
    Mr. Meeks. They cannot access the money today.
    Mr. Mast. But we know they can access the money.
    Mr. Meeks. They cannot access the money today.
    Mr. Mast. But they can access it.
    Mr. Meeks. They cannot access the money today.
    Mr. Mast. So, I think the American people can see you're 
purposefully saying, ``today,'' and you're mincing words by not 
saying----
    Mr. Meeks. No, you're mincing words. The question is, can 
they access the money now?
    Mr. Mast. That's not the question that I have.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman's time has expired.
    Mr. Mast. The question I----
    Chairman McCaul. Any further discussion on the Meeks 
amendment?
    I recognize myself for 5 minutes.
    I'd just like to say that, well, first of all, I do not 
condone any remarks impugning staff. Staff works hard. They do 
not deserve that on either side. They work very hard. I think, 
member-to-member, that's fair game.
    But, having said that, I have to agree with my colleague in 
the sense that, why was the money transferred? Well, because it 
was part of the hostage negotiation deal. And why was it 
transferred to a Qatari bank? Why could not they just provide 
humanitarian assistance from the South Korean bank? But they 
did not do that. It wasn't done that way. It was transferred 
through this wire transfer to the Qatari bank with the 
understanding that it would go into Iran for humanitarian 
purposes. Which takes me back to my argument again, that money 
is fungible, and the President of Iran said himself he will do 
whatever he wants with that money.
    And I think that's why, although, you know, I respect the 
ranking member greatly, I just do not trust this 
Administration, given the conduct that set this whole deal up 
in the first place; that we give him a waiver, he will exercise 
that waiver. And then, we're looking at $6 billion going in. 
Maybe they will take it for humanitarian, but we know the 
President of Iran has said that's not where it's going to go.
    And, my God, with them giving, you know, drones to Ukraine 
to kill Ukrainians--drones to Russia, I mean--with them, you 
know, lighting up Israel with all their proxies, I think it 
would be irresponsible and reckless, quite frankly, to do this.
    And I do not understand the overall deal here. Perhaps 
behind the scenes there's some JCPOA going on where it will 
leverage Iran to start complying with the JCPOA, and that may 
be to your point on diplomacy. But they have not come out and 
told us that.
    So, I do not have all the facts. All I know is $6 billion 
was transferred. And you have to ask yourself the question, 
why? Why was it important to get it to a Qatari bank? I do not 
think we have all that information.
    But, you know, as a Federal prosecutor--you were, too--if I 
see money moving around, I'm like, OK, why did they do that? 
And I was told, overall, it was because they wanted to put the 
money in Iran for humanitarian purposes.
    And I think after they got caught is when they decided, 
ooh, wait a minute, we're not going to, we're not going to do 
that anymore. But it wasn't until the media caught onto this, 
and the Administration got caught with its hand in the cookie 
jar, that they realized, oh-oh, we'd better not do that because 
that's not going to look good.
    And then, with the invasion of Hamas into Israel on top of 
all this, that's where the argument really starts to fall, in 
my humble opinion.
    And I know that the ranking member and I, we agree to 
disagree; we always do it civilly. And I just make my points, 
as an attorney like you, sir. And I just have my--I have my 
concerns; I have to be honest with you.
    Any other members seek recognition?
    Mr. Lawler?
    Mr. Lawler. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I railed against this $6 billion in unfrozen assets back in 
August, back on September 11th, when this Administration 
formally informed Congress, and when we had a hearing at the 
end of September on the Taylor Force Act, and the failure of 
the Administration to enforce the Taylor Force Act and prevent 
the Palestinian Authority from getting aid, and continuing to 
have ``pay-to-slay'' policies.
    This entire situation goes well beyond the $6 billion in 
unfrozen assets that were part of a hostage negotiation deal 
brokered by this Administration. Their failure to enforce 
secondary sanctions on purchasers of Iranian petroleum has 
given Iran at least $30 billion in additional revenue from the 
sale of Iranian petroleum.
    They are the greatest State sponsor of terror. We all 
acknowledge that. And yet, we're seeking ways to make it easier 
for them to find and receive funds and aid.
    When we have reached out to this Administration and 
inquired with this Administration as to the $6 billion, they 
cannot give us answers.
    Now, my colleague from New York said, ``They cannot access 
the funds today.'' We have asked, and asked, and asked how long 
this period of freezing is supposed to last. There's no answer. 
So, is it just at the whim of this Administration when they 
decide, OK, now Iran should get these funds?
    We know Iran has backed Hamas and Hezbollah for years. We 
know Iran's stated intent is to wipe Israel off the fact of the 
earth.
    The only rational, reasonable thing to do is void that 
agreement and refreeze the $6 billion in funds. Leaving it in 
Qatar is absurd.
    So, we all need to be rational in this discussion. And the 
only rational thing is to make sure that Iran does not get 
funds to use to fund terrorism to wipe out Israel and slaughter 
Jews, period. That's it. That's the only rational thing to do 
here.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Mrs. McCormick?
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. I'd like to request time yielded 
to me.
    Mr. Meeks. Let me try to explain this. Iran will never 
physically get dollars in their hands. What the process is, 
there's a third-party contractor that Iran will have to work 
with. They have a vetted contractor. They would say, ``Give us 
X amount of dollars to purchase''--whether it's agriculture or 
pharmaceuticals--``for humanitarian purposes.''
    The thing or the item that Iran would receive is not money. 
It's not dollars. It would be the pharmaceutical product. It 
would be the agricultural product. It would be the products 
that I've enunciated that we were talking about earlier of 
which this deal cut. Not dollars. Products for humanitarian 
purposes. Not dollars.
    And the purpose, as we talk about humanitarian concerns as 
a Nation, I think is the appropriate thing to do. But, even 
now, because of the oversight, because of what's taking place, 
the humanitarian physical items, the requests by the third-
party contractor would be denied. But the possibility of in the 
future that Iran can get not the money, but the product for 
humanitarian purposes could happen.
    And I yield back the time to the gentlelady.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    I would like to move--well, I know we have how many more 
minutes?
    Anyway, I would just like to, in the little bit of time I 
have, ``fungible''--``being something such as money or a 
commodity of such a nature that one part or quantity may be 
replaced by another equal part or quantity in paying a debt or 
selling an account.'' ``Fungible.''
    And I think--and, you know, I have great respect--I think 
that's our biggest concern, is the fungibility--and the 
Statements by the Iranian President saying he is going to do 
whatever he wants.
    But, in the spirit of moving forward, is there any further 
discussion?
    Hearing no further discussion, the question now occurs on 
the amendment offered, No. 9, offered by Mr. Meeks.
    All in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it, and the 
amendment is not agreed to.
    A roll call vote has been requested.
    Pursuant to the chair's previous announcement, this vote 
will be postponed.
    Are there any further amendments?
    Ms. Titus is recognized.
    Ms. Titus. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    As Members of Congress, and as members of this----
    Chairman McCaul. Wait, Ms. Titus.
    Ms. Titus. Oh, I'm sorry.
    Chairman McCaul. Ms. Titus has an amendment at the desk.
    Ms. Titus. I got carried away.
    I have an amendment at the desk.
    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall distribute the amendment.
    And the clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. ``Amendment to H.R. 5961 offered by Ms. Titus of 
Nevada.
    At the end of section 2, add the following:
    `President Biden reached an agreement with the Iranian 
regime to bring home Siamak' ''----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    [The amendment offered by Ms. Titus follows:]

    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady is recognized for 5 minutes 
on her amendment.
    Ms. Titus. Thank you again, Mr. Chairman.
    As Members of Congress, and as members of this committee, 
we have no higher responsibility than to protect U.S. citizens, 
regardless of where they are. If we look at recent history, you 
can see that the practice of taking U.S. citizens hostage has 
become increasingly a common phenomenon. Over the past 8 years, 
Americans have been detained abroad at a rate of 500 percent 
greater than at any other time in history.
    For the U.S., whenever we attempt to secure Americans 
wrongfully detained abroad, a number of factors come into play. 
Those factors are financial. They are political. They can be 
partisan. They can be personal. They depend on the timing of 
the negotiations and the players who are involved in the 
negotiations.
    Fairly recently, in 2016, when Iran freed five Americans, 
including The Washington Post Journalist Jason Rezaian after 14 
months of intensive diplomacy, this was conducted on the 
sidelines of the JCPOA. So, you can imagine all the factors 
that were--the confluence of factors that played in that 
negotiation.
    Then, in the 2023 swap with Tehran, this came after 2 years 
of talks by the Biden Administration, negotiated through Qatar 
and Oman, since the Iranian officials refused to hold direct 
talks with their U.S. counterparts under Trump's Administration 
because of his withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal.
