[House Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


                 FISCAL YEAR 2024 BUDGET REQUEST FOR NEAR 
                              EASTERN AFFAIRS

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

                SUBCOMMITTEE MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA, AND 
                               CENTRAL ASIA

                                 OF THE

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                        HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION

                               __________

                             June 13, 2023

                               __________

                           Serial No. 118-31

                               __________

        Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
        
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                    U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE                    
53-892 PDF                 WASHINGTON : 2023                    
          
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------                         

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

                  MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Chairman

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey     GREGORY MEEKS, New York, Ranking 
JOE WILSON, South Carolina               Member
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania	     BRAD SHERMAN, California	
DARRELL ISSA, California	     GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
ANN WAGNER, Missouri		     WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
BRIAN MAST, Florida		     AMI BERA, California
KEN BUCK, Colorado		     JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee		     DINA TITUS, Nevada
MARK E. GREEN, Tennessee	     TED LIEU, California
ANDY BARR, Kentucky		     SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania
RONNY JACKSON, Texas		     DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota
YOUNG KIM, California		     COLIN ALLRED, Texas
MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida	     ANDY KIM, New Jersey
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan		     SARA JACOBS, California
AUMUA AMATA COLEMAN RADEWAGEN, 	     KATHY MANNING, North Carolina
American Samoa		             SHEILA CHERFILUS-McCORMICK, 
FRENCH HILL, Arkansas		          Florida	
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio		     GREG STANTON, Arizona
JIM BAIRD, Indiana		     MADELEINE DEAN, Pennsylvania
MICHAEL WALTZ, Florida	             JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
THOMAS KEAN, JR., New Jersey         JONATHAN JACKSON, Illinois
MICHAEL LAWLER, New York	     SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
CORY MILLS, Florida		     JIM COSTA, California
RICH McCORMICK, Georgia              JASON CROW, Colorado
NATHANIEL MORAN, Texas		     BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois
JOHN JAMES, Michigan
KEITH SELF, Texas

                    Brendan Shields, Staff Director
                    Sophia Lafargue, Staff Director
                                 ------                                

      Subcommittee on Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia

                         JOE WILSON, Chair

BRIAN MAST, Florida                  DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota, Ranking 
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee                  Member
RONNY JACKSON, Texas		     BRAD SHERMAN, California
JIM BAIRD, Indiana		     GERALD CONNOLLY, Virginia
MIKE LAWLER, New York		     DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island
RICH MCCORMICK, Georgia		     KATHY MANNING, North Carolina  

                     Gabriella Zach, Staff Director
                            
                            
                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

                               WITNESSES

Leaf, Barbara A., Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Near Eastern 
  Affairs, U.S. State Department.................................     8
Pryor, Jeanne, Deputy Assistant Administrator, Middle East 
  Bureau, United States Agency for International Development.....    22

                                APPENDIX

Hearing Notice...................................................    47
Hearing Minutes..................................................    48
Hearing Attendance...............................................    49

         STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY

Statement for the record from Representative Connolly............    50

            RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

Responses to questions submitted for the record..................    52

 
        FISCAL YEAR 2024 BUDGET REQUEST FOR NEAR EASTERN AFFAIRS

                         Tuesday, June 13, 2023

                          House of Representatives,
             Subcommittee on the Middle East, North
                           Africa and Central Asia,
                      Committee on Foreign Affairs,
                                                     Washington, DC

    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:32 p.m., in 
room 210, Capitol Visitor Center, Hon. Joe Wilson (chairman of 
the subcommittee) presiding.
    Mr. Wilson [presiding]. The Subcommittee on Middle East, 
North Africa, and Central Asia will come to order.
    The purpose of this hearing is to discuss the President's 
Fiscal Year 2024 budget request for the State Department's 
Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs and USAID's Bureau for the 
Middle East.
    I now recognize myself for an opening statement.
    This past year has been monumental events and shifts in 
policy in the Middle East/North Africa. War criminal Putin, the 
Chinese Communist Party colonization, and the terrorist regime 
in Tehran share common goals: the destruction of democracy 
around the world, as we see the competition and conflict 
between democracies with rule of law being undermined by 
authoritarians with rule of gun. We have the installation of 
vassal governments to replace fledgling democracies with 
loyalists dictators. We have theft of critical natural 
resources and disruption of global supply chains.
    Yet, the American leadership is limited to nowhere to be 
seen. Sadly, under this Administration, the region is 
witnessing a tectonic shift. Our Gulf partners were cast aside 
as pariahs, receiving only lukewarm support amidst an onslaught 
of Iranian proxy aggression, including against U.S. forces, 
while the Ayatollah, by contrast, was actively embraced.
    The results have been devastating for rule of law and a 
boon for the adversaries in the region. Saudi Arabia, the 
United Arab Emirates, and other Gulf partners have normalized 
relations with the terrorist regime in Iran and with the brutal 
Assad regime.
    China has doubled-down on the region, especially in the 
UAE. In just a few years, the region has gone from a time of 
strong relations with the United States to the playground of Xi 
Jinping, war criminal Putin, and the Ayatollah in Iran.
    The threat emanating from the terrorist regime in Tehran is 
more critical than ever, including to the people of Iran, who 
continue to endure torture and repression by the regime. And, 
in fact, just yesterday, the regime in Tehran announced that 
they would be undeterred in any way of their developing a 
nuclear capability.
    We need a clear and consistent policy from the United 
States to counter the Iranian-backed terrorist groups and the 
proliferation of missiles and weaponized drones. This policy 
must include fulfilling the foreign military sales and security 
assistance agreement that we already have.
    This Administration has led countries across the region to 
question America's long-range commitment to the security of the 
region. The United States leadership vacuum was publicly 
underscored by the recent China-brokered meeting between Saudi 
Arabia and Iran to restore diplomatic relations.
    The historic Abraham Accords are a tremendous 
accomplishment of President Donald Trump. If fully realized, 
they present countless opportunities for mutually beneficial 
economic and security cooperation between Israel and its 
neighbors to respond to threats. The Administration must 
strongly prioritize expanding the Accords to include other 
Muslim-majority countries such as Saudi Arabia.
    In October, the U.N.'s prohibitions against Iranian 
transfers of long-range drones and ballistic missile systems 
will expire, along with other sanctions on the missile program. 
The regime has already flagrantly violated this prohibition by 
supplying war criminal Putin with thousands of long-range 
suicide drones to murder innocent Ukrainians.
    It seems the Administration has deprioritized consequences 
for the Iranian-backed terrorism and missile proliferation in 
pursuit of return to the disastrous and insulting nuclear deal. 
Just this Sunday, again, the Ayatollah Khamenei stated the West 
would be unable to prevent Iran from securing nuclear weapons.
    I hope that Assistant Secretary Leaf can tell us today what 
the Administration's strategy is to secure renewal of the 
restrictions or address their absence as a part of our 
international strategy to counter the Iranian regime's missile 
and drone proliferation.
    While the focus of war criminal Putin's aggression is 
largely on the invasion of Ukraine, the implications of Putin's 
increasing footprint in the Middle East and North Africa are 
dire. Putin's permanent air and naval forces and bases in 
Syria, established as a part of his campaign to support Bashar 
al-Assad's mass murder of Syrian civilians, now is used as a 
hub to extend the Kremlin's malign influence further afield, 
whether it be Ukraine, Libya, or Sudan.
    Additionally, as the Kremlin-backed coup to quash 
grassroots democracy began in Sudan, Putin's Wagner terrorist 
mercenaries flew billions of Chinese gold to Syria. The recent 
decision by the Arab League to unconditionally readmit 
unrepentant mass murderer Bashar al-Assad is indicative of a 
decline of U.S. involvement in the region and this 
Administration's implicit green-lighting of normalization.
    The Assad regime responded to the 2011 pro-democracy 
protests by committing a litany of crimes against the people of 