    The sensitivity of these talks cannot be overstated, as you 
see so many factors are involved. And I believe that Biden's 
Administration's masterful diplomatic maneuvering secured the 
release of these five Americans that had been subjected to such 
horrific treatment during their wrongful detention in Iran.
    This bill's attempt to kind of thwart any future diplomacy 
with Iran, not just about the $6 billion, but with restrictions 
and secondary sanctions on that $6 billion, will only hamper 
our long-term goals to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran.
    So, regardless of your position on Iran--and I think we've 
all made that pretty clear--you cannot dispute the fact that 
diplomacy is really our only and best way to prevent worse 
possible outcomes in the Middle East.
    Not only does this bill fall short on policy, but it also 
fails to recognize the fact that this hostage swap really is 
about the lives of five Americans--and not just their lives 
personally, but the lives of their families who have lived in 
fear, in dread, not knowing what was going to happen, not 
seeing their loved ones. The stress and the trauma are just 
pretty unimaginable.
    And yet, in this bill there's no mention of the names of 
these hostages who were released. I think that we need to put 
their names in this bill. We do not need to play politics with 
their lives.
    I heard somebody say the only rational thing to do is to 
void the deal. Does that mean we're going to keep the money and 
give the hostages back? I'm not clear on that. Surely, that 
person did not really mean that.
    But we should not think of these people as just pawns in a 
swap. We should not think of them as just headlines. We need to 
recognize them as the people, the Americans, that they are.
    So, this amendment, as you can see, is just very short and 
very simple. It would insert the names of the hostages who were 
freed into the findings section of the bill.
    So, as we speak about issues in this committee, we should 
remember that our words have impact. They carry weight. They 
affect international politics, as well as individual lives. And 
so, I think that the least we can do is put their names in this 
bill.
    And I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields.
    Let me say I support this amendment. I think you correctly 
State the Biden Administration negotiated a deal to free 
Americans who were wrongfully detained by Iran. And I think 
it's appropriate that their names be in this legislation.
    And that's exactly what took place. The only good thing out 
of all of this is we have these innocent Americans now home and 
reunited with their families, and that's a big deal. It's a big 
deal, especially if you are one of the families.
    And so, I support this amendment.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Yes, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And I also strongly support the Titus amendment, you know, 
because, as just indicated, we cannot forget that we are 
talking about a deal that brought Americans home from 
imprisonment in a totalitarian regime. Yet, none of the 
findings right now mention this basic fact, and the definition 
does not acknowledge that they were covered by Iranian funds 
removed. Rep. Kamlager-Dove's amendment puts this attention 
back where it should be.
    When we heard from Emad Shargi, he said just recently, upon 
his release, ``They take you to a very small room and they 
throw a giant of a human being in there who proceeds to hit 
you, to push you around, to threaten to kill you.'' He also 
said, ``And then, the good cop comes in, and he says, `Look, I 
can put a stop to this. You just need to confess.' ''
    Thankful for his release, he recently stated, ``I hadn't 
seen my daughters for five and a half, 6 years.'' He also said, 
``I had missed all their graduations, all of their birthdays, 
and anniversaries with my wife. It's like being born again.''
    This amendment of simple facts reminds us that American 
lives are at stake, and therefore, I strongly support this 
amendment. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on Amendment No. 14 offered by Representative Titus.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it, and the 
amendment is agreed to.
    Are there any further amendments?
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment 
at the desk.
    Chairman McCaul. OK. The clerk shall distribute the 
amendment.
    The clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. ``Amendment to H.R. 5961 offered by Mrs. 
Cherfilus-McCormick.
    Redesignate section 3 as section 4.
    Insert''----
    The Clerk. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    [The amendment offered by Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick 
follows:]

[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady is recognized for 5 minutes 
on her amendment.
    Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick. I'm offering this amendment to 
H.R. 5961 to reaffirm what I hope should be a bipartisan 
principle. Our problems lie with the Iranian regime, not the 
Iranian people. I support the greater freedoms of women and 
religious minorities in Iran.
    That is precisely why I backed numerous resolutions 
recognizing the protestors in Iran and defending First 
Amendment-type freedoms for Iranian people. I voted for the 
MAHSA Act because I believe that women's rights are human 
rights, and that we need to tighten the screws on the Iranian 
leadership.
    Last week, I voted for the SHIP Act to use secondary 
sanctions to cutoff additional funding to Iran. We need to do 
what we can to cutoff any source of funding for the terrorist-
supporting, human-rights-violating Iranian regime.
    I wanted to emphasize that there are significant safeguards 
on the funds currently in Qatar.
    First, the Biden Administration has made it abundantly 
clear that the funds are going nowhere anytime soon.
    Second, if down the road we determine that the Iranian 
people require humanitarian aid, there are guardrails to ensure 
that the food and medicine, and similar goods, alone can be 
purchased.
    No other transactions will be approved, and Iran does not 
have access to this money currently, nor will they in the 
future. They can only contract with third-party suppliers to 
get the goods, and those suppliers will work with financial 
institutions to process the payments. It is a humanitarian aid 
or nothing.
    My amendment emphasizes that we should support humanitarian 
aid for the Iranian people. We take issue with the Iranian 
tyrannical leaders, not the citizens who have been forced to 
endure a harsh regime.
    I urge all my colleagues to support my amendment. Thank 
you.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields.
    Let me say I thank the lady, but I do oppose this 
amendment. As it stands, existing provisions within our 
sanctions laws permit humanitarian assistance to the people of 
Iran, and this bill does not negate those provisions.
    What my bill does is prohibit the Iranian regime from 
tapping into the $6 billion that was made available earlier 
this year because we know what they will do with the money. 
They've been very clear in their own words.
    And so, while I appreciate the gentlelady's concern about 
humanitarian assistance, I will have to oppose this amendment.
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Yes.
    I strongly support this amendment. In my view, this 
amendment should be common sense. We do not support Iranian 
leadership that funds terrorists like Hamas, that kill young 
women in custody simply for not wearing a hijab, and that 
regularly take actions to undermine peace and stability in the 
Middle East.
    But we do support basic humanitarian aid for the over 80 
million people that live in Iran. This committee and this House 
has passed numerous bills indicating our support for 
protestors, freedom fighters, and religious minorities in Iran.
    Part of that support means ensuring these people have 
enough to eat and basic lifesaving medicine. And I sincerely 
believe all of my colleagues should support this simple 
amendment reaffirming basic humanitarian support for Iran, and 
that it should be included in this legislation.
    And I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on the amendment offered by Representative Cherfilus-McCormick.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it. The 
amendment is not agreed to.
    Are there----
    Mr. Meeks. Roll call.
    Chairman McCaul. A roll call vote has been requested.
    Pursuant to the chair's previous announcement, this vote 
will be postponed.
    Are there any further amendments?
    Mr. Crow. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
    Chairman McCaul. Mr. Crow is recognized.
    And the clerk shall distribute the Crow amendment.
    Mr. Crow. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. Wait. If the gentleman would pause, the 
clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. ``Amendment to H.R. 5961 offered by Mr. Crow of 
Colorado.
    In section 3, redesignate subsection (e) as subsection 
(f).''
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    [The amendment offered by Mr. Crow follows:]

    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes 
on his amendment.
    Mr. Crow. Thank you, Chairman.
    This amendment is very simple. What it does is it makes it 
very clear that these sanctions and the underlying bill would 
not apply in instances where the commodities and the money in 
this fund are being used for humanitarian purposes, for food 
and for medicine.
    And here's why it's really important: there has been this 
discussion, this narrative publicly, about the fungibility of 
sanctions and the fungibility of humanitarian aid.
    The United States has a very long history of providing 
humanitarian aid to oppressed peoples and oppressed 
populations, even in instances where they are malign and 
oppressive regimes to which we are very adverse.
    And here is why we do that: we do that for two main, 
principled reasons. And by the way, every Administration does 
this. Because this money, this $6 billion, which, by the way, 
is not U.S. money, was actually negotiated by the Trump 
Administration. And here's what the Trump Administration knew 
that the Biden Administration also knows: two things.
    One is that oppressive regimes are oppressive. These 
regimes purposely oppress their people and withhold 
humanitarian aid, support, and basic needs from their people, 
as a tool of oppression.
    So, the notion that they're going to make a decision to not 
engage and not fund their malign activities, which are 
essential to their oppression, and instead, use that money for 
humanitarian aid, actually does not stand the test of reason 
and what data show very clearly about the nature of these 
regimes and how they operate.
    No. 2, we provide humanitarian aid for people in oppressive 
areas because helping them meet their basic needs, making sure 
that they have medicine, that they are healthy, that they have 
food, actually helps them resist. Oppressive regimes deprive 
their people of basic needs because it is a mechanism of 
control.
    And when we help meet those needs, we are actually 
undermining the tools of control of those regimes. That's why 
it's in our national security and foreign policy interest to do 
this. And I would be very concerned about any bill or any 
sanctions program, or change to a sanctions program, that takes 
away a very powerful tool to help oppressed people resist 
oppression in a manner that's consistent with the interest of 
the United States.
    So, with that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Let me recognize myself.
    I oppose this amendment. Under the deal negotiated by the 
Administration, Iran can use this money for humanitarian or 
agricultural transitions--transactions, I should say--but they 
have a long history of elaborate sanctions evasion, including 
abusing such exemptions.
    And I would point the gentleman to a 2019 case involving a 
Turkish bank that was charged with helping Iran evade sanctions 
by falsifying humanitarian transactions, exactly what we are 
talking about. Maybe perhaps Iran could choose to buy food and 
humanitarian assistance, instead of providing its funding to 
terror.
    But, in their own words, if we give this money to them, 
their President has already taunted the world, proclaiming that 
Iran would spend it ``wherever we need it,'' in his words. 
``Wherever we need it.''
    Going back to the argument on fungibility, we know this is 
fungible. I think, coupled with the President's remarks that 
he's going to do whatever he is going to want to with the 
money, there's no assurance that this would ever be used for 
humanitarian, but, rather, to buy drones to send to Russia to 
kill Ukrainians and put into Hamas' coffers to kill the people 
of Israel.
    So, I do not trust, nor can I verify in this case. And when 
I look at the case prosecuted by my brethren at the DOJ, it's 
just a case in point. It talks about facilitating ``the illicit 
transfer of billions of dollars to benefit Iran, and for too 
long, the bank and its leaders willfully deceived the United 
States to shield their actions from scrutiny. This deception 
ends today.''
    Taking what was supposed to be this humanitarian exception 
and exploiting it for purposes of terror, that's what we're 
trying to stop. That's the intent of this bill.
    I mean, I respect the gentleman and his service to our 
country, but I do have to oppose this amendment.
    Is there any further discussion?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. I support this amendment. Exceptions for 
humanitarian assistance should be a standard part of sanctions 
legislation and a regular part of Treasury's implementing rules 
for programs created under an Executive Order.
    If we want other countries to follow our lead on sanctions, 
our sanctions laws must be perceived as just and fair with our 
allies and partners, as well as with countries with which we 
have more difficult relations.
    We cannot forget that we brought Iran into the table for 
JCPOA largely because we got the whole world onboard. It wasn't 
just the United States. It included Russia and China, along 
with other allies, but Russia and China were not our allies. 
Effective global sanctions require effective diplomacy. That's 
what this is about, this committee, diplomacy.
    And the Trump Administration's maximum pressure campaign 
has not curbed Iran's nuclear program or throttled their 
terrorist financing because we have not had allies and partners 
onboard with us. Secondary sanctions aren't going to yield 
broad results.
    This committee has passed several pieces of legislation 
praising the protestors against the Iranian regime, commending 
the bravery of young women who defy the regime and supporting 
religious minorities in Iran that face consistent persecution. 
Supporting humanitarian aid in Iran is consistent with this 
message.
    And so I urge us to support this amendment. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion on the amendment?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on the Amendment No. 7 offered by Representative Crow.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it. The 
amendment is not agreed to.
    Mr. Crow. Mr. Chairman, I ask for a recorded vote.
    Chairman McCaul. A roll call vote has been requested.
    Pursuant to the chair's previous announcement, this vote 
will be postponed.
    Are there any further amendments?
    Mr. Jackson is recognized.
    Mr. Jackson of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment 
at the desk.
    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall distribute the amendment.
    The clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. ``Amendment to H.R. 5961 offered by Mr. Jackson 
of Illinois.
    Add at the end the following:
    This Act shall terminate on the date that is 5 years''----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    [The amendment offered by Mr. Jackson of Illinois follows:]

    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Jackson of Illinois. My amendment would add a sunset 
provision after 5 years. This amendment is in line with the 
Majority Leader's floor protocol for the 118th Congress; 
specifically, the Majority Leader's floor protocols on 
legislation calling for sunset requirements to advance the 
policy originally outlined in the pledge to America to adopt a 
requirement that programs end or sunset by a date certain. That 
should include new sanctions authorities as well.
    It is important for Congress to maintain its Article I 
powers over foreign policy, and it does that by including a 
sunset. If we're going to be consistent with floor protocols 
that the majority has established for new programs, this Act 
should not go into force without a sunset provision.
    Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    And I now recognize myself.
    I thank you for offering this amendment. However, I must, 
respectfully, oppose it.
    This bill contains behavior-based termination criteria for 
the sanctions described. And in my judgment, sanctions on Iran 
should not disappear just on some arbitrary date, but, rather, 
should remain in place until Iran stops threatening the United 
States and our allies, like Israel.
    And so, therefore, I must oppose this amendment that adds 
an arbitrary sunset date.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Meeks?
    Mr. Meeks. I strongly support this amendment.
    Several of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle have 
concluded that military use of force authorizations should come 
with a sunset. And I have stated my agreement with that 
sentiment on numerous occasions.
    Sanctions bills are not different. Sanctions are not 
military force, of course, and, in fact, can be an alternative 
than that more severe approach.
    But much of the same logic applies here. Just like military 
conflict can go on autopilot, sanctions can do the same. We 
have numerous outdated sanctions on the books whose ``sell by 
date'' has long expired. Sanctions without any waivers or 
sunsets are particularly dangerous, and in this case with this 
bill.
    I've agreed to numerous sunset extensions as chair of this 
committee and now as ranking member. Congress is perfectly 
capable of reauthorizing sanctions when we need to.
    Rep. Jackson's amendment would greatly improve this bill, 
and I urge all of my colleagues to support it.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on Amendment No. 12 offered by Representative Jackson.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it. The 
amendment is not agreed to.
    Mr. Jackson of Illinois. I'd request a recorded vote, Mr. 
Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. A roll call vote has been requested.
    Pursuant to the chair's previous announcement, this vote 
will be postponed.
    Are there any further amendments?
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove is recognized.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    I have an amendment at the desk.
    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall distribute the amendment.
    The clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. ``Amendment to H.R. 5961 offered by Ms. 
Kamlager-Dove of California.
    In section 4(2), add at the end the following: `Such term 
does not include any such funds that were transferred' ''----

    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    [The amendment offered by Ms. Kamlager-Dove follows:]

    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady is recognized for 5 minutes 
on her amendment.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    And I'd also like to just thank the staff for all of your 
hard work. I certainly appreciate your efforts and think you 
know more than ``squat.'' And I think public disparaging of 
your work and contributions really comes off as uninformed. So, 
I just want you all to know for the record that I appreciate 
you.
    My amendment preserves the original intent of this 
agreement, which was to free American hostages imprisoned in 
Iran. Every American matters and no American should be left 
behind. All those hostages are somebody's child. Reneging on 
this agreement hurts every future negotiation to release 
innocent Americans from illegal imprisonment abroad.
    I urge all of my colleagues to stand up for diplomacy and 
for wrongfully detained Americans, and to support this 
amendment.
    Thank you, Mr. Chair, and I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back.
    I recognize myself.
    I thank the gentlelady for offering her amendment, but, 
however, I must oppose it.
    The entire purpose of this bill is to limit Iran's access 
to the $6 billion windfall that was granted in September, 
because we have seen how Iran spends its money. Iran supports 
terror groups and proxies, like Hamas, Hezbollah, Houthis--all 
of which are actively attacking our friend and ally Israel. 
Iran backs proxies in Iraq and Syria and have attacked American 
service members at least 38 times since mid-October.
    We need to block Iran's access to these funds for our own 
security. So, defining the scope of the bill to exclude the $6 
billion, effectively, guts the bill. And for that reason, I do 
oppose it.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. I strongly support Representative Kamlager-
Dove's amendment.
    Sadly, this committee has passed numerous resolutions 
calling for the release of American hostages. Sometimes public 
pressure and shame campaign work, but sometimes there are 
tradeoffs.
    Israel freed over 1,000 hostages for one soldier in 2011. 
You know, it's easy to Monday morning quarterback these deals. 
It's harder for a leader of a nation to tell an American family 
member that they won't do everything they can to get the job 
done. We should be applauding bringing Americans home.
    So, I strongly support this amendment, and I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Is there any further discussion?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on Amendment No. 13 offered by Representative Kamlager-Dove.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it. The 
amendment is not agreed to.
    Mr. Mast. Mr. Chair, I request a recorded vote.
    Chairman McCaul. The roll call vote has been requested.
    Pursuant to the chair's previous announcement, this vote 
will be postponed.
    Are there any further amendments?
    If there are no further amendments, we will proceed.
    OK. There are no further amendments at this time.
    Further proceedings on this bill shall be postponed.
    The committee will recess for votes, and we'll reconvene at 
approximately 2:45, when votes on the floor have been 
concluded.
    [Whereupon, at 1:47 p.m., the committee recessed, to 
reconvene at 3:07 p.m., the same day.]
    Chairman McCaul. The committee will come to order. Pursuant 
to notice, I now call up H.Res. 793, calling on Hamas to 
immediately release hostages taken during October 2023 attack 
on Israel.
    [The Bill H.Res. 793 follows:]

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    Chairman McCaul. The resolution was circulated in advance, 
and the Clerk shall designate the resolution.
    The Clerk. H.Res. 793, calling on Hamas to immediately 
release hostages taken during October 2023 attack on Israel, 
whereas on October 7, 2023----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading is 
dispensed with, and the resolution is considered read and open 
to amendment at any point.
    I now recognize myself in support of the measure. On 
October--or, yes, on Saturday, October 7, Israelis awoke to 
rockets raining down on them from Gaza and gunmen breaking down 
their doors, invading their homes. In total, Hamas terrorists 
killed 1,400 men, women, and children. In addition to the 
horrific killings perpetrated that day, Hamas also instructed 
their death squads to take innocent civilians hostage as part 
of this barbaric terrorist attack.
    And I would like to State for the record we have some of 
the families of the hostages present here in the hearing room, 
and we pray for your loved ones that they are returned home 
safely and soon.
    Now, 1 month later, about 241 people, including American 
citizens, are being held by Hamas. Mothers, fathers, brothers, 
sisters, as well as grandparents and elderly were taken. Most 
disturbingly, children were taken hostage.
    Currently, a number are being held underground in Hamas' 
500-mile network of tunnels. In the ultimate act of cowardice, 
these terrorists are now using the hostages as human shields as 
they continue to perpetrate their war against Israel. This is 
pure evil. These monsters will do anything to achieve their 
goal of the destruction of Israel.
    These hostages must be released immediately and 
unconditionally. Hamas has the power right now to release these 
innocent civilians, but they choose to keep them in captivity. 
This has nothing to do with a cease-fire. This resolution 
declares a clear message: free the hostages now. I hope every 
member of the committee joins me in supporting this resolution.
    And again, I want to recognize the families who are here. 
And we will be participating in a candlelight service at 5 on 
the East Capitol steps of the Capitol. We certainly hope that 
you will join us for that event. We pray for your loved ones. 
We pray for their safe return home. I know it breaks your 
heart. It breaks mine. I know it breaks everyone's heart on 
this committee. And we will bring them home, and we need to 
send a positive message.
    And with that, I would like to take just a moment of 
silence.
    Is there any further discussion on the resolution?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And let me first acknowledge the families that are here. I 
can say unequivocally that every member of this committee, 
heart, soul, and prayers, are with you and your families. We 
surely wish you did not have to be here today. We want to make 
sure that your loved ones are returned to you immediately.
    And I think it is significant and important that we speak 
with a unanimous vote and a unanimous voice on having your 
loved ones, who were taken away by vicious and heinous acts of 
Hamas, returned to you in short order.
    I strongly support this measure. And I am thankful to my 
colleague Representative Stevens for introducing this 
resolution, along with Representative Hill, and their foresight 
and their coming to both Mr. McCaul and I, saying, ``Let's 
expedite this resolution,'' and Mr. McCaul being grateful and 
grateful. And we were able to put this on immediately. I wish 
we would have even had it on sooner because right after they 
were taken, it was the sentiment of this Congress to make sure 
that your loved ones are returned.
    The Hamas terror attack on October 7 resulted in the 
abduction of some 240 people and the death of 1,400 more. The 
hostages included soldiers, civilians, grandparents, and 33 
children. Many are Israeli. Some are foreign or dual nations.
    Four hostages have been released, and Israel has said it 
rescued one soldier in their operation. Hamas' abductions are a 
crime against humanity, specifically targeting a civilian 
population. The sheer scale of casualties and murder are the 
greatest attack against the Jewish people since the Holocaust. 
And the unimaginable human suffering that has transpired as a 
result of Hamas' use of human shields is something we will 
never forget.
    This resolution calls attention to these abductions 
perpetuated by Hamas. Hamas captured these innocent people so 
they can be used as bargaining chips and human shields while 
Hamas attempts to wipe Israel off the map. Yet, while the 
situation is dire, there is hope.
    There are experienced public servants across the U.S. 
Government who have already helped secure the release of some 
Americans from Hamas' clutches. And these dedicated officials 
and the Office of the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage 
Affairs, the Hostage Recovery Fusion Cell, and elsewhere across 
our Government continue their tireless work to bring all--all--
of the remaining hostages home.
    This resolution is simple. It condemns the horrific actions 
of Hamas, correctly notes that hostage-taking is a violation of 
international humanitarian law, expresses solidarity with the 
victims, and demands that Hamas release all hostages 
immediately.
    But while simple, it is incredibly important that we give 
it our full support. We must stand. We must stand with the 
hostages and the families here with us today and all of those 
in Israel and all over the world until they are brought home 
safely. We will not rest until they are home safely.
    So let me conclude this by saying I want to thank Ms. 
Stevens and Mr. Hill again for their tireless efforts on behalf 
of the American families and the Israeli families and all of 
the hostages taken or wrongfully detained overseas. And I urge 
all of my colleagues to support this measure.
    I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Let me just thank Mr. French Hill for bringing this to our 
attention, and Ms. Haley Stevens. As the ranking member 
mentioned, a little bit out of time on the calendar, but we saw 
the urgency of this. And with their families here, we wanted to 
expedite this immediately. And I want to thank you for bringing 
this to our attention. I think the timing is unfortunate that 
we have to do this, but the timing with the family members here 
and the candlelight service is certainly appropriate.
    So, with that, Mr. Hill is recognized.
    Mr. Hill. Well, Mr. Chairman, thank you, and thank you, 
Ranking Member Meeks, for your understanding.
    Representative Stevens and I were touched by the very quick 
response from our members. Over 200 Members of our House of 
Representatives cosponsored this resolution that I know we 
stand in solidarity with one voice to demand that Hamas release 
these hostages.
    Congresswoman Stevens and I worked together, along with 
former Member Ted Deutch, in forming the House Task Force on 
American Hostages and Americans Wrongfully Detained Abroad 
because we want our members to know how they can best help 
American citizens who are held by a non-State terror group or 
by a State actor and how they can be comforted and coordinated 
with the Department of State.
    Congresswoman Stevens and I saw that on October 7 was an 
unprecedented number of hostages taken by Hamas in its attack 
on Israel. The numbers speak for themselves. They have been 
cited by Chairman McCaul and Ranking Member Meeks. But over the 
past decade, more than 90 percent of Americans wrongfully held 
overseas have been held by foreign governments. And we have not 
seen as many Americans held by non-State actors in recent 
years.
    This attack puts our hostage enterprise here in the United 
States helping our families really to a test. I commend the 
coordination of the Hostage Recovery Fusion Cell, the Office of 
the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs, and the 
Hostage Response Group for their initial work in tracking and 
identifying the Americans that have been taken by Hamas and 
working in partnership with Israel locating all the hostages 
using all means available that we have in our military, in our 
intelligence community, and our collective will of the Israeli 
and the American Governments.
    As I stated before, releasing hostages and wrongful 
detainees should be the first steps of these groups to show 
they are--what they need to do. They must release these 
hostages. Hosea tells us that those who sow the wind reap the 
whirlwind, and Hamas will reap the whirlwind if these hostages 
are not recovered safely and promptly.
    I support this simple and straightforward resolution. I am 
glad to have worked on it with my colleague Congresswoman 
Stevens and all of our colleagues to universally support this 
before the committee and then on the House floor. And let's 
send a message to Hamas that Republicans and Democrats stand in 
solidarity that we want these hostages back with their 
families.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Castro is recognized.
    Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairman.
    One month ago today, we all woke up to horrifying images of 
Hamas' brutal and terrible attack in Israel. And over 200 
hostages still remain as prisoners of Hamas today, including 
more than 20 Americans and their family members.
    Like many in this Congress, I call on Hamas to immediately 
release these hostages. And I thank Secretary Blinken for 
working with our international partners to secure the release 
of Judith Raanan and her daughter, Natalie Raanan, and hope 
that the remaining American hostages are safely reunited with 
their families soon.
    I also want to thank my colleague from Michigan, 
Representative Haley Stevens, for introducing this resolution 
and leading this effort. I know how tirelessly she has fought 
to secure the release of American hostages, including her 
constituent Paul Whelan, who remains wrongfully detained by 
Russia.
    So I am proud to cosponsor the resolution and urge my 
colleagues to support it.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Ms. Dean.
    Ms. Dean. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I thank you and the 
ranking member for bringing this to us so quickly. And 
certainly, I thank Representative Stevens and Representative 
Hill for drafting this very clear resolution.
    To the families who are here, we are in solidarity. We are 
heartbroken over what you must be going through, what you must 
have suffered over the course of the last month. And we will do 
everything and are doing everything in our power to demand the 
release of the hostages uninjured, to get them home. It is 
barbaric and unacceptable that they were taken.
    It has now been a month since Hamas launched the terrorist 
attack. It was barbaric and brutal, attacking Israeli 
civilians, resulting in the gruesome loss of more than 1,400 
lives, including the elderly, families, mothers, fathers, 
sisters, brothers, children, and even babies, young people at a 
peace festival. How grotesque. How inhumane and how 
unacceptable to this world. And we must stand there and say 
that over and over again.
    We must do everything to effect the immediate release of 
the hostages, including, as I understand, at least 33 children. 
We cannot imagine any of their suffering, but children in this 
place of darkness and fear?
    So I am here. I stand with my Republican colleagues, my 
Democratic colleagues. I urge everyone to support this 
resolution. I look forward to it coming swiftly to the floor so 
that we, with one voice, send a message to the world that the 
United States believes in and demands the safe release of your 
family members and all of the other hostages.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Schneider is recognized.
    Mr. Schneider. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I want to thank 
you for bending over backward to make sure we mark up this bill 
today.
    I want to welcome the families of the hostages that are 
here. I will come to that in a second.
    But let me first start with some history to explain how it 
is we come to be talking about this resolution. Hamas formed in 
1987 during the first Palestinian intifada. It is an outgrowth 
of the Muslim Brotherhood, and its intentions were made clear 
in its charter.
    With respect to Israel, the preamble of the Hamas charter 
reads, quote, ``Israel will exist and will continue to exist 
until Islam will obliterate it, just as it obliterated others 
before it.'' End quote.
    With respect to the Jewish people, in Article 7, it States, 
quote, ``The day of judgment will not come about until Muslims 
fight the Jews, killing the Jews. When the Jew will hide behind 
stones and trees, the stones and trees will say to Muslims, oh, 
Abdullah, there is a Jew behind me; come and kill him.'' End 
quote.
    Hamas' rallying cry is, ``From the river to the sea, 
Palestine will be free.'' It is a call--let me be clear. It is 
a call for the destruction of the State of Israel and the 
genocide of the Jewish people. Don't let anyone try to tell you 
otherwise. That was the meaning of the phrase when it was first 
used by the PLO in 1964 before Israel even occupied the West 
Bank in Gaza. It is what is meant by those who use it today.
    So, back to history, in August 2005, Israel unilaterally 
withdrew from Gaza. Not one Israeli soldier, not one Israeli 
civilian, stayed in Gaza. Total control was turned over to the 
Palestinian authority. A few months later, in January 2006, 
elections were held. Hamas got 44 percent. Fatah got 41 
percent. But no one got a majority.
    In 2007, Hamas violently took over all of Gaza. Fatah 
members who were not murdered by Hamas--thrown off of 
buildings, executed--those who were not killed fled to the West 
Bank.
    Now let's jump to May 2021, following 11 days of fighting, 
in which 232 Gazans and 12 Israelis were killed. On May 20 of 
that year, a cease-fire went into effect. So, when I get to 
October 6 of this year, 870 days of observed cease-fire by 
Israel. A cease-fire was in effect.
    On October 7, early in the morning at 6:30, Hamas, a 
genocidal, nihilistic terrorist group dedicated from its 
inception to the destruction of Israel and the murder of the 
Jewish people, crossed over the border. Thousands of terrorists 
rampaged through villages, through a concert where young people 
were gathering for peace.
    Fourteen hundred people, one thousand four hundred people, 
were slaughtered, elderly, infants, entire families. People 
were tortured, raped, burned alive. At the music festival 
gathering for peace, 260 people died, many of them encircled 
and executed. At Kibbutz Be'eri, more than 100 people were 
killed, 10 percent of the total population. And the same was 
true at Kibbutz Kfar Aza, where many of my colleagues and I 
were just this past August.
    And, why we are here today, more than 240 hostages were 
taken to Gaza, including Omer Neutra, a 22-year-old from 
Plainview, New York. A born leader who decided to serve in the 
IDF, he was a tank commander taken captive on October 7. His 
parents, Ronen and Orna, are here.
    Hersh Goldberg-Polin was at the music festival, a 23-year-
old Israeli American. His parents are from Chicago. His 
cousins, Aileen and Norman, are here. I spoke to his 
grandmother, Leah, just this morning. His Aunt Abby has been a 
friend of mine for more than 30 years. Abby and her daughters 
are part of our family's circle of friends.
    Now Hersh and Omer and all the hostages, every single one 
of the 240--infants, elderly, survivors of the Holocaust--each 
and one of them are part of our family. I'm a father. My wife 
and Julie have two sons not much older than Hersh and Orin. Our 
older son, Adam, served 5 years as an officer in the U.S. Navy.
    I know firsthand about sleepless nights, the anxiety of 
your child on deployment, the times when you do not have 
awareness--excuse me--the times when you do not have awareness 
of where your child is or what they are doing, what dangers 
they face. I cannot imagine what it is like for the families of 
these hostages. I am sorry.
    We need to make sure we keep these hostages and their 
families in our minds and in our hearts. And that is why we are 
here today with this resolution. Congress must condemn Hamas 
every time we speak about what is happening in this conflict. 
This resolution does that.
    Congress must talk about the barbarism of Hamas on October 
7 and condemn the attack, including the taking of hostages, an 
absolute war crime and violation of international humanitarian 
law. And this resolution does that.
    Congress must make sure the stories of the hostages are 
known, make sure their ongoing captivity is always on top of 
our minds and their suffering of their families are shared. And 
this resolution does that. And Congress must continue to call 
for the immediate unconditional release of the hostages, and 
this resolution rightly, justly does that.
    I want to thank my colleagues and friends Haley Stevens and 
French Hill for leading on this resolution and for fighting to 
bring it to the floor. I thank the chairman and the ranking 
member for allowing us to have this markup. And I call on all 
my colleagues to support this resolution.
    Mr. Chairman, I thank you for the extra time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    And thank you, Mr. Schneider, for that powerful, powerful 
Statement.
    Is there any further discussion?
    If I could just say to Mr. Schneider, I was with you at 
Kfar Aza, the kibbutz that was overrun by the Hamas terrorists. 
And when I got the phone call, just to think that everybody we 
met at that kibbutz had been slaughtered and that the daycare 
center that we toured with the little children and the babies 
had been wiped out, burned alive, and beheaded, and other 
atrocities I cannot even get into--it is sick. It needs to end. 
These hostages need to come home.
    Our FBI director testified that the threat from Hamas could 
enter the United States. I would be remiss if I did not mention 
Haley Stevens' friend Samantha Woll in Detroit, Michigan, who 
just 2 weeks ago was stabbed to death. A well-known leader in 
Detroit's Jewish community stabbed to death in the early 
mornings of Saturday, October 21, with a trail of blood leading 
from her home to where she was found. This has to stop. This 
terror has to stop for the sake of the world and the Jewish 
people.
    So, with that, there being no further discussion of the 
resolution, the committee will move to the consideration of 
amendments. Does any member wish to offer an amendment?
    There being no amendments, I move that the committee report 
H.Res. 793 to the House with a favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it, and the 
motion is agreed to.
    Without objection, the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table. Staff is authorized to make any technical and conforming 
changes.
    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H.Res. 683, expressing 
support for the diplomatic relations, requiring to encourage 
the Government of Mexico to fulfill its water deliveries on an 
annual basis to the United States under the treaty between the 
United States and Mexico regarding the utilization of the 
Colorado and Tijuana Rivers and of the Rio Grande.
    [The Bill H.Res. 683 follows:]

                                hres683
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

    Chairman McCaul. The resolution was circulated in advance. 
The clerk shall designate the resolution.
    The Clerk. H.Res. 683, expressing the support for 
diplomatic relations required to encourage the Government of 
Mexico to fulfill its water deliveries on an annual basis to 
the United States under the treaty----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading is 
dispensed with. This resolution is considered read and open to 
amendment at any point.
    Is there any discussion on the resolution?
    Mr. Nathaniel.
    Mr. Moran. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, as a 
cosponsor of House Resolution 683, I encourage all members of 
the committee to support this resolution to push the Government 
of Mexico to fulfill its obligations to America and its 
farmers.
    The resolution under consideration is about standing up for 
American farmers and what they are rightfully entitled to 
pursuant to a long-standing mutual agreement between the U.S. 
and Mexico. Under the terms of the 1944 treaty for utilization 
of the waters of the Colorado and Tijuana Rivers and of the Rio 
Grande, also known as the 1944 Water Treaty, between the U.S. 
and Mexico, the United States is guaranteed an average of 
350,000 acre feet of water annually from Mexico over a 5-year 
period of time.
    American farmers count on Mexico to meet these water 
obligations each year. These commitments that have existed for 
nearly 80 years under this treaty bring critical predictability 
to American farmers and ranchers, who carefully plan their 
yield for the years ahead.
    Without water, farmers are unable to produce enough for 
commercial yield, thereby resulting in a reduced national food 
supply and labor shortages. And without predictability, farmers 
and ranchers cannot make long-term investments and decisions 
necessary for their survival.
    In recent years, Mexico has withheld its obligations until 
the end of the 5-year cycle, which violates the spirit of the 
treaty. And this is untenable for South Texas farmers, 
ranchers, and its citizens. Frankly, it is untenable for all of 
Texas and all of the United States.
    Texas farmers rely on this water to turn arid and desert 
regions into a vegetative area with crops that are 
unsustainable in most other regions of the country, crops like 
watermelon, sugarcane, citrus, and other fresh produce.
    On October 25, we entered into year four of the 5-year 
obligation, and Mexico has only contributed 35 percent of the 
deal, owing the United States 680,000 acre feet of water. Every 
time that Mexico fails to uphold its end of the deal, Americans 
in the Southwest suffer significant drought.
    American farmers and ranchers need compliance with the 
letter and the spirit of the law and should not bear the brunt 
of the Mexican Government's noncompliance, which is why 
immediate action is needed by the Biden Administration today to 
act on this matter. The Administration must focus its energy 
and resources on continued productive diplomatic engagements 
with Mexico immediately about this matter and remedy the 
deficiencies.
    This resolution affirms support for the U.S. to use its 
resources to secure compliance by the Mexican Government to 
fulfill its obligations under the 1944 Water Treaty. It is time 
for Mexico to honor those terms and that treaty, and I urge 
your support.
    I yield back, Mr. Chairman. Thank you.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Is there any further discussion?
    Mr. Castro is recognized--oh, Mr. Meeks.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I support Representative De La Cruz's bipartisan 
resolution. All around the world, we are witnessing an increase 
in severe climate events. Lack of rain in South Texas has 
caused severe drought and is impacting farming communities and 
businesses that provide many with needed crops and jobs.
    Without water, farmers have had to make difficult choices 
about whether to plant, which has resulted in major losses all 
around. In these challenging times, I recognize the importance 
of engaging constructively with our neighbors to resolve issues 
which may seem local but which have broader global 
implications, in this case, access to a shared water source 
which comes from the Rio Grande.
    I have been encouraged by the diplomatic work done by our 
colleagues across agencies on this issue. And I am particularly 
impressed by the work done by the International Boundary and 
Water Commission to advance the goals of the 1944 treaty 
relating to the utilization of waters of the Colorado and 
Tijuana Rivers and of the Rio Grande.
    This work ensures that communities made to distribute water 
are upheld in a timely manner and in the right quantities. No 
doubt these changes in regular access to water will have a 
positive impact on those who grow the food, and livestock will 
depend on it--we depend on.
    I want to express my support for this resolution. And I 
hope you will join me to send a message that dialog and 
diplomacy will go a long way to confronting the local and 
global challenges we face.
    And with that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion?
    Mr. Castro?
    Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairman.
    I want to express my support of H. Res. 683 and its spirit 
of promoting the collaborative relationship between the United 
States and Mexico.
    The 1944 water treaty between the United States and Mexico 
along with the boundary treaty of 1970 ended decades of 
territorial disputes between the United States and Mexico and 
formed the bedrock of our relations.
    As a Texan, I and the people in my district know firsthand 
how important cooperation with Mexico is and how the bilateral 
relationship has a direct impact on our lives.
    I fully support this resolution which stresses the 
importance of the 1944 water treaty to the livelihoods of so 
many in south Texas and calls on the United States to work with 
Mexico to ensure that Mexico lives up to its commitments under 
the treaty.
    As the ranking member of the Subcommittee on the Western 
Hemisphere I've been very engaged with the State Department and 
the U.S. International Boundary and Water Commission on their 
ongoing negotiations with their Mexican counterparts and I'm 
hopeful that soon the two sides will reach an agreement on a, 
quote/unquote, minute that would ensure more predictable and 
reliable water for users in the United States.
    Just as we call on Mexico to live up to its commitments 
under the 1944 water treaty the United States too must work 
with Mexico in a collaborative manner. I'm concerned that 
certain rhetoric from within the United States is actively 
hurting our efforts to work with Mexico on necessary issues 
like sharing the Rio Grande River's waters.
    Calls to strike Mexico or take military action against 
Mexico by many leading Republicans and Texas Governor Greg 
Abbott's Operation Lone Star, which directly violated the 
United States' commitments under the 1944 water treaty and the 
1970 boundary treaty by building barriers in the Rio Grande 
River, make it much harder for the United States to fight for 
the water rights of Texas farmers.
    While our negotiation should emphasize the needs of Texans 
I believe we must be prepared to reassess how the United States 
and Mexico can cooperate in the context of a changing climate 
where sustained droughts can disrupt the water supply.
    Just as Mexico must live up to our treaty agreements we 
must live up to our diplomatic values. I urge my colleagues to 
support this measure.
    With that, Chairman, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion?
    Being my home State of Texas I would like to say a few 
words as well.
    As Mr. Moran pointed out the United States and Mexico 
signed a treaty in 1944 to ensure predictable and reliable 
water supplies of the Colorado, Tijuana, and Rio Grande Rivers.
    This treaty is administered by the International Boundary 
and Water Commission and envisions and commits the United 
States and Mexico to deliver a certain amount of water to the 
other party over a 5-year cycle.
    On multiple occasions since 1994 Mexico has not met its Rio 
Grande water delivery obligations to the United States within 
this 5-year period. Since 2014 Congress has directed the 
Department of State to report annually on Mexico's deliveries 
and on efforts to improve Mexico's treaty compliance.
    Their failure to live up to its obligation prevents 
American farmers from accessing predictable and reliable water. 
Mexico currently owns--owes the U.S. nearly 600,000 acre feet 
of water.
    Let me repeat that. Mexico currently owes the United States 
nearly 600,000 acre feet of water. It is year three of the 5-
year cycle and the U.S. has only received about 39 percent.
    U.S. diplomats and officials have been pushing Mexico to 
fulfill its commitments and agree to rules that regularize 
deliveries. Progress has been modest and too slow while water 
shortages across the Southwest are becoming acute.
    This resolution expresses the House's support for the 
productive diplomatic engagement in support of IBWC's efforts 
to bring Mexico into compliance.
    It is a noncontroversial, bipartisan, and urgent bill and I 
urge my colleagues to support it.
    There being no further discussion, are there any 
amendments? Does any member wish to offer an amendment?
    There being no amendments I move the committee report H. 
Res. 683 to the House with a favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair the ayes have it and the motion 
is agreed to. Without objection the motion to reconsider is 
laid on the table. Staff is authorized to make any technical 
and conforming changes.
    Pursuant to notice I now call up H.R. 6119, the State 
Department Security Notification Act. The bill was circulated 
in advance and the clerk shall designate the bill.
    The Clerk. H.R. 6119, to require the Secretary of State to 
notify Congress when the security clearances of certain senior 
members of the Department of State are suspended or----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection the first reading is 
dispensed with. The bill is considered read and open to 
amendment at any point.
    [The Bill H.R. 6119 follows:]

                                 hr6119
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    Chairman McCaul. I recognize myself in support of the bill. 
This, in my judgment, is a good governance bill, one requiring 
transparency on behalf of the Administration.
    It requires the State Department to notify and brief this 
committee when a senior official at the department has their 
clearance suspended or revoked.
    Ideally we would not need this legislation but for more 
than 2 months Congress and the Nation believed that Robert 
Malley was the special envoy for Iran but in reality he was 
under investigation for allegedly mishandling classified 
material.
    The committee expressed bipartisan interest in receiving 
testimony or a briefing from Mr. Malley on Iran policy during 
those 2 months but was never informed that he was under 
investigation and he was never made available.
    I know members on both sides of this committee were and are 
frustrated by the lack of communication. We cannot operate 
effectively if the State Department is constantly trying to 
hide things.
    The bill would not compromise ongoing law enforcement 
efforts because it does not require submission of any sensitive 
investigative information. The bill would not raise privacy or 
due process concerns.
    The State Department eventually after letters, requests, 
and bad press did provide the committee with a briefing 
regarding Mr. Malley. That was more than 3 months after his 
clearance was suspended.
    This bill would make that a requirement on a shorter time 
line. Again, I think this committee on both sides of the aisle 
is entitled to know when a senior member who has been called to 
testify in brief is not made available because their security 
clearance had been revoked.
    I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to, you 
know, support this good governance issue and it can also be 
held in the classified space to protect the interests.
    And so with that, I yield back. Is there any further 
discussion?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. First, I have to oppose this measure because I 
believe it poses a risk of politicizing what should be an 
unbiased fact-driven process to ensure the security of 
classified information and who has access to it.
    Unfortunately, this bill could allow--this measure to be 
not about oversight or not about national security and not 
about responsible dialog with the executive branch.
    What it sets is a new and, I believe, dangerous precedent 
for senior officials at the State Department to which no other 
senior officials across any other national security-related 
Federal agency is subjected to. It's just the State Department, 
no other security-related Federal agency.
    And so both Mr. McCaul and I have been former prosecutors 
and generally when you're doing a case it remains within the 
discretion of the prosecutor to do their investigations. That's 
why they seek juries in which you decide whether or not you 
indict someone or not. Grand juries are secretive for the 
information.
    So we live in a world where unfortunately people take 
information and utilize it for political gathering and 
political ammunition. I'm not saying that that would be done by 
Mr. McCaul but clearly I've been in some sessions where it is 
done by others.
    Security clearances can initially be suspended or revoked 
for any number of reasons that might ultimately have nothing to 
do with an individual's trustworthiness or on-the-job conduct.
    That is precisely what an unbiased confidential 
investigation helps clarify. Even if a clearance is ultimately 
suspended or revoked that decision can be appealed and 
potentially overturned.
    Inserting Congress into an ongoing investigation and 
requiring intrusive personal information about specific 
individuals and potentially sensitive national security-related 
allegations before due process has played out is not 
responsible oversight, in my thoughts.
    It is why the bedrock of our judicial system clearly says 
innocent until proven guilty. I believe it's an overstep. I 
believe that we cannot allow the politicization of any 
individual case or the security clearance investigation process 
broadly.
    They are serious things that should be not impeded upon 
and/or played out in politics or for political reasons. I have 
an example of an individual who worked on the House side, not a 
security--a national security clearance, you know, but he 
simply worked as a member serving members and he got accused 
because in this case he was Pakistanian of giving away 
classified information and that he was part of some conspiracy, 
and day after day on the House floor there was Members of 
Congress going up and saying all kinds of things about him.
    Ultimately, even after then President Trump accused him of 
various things publicly, he was found not to have been guilty 
of any of those things which damaged his professional life and 
his family life.
    The investigation should be confidential and should not be 
impeded and we get the results of that conversation thereafter.
    And so I hope that my colleagues oppose this measure and I 
urge my colleagues to do that.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion?
    Let me just say briefly that we finally got briefed on Mr. 
Malley's situation and it was not a briefing on the nature of 
the investigation so that was protected and it was in the SCIF, 
which provides further protection.
    It was just simply what happened. And why do we ask that 
question? Because we called him to testify before this 
committee and we were--we weren't given the truth. We were told 
that he had--his family was sick. He had family issues, and 
there were a lot of rumors going around and we did not 
understand why he could not brief the Congress or testify and I 
think that's within our prerogative, and all they simply had to 
do was to tell us the truth and it could have been in the 
classified space.
    And that's all this bill requires is for them--when a 
senior State Department official cannot testify because their 
security clearance is revoked that they have to tell us why. 
They have to tell us the truth about why that senior State 
Department official cannot testify.
    Having said that, Mr. Meeks, you know, I know this is being 
sorted out in the conference committee of the NDAA and we may 
have an opportunity to reach a resolution in that which would 
then negate the purpose for this bill.
    But until that time we plan to proceed forward. But I 
appreciate your comments.
    And any further discussion?
    Mr. Meeks. Let me just say--and I thank you for that--that 
we are working and talking because I do think that, as I said, 
I think the spirit of what you--and I know that you and I have 
conversation--you know, you do not play that game. But, 
unfortunately, others, some on both sides of the aisle, may 
play that game and I just think that's significant--important.
    But I appreciate you working with me and we're still trying 
to work this out.
    Chairman McCaul. Yes. I think we're very close actually, in 
my judgment. So but having said that, are there any amendments 
now if there's no further discussion?
    There being no amendments I move that the committee report 
H.R. 6119 to the House with a favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair the ayes have it. The motion is 
agreed to.
    A recorded roll call vote has been requested. Pursuant to 
the chair's previous announcement this vote will be postponed.
    The last bill--so this will be our last bill for the 
markup. Pursuant to notice I now call up H.R. 6087, the YALI 
Act of 2023.
    The bill was circulated in advance. The clerk shall 
designate the bill.
    The Clerk. H.R. 6087, to establish a comprehensive U.S. 
Government initiative to build the capacity of young leaders 
and entrepreneurs in Africa and for other purposes.
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection the first reading is 
dispensed with. The bill is considered read and open to 
amendment at any point.
    [The Bill H.R. 6087 follows:]

                                 hr6087
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    Chairman McCaul. Is there any discussion on the bill?
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove is recognized.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Mr. Ranking 
Member, for bringing the YALI Act to markup and thank you to 
Representative Kim for partnering with me again to introduce 
this important legislation.
    Africa rarely has the spotlight in the United States 
foreign policy but that does not change the reality that Africa 
is very much going to be the future.
    With the youngest fastest growing population on the planet 
Africa's contributions will be required to advance global 
priorities and address many of the defining challenges of our 
time.
    It is not an exaggeration to say that linking Africa's 
future with our own is one of the most important long-term 
geopolitical investments we can make. We must also acknowledge 
that one way to compete with China is to invest in the 
continent of Africa.
    China has made significant inroads across the continent 
with its Belt and Road Initiative and exploitative loan offers. 
We have been less giving but still hold a partnership allure 
that I hope even in present time can continue to maintain.
    Countries across Africa see our embrace of innovation and 
entrepreneurialism of the--and the fight and pursuit of a 
better democracy and freedom as a good thing. The Young African 
Leaders Initiative can be that opportunity.
    It recognizes that African youth are going to define the 
trajectory of the continent and it positions the U.S. as a 
supportive partner in Africa's exponential growth.
    This program has created a continent wide network of young 
leaders across 49 sub-Saharan countries who have all gained 
formative leadership experiences in the United States.
    Six hundred and forty thousand Africans have participated 
in YALI since 2010 and we will reap the benefits of these U.S.-
Africa ties for years to come. Deepening our connections with 
the African continent can be achieved in many ways through 
trade and investment, health, defense, energy, science, and 
more.
    But no government-to-government cooperation can replace the 
deep personal connections that come from cultural, educational, 
and people-to-people exchanges that allow us to understand each 
other and create the foundations for a shared future.
    YALI is a singular contribution to the U.S.-Africa 
relationship and I urge my colleagues to support this 
legislation to codify this important program.
    Thank you again, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member, and I yield 
back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields. Any further 
discussion?
    Mrs. Kim is recognized.
    Mrs. Kim of California. Thank you, Chairman, for 
recognizing me and holding today's markup.
    I strongly support my friend Representative Kamlager-Dove's 
Young African Leaders Initiative, or YALI Act, which codifies 
the YALI program at the State Department.
    The YALI program seeks to empower the next generation of 
leaders amongst Africa's youth, which is the world's fastest 
growing youth population.
    It focuses on enhancing leadership, entrepreneurship, 
civics, and strengthening civil society. The program features 
the Mandela-Washington fellowship for young African leaders 
which places students in U.S. schools to study these issues.
    Many countries in Africa today are plagued by violence, 
authoritarian governance, environmental issues, and public 
health challenges. As we seek to bolster our diplomatic efforts 
to mitigate these challenges we should not forget to engage the 
generation that is unchecked to solve them.
    People-to-people diplomacy helps to build relationships for 
the future and to create opportunities to have productive 
conversations about how we can work more closely together.
    Codifying this program will show African countries that we 
are serious about stepping up our engagement and that we are 
committed to ensuring Africa's youth foster a bright future for 
the continent.
    So I thank my friend Representative Kamlager-Dove for her 
leadership on this bill and I yield the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back.
    Is there any further discussion?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. I strongly support this bipartisan measure 
introduced by Representative Kamlager-Dove and Representative 
Young Kim to advance the Young African Leaders Initiative.
    First established by President Obama in 2010, YALI seeks to 
empower the next generation of African leaders and invest in 
Africa's youth. This legislation builds upon YALI by supporting 
the over 640,000 alumni ties with the United States after they 
have returned to their home country including by establishing 
YALI regional leadership centers at universities in Ghana and 
Kenya, Senegal, and South Africa.
    This bill also requires the Department of State to develop 
a strategy to ensure YALI promotes United States foreign policy 
goals on the continent of Africa.
    On the heels of the African Growth and Opportunity Act 
Forum recently concluded in Johannesburg, South Africa last 
week this measure would help pave the way for the future of the 
continent--young African leaders.
    This is what we need to promote all over the world, young 
leaders, particularly on the continent, so that they can 
continue to advance their leadership skills in partnership with 
Americans.
    I strongly support this bipartisan measure and urge all of 
my colleagues to join me. I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion?
    There being no further discussion, are there any 
amendments?
    There being no amendments I move that the committee report 
H.R. 6087 to the House with a favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair the ayes have it and the motion 
is agreed to.
    Without objection the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table. Staff is authorized to make any technical and conforming 
changes.
    The committee will be--stands in recess and we'll reconvene 
at a future time for votes when the clerk will send out advance 
notice.
    [Whereupon, at 4:01 p.m., the committee recessed, to 
reconvene at 4:33 p.m., the same day.]
    Chairman McCaul. The Committee will come to order. The 
Committee postponed further proceedings on reporting H.R. 4175, 
as amended, favorably to the House on which the ayes prevail by 
voice vote. The question now occurs on reporting the measures 
amended to the House with a favorable recommendation. Members 
will use the electronic voting system. The Clerk will open the 
vote.
    All right. Have all the members voted? Did any member wish 
to record or change his votes? The Clerk will close the vote 
and report the tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the yeas are 40, the noes are 2.
    Chairman McCaul. OK. Committee postponed further 
proceedings on reporting H.R. 4723, as amended, favorably to 
the House in which the ayes prevailed by voice vote. The 
question now occurs on reporting the measure, as amended, to 
the House with a favorable recommendation. Members will vote 
using the electronic voting system. The Clerk will open the 
vote.
    Have all members voted? Does any member wish to record or 
change his vote?
    Mr. Davidson. One more. Yes.
    Chairman McCaul. You've got to push the button now, man. 
Well, they can get it. Can he vote, does he have to vote 
electronically, or can he vote that way? Can he vote verbally, 
or does he have to do it electronically? Do you have his vote, 
or does he have to do it electronically? Mr. Davidson, you've 
got to vote electronically. All right. Great. The Clerk will 
close the vote and report the tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the ayes are 44, the noes are 
zero.
    Chairman McCaul. The ayes have it. Motion is agreed to. 
Without objection, motion to reconsider is laid on the table. 
The staff is authorized to make any technical conforming 
changes.
    Committee postponed further proceedings on reporting House 
Resolution 149, as amended, favorably to the House in which the 
ayes prevailed by voice vote. The question now occurs on 
reporting the measure, as amended, to the House with a 
favorable recommendation. Members will vote using the 
electronic voting system. The Clerk will open the vote.
    Have all members voted? Does any member wish to record or 
change their vote? The Clerk will close the vote and report the 
tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the ayes are 44, the noes are 
zero.
    Chairman McCaul. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. 
Without objection, motion to reconsider is laid on the table.
    The Committee postponed further proceedings on reporting 
H.R. 5856, as amended, favorably to the House in which the ayes 
prevailed by voice vote. The question now occurs on reporting 
the measure, as amended, to the House with a favorable 
recommendation. Members will vote using the electronic voting 
system. The Clerk will open the vote.
    Have all members voted? Does any member wish to record or 
change their vote? The Clerk will close the vote and report the 
tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the ayes are 44, the noes are 
zero.
    Chairman McCaul. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. 
Without objection, the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table.
    The Committee postponed further proceedings on reporting 
H.R. 4681, as amended favorably to the House in which the ayes 
prevailed by voice vote. The question now occurs on reporting 
the measure, as amended, to the House with a favorable 
recommendation. Members will vote using the electronic voting 
system. The Clerk will open the vote.
    Have all members voted? Does any member wish to record or 
change their vote? The Clerk will close the vote and report the 
tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the ayes are 44, the noes are 
zero.
    Chairman McCaul. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. 
Without objection, the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table.
    The Committee postponed further proceedings on the roll 
call vote on Amendment Number 9 offered by Mr. Meeks to H.R. 
5961 in which the noes have prevailed by voice vote. The 
question now occurs on agreeing to the amendment. Members will 
vote using the electronic voting system. The Clerk will open 
the vote.
    Mr. Sherman. Mr. Chairman, is this also the amendment 
offered by Mr. Crow, Amendment Number 7?
    Chairman McCaul. No. Mr. Meeks. Number 9.
    Mr. Sherman. Oh, this is Meeks 9.
    Chairman McCaul. Number 9. Have all members voted? Does any 
member wish to record or change their vote? The Clerk will 
close the vote and report the tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the ayes are 19, the noes are 25.
    Chairman McCaul. The noes have it, and the amendment is not 
agreed to. The Committee postponed further proceedings on the 
roll call vote on Amendment Number 16 offered by Representative 
Cherfilus-McCormick to H.R. 5961 on which the noes have 
prevailed by voice vote. The question now occurs on agreeing to 
the amendment. Members will use the electronic voting system. 
The Clerk will open the vote.
    Have all members voted? Does any member wish to record or 
change their vote? The Clerk will close the vote and report the 
tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the ayes are 20, the noes are 24.
    Chairman McCaul. The noes have it. The amendment is not 
agreed to. The Committee postponed further proceedings on the 
roll call vote on Amendment Number 7 offered by Representative 
Crow to H.R. 5961 on which the noes have prevailed by voice 
vote. The question now occurs on agreeing to the amendment. 
Members will vote using the electronic voting system. The Clerk 
will open the vote.
    Have all members voted? Does any member wish to record or 
change their vote? The Clerk will close the vote and report the 
tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the ayes are 19, the noes are 25.
    Chairman McCaul. The noes have it. The amendment is not 
agreed to. The Committee postponed further proceedings on the 
roll call vote on Amendment Number 12 offered by Representative 
Jackson to H.R. 5961 on which the noes have prevailed by voice 
vote. The question now occurs on agreeing to the amendment. 
Members will use the electronic voting system. The Clerk will 
open the vote.
    Have all members voted? Does any member wish to record or 
change their vote? The Clerk will close the vote and report the 
tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the ayes are 15, the noes are 29.
    Chairman McCaul. The noes have it. The amendment is not 
agreed to. The Committee postponed further proceedings on the 
roll call vote on Amendment Number 13 offered by Representative 
Kamlager-Dove to H.R. 5961 on which the noes have prevailed by 
voice vote. The question now occurs on agreeing to the 
amendment. Members will vote using the electronic voting 
system. The Clerk will open the vote.
    Have all members voted? Does any member wish to record or 
change their vote? The Clerk will close the vote and report the 
tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the ayes are 13, the noes are 31.
    Chairman McCaul. The noes have it. The amendment is not 
agreed to. There being no further amendments, I move that the 
Committee report H.R. 5961, as amended, to the House with a 
favorable recommendation. All in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the Chair, the ayes have it. The motion 
is agreed to. Roll call vote has been requested. Members will 
vote using the electronic voting system. The Clerk will open 
the vote.
    Have all members voted? Does any member wish to record or 
change their vote? The Clerk will close the vote and report the 
tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the ayes are 29, the noes are 15.
    Chairman McCaul. The ayes have it. Without objection, the 
motion to reconsider is laid on the table. Staff is authorized 
to make any technical and conforming changes.
    The last vote. Man, I love this new system. All right. The 
Committee postponed further proceedings on reporting H.R. 6119 
favorably to the House in which the ayes prevailed by voice 
vote. The question now occurs on reporting the measure to the 
House with a favorable recommendation. Members will vote using 
the electronic voting system. The Clerk will open the vote.
    Have all members voted? Does any member wish to record or 
change their vote? The Clerk will close the vote and report the 
tally.
    The Clerk. On this vote, the ayes are 24, the noes are 20.
    Chairman McCaul. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to. 
Without objection, the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table. This concludes consideration by the Committee for today.
    [Whereupon, at 4:45 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]

                                APPENDIX
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    STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD SUBMITTED FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY
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     STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD SUBMITTED FROM REPRESENTATIVE WILSON
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                                 votes
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                             MARKUP SUMMARY
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                                 [all]