Syria, including the torture of children and use of chemical 
weapons. Over half a million, and counting, have been murdered 
and over 100,000 people remain disappeared. The image of one of 
the worst dictators of all-time, his being welcomed in Jeddah 
was truly sickening.
    Finally, the United States continues to be the most 
generous country in the world with regard to international aid. 
However, the weaponization of international aid through 
diversion is a widespread problem that must be confronted. We 
have consistently seen examples of the U.N. aid diversion by 
dictators and terrorists, including Bashar al-Assad.
    We are currently engaged in a global conflict between 
authoritarianism with rule of gun and democracy with rule of 
law. Technology has made the cost of destabilization cheaper 
than ever. And I look forward to hearing from both of you on 
how U.S. assistance is being used to further announce security 
priorities and, effectively, push back on the interests of our 
adversaries in the region.
    Thank you to our witnesses for your time.
    And I now am grateful to yield to the gentleman from 
Minnesota, Mr. Phillips, for an opening statement.
    Mr. Phillips. Thank you, Chairman Wilson, for calling this 
important hearing, and greetings to everybody in attendance.
    Two core functions of this subcommittee are to employ 
Congress' power of the purse to guide the State Department and 
USAID's activities and support our diplomatic corps in the 
MENACA region, and then, to provide robust oversight over the 
execution of that important work.
    I would like to extend warm welcomes to Assistant Secretary 
Barbara Leaf and Deputy Assistant Administrator Jeanne Pryor 
for joining us today and helping us with those two important 
responsibilities.
    This hearing comes on the heels of Secretary Blinken's 
travel to Saudi Arabia for bilateral and multilateral 
conversations, which not only reinforced our commitment to our 
allies and partners and our shared vision for the region, but 
also strengthened our resolve to meet this moment and address 
the array of opportunities and challenges that we face 
together.
    Since becoming ranking member of this subcommittee, I have 
heard from a number of leaders from around the Middle East 
about how the United States has reclused itself from the 
region; how the United States has taken a step back from the 
region and allowed China and Russia to fill that vacuum. But, 
as I will lay out this afternoon, I believe the United States 
has not stepped aside, but, rather, has stepped up, albeit in 
new and innovative ways. We do not merely observe anymore, but, 
rather, actively engaging as to make the region stronger, 
safer, and more integrated.
    Once a beacon of hope from the Arab Spring, Tunisia's 
democracy is currently in peril, as President Saied's growing 
authoritarian rule has resulted in the destruction of 
institutional checks and balances; the arrest and targeting of 
his political adversaries, and the silencing of media and civil 
society. Nevertheless, the United States has and must continue 
to stand by the Tunisian people and pro-democracy civil 
society, as they continue fighting for their freedoms and 
livelihoods.
    As the political elite in Lebanon who, after 8 months of 
infighting, remain unwilling to this moment to elect a 
president or move forward with their much-needed IMF reform 
package, the United States has continued to stand with the 
Lebanese people, who courageously voted for change in last 
year's parliamentary elections, but have yet to see that vote 
translate into action.
    We have provided $800 million--$800 million--in 
humanitarian assistance since Fiscal Year 2020 and have 
recently provided temporary livelihood assistance for the 
Internal Security Forces and Lebanese Armed Forces, two key 
drivers of stability in the country.
    Syrian President Bashar al-Assad remains in power after 12 
brutal years of war, where his regime murdered over a half a 
million civilians and displaced thousands, many thousands more. 
The February earthquakes devastated communities in the 
northwest, and the situation in the prisons and camps that 
house ISIS fighters and displaced persons in northeast Syria is 
growing more dire by the day--creating both a mounting security 
threat and a humanitarian disaster.
    The United States has actively responded not just by 
supporting the D-ISIS mission and providing stabilization 
assistance in the northeast, but also by becoming the single 
largest donor of humanitarian assistance to the Syria crisis.
    We continue to support Syrian refugees living across the 
region, including in Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and work to 
ensure that no refugees are forcibly returned to Syria.
    At the United Nations, the United States continues to work 
with like-minded partners to safeguard Bab al-Hawa border 
crossing between Syria and Turkey, so that aid reaches the most 
vulnerable communities.
    Still, our work remains. While the regional players have 
chosen to normalize with the regime, the United States should 
never normalize if Assad remains in power. And I'll say that 
again--the United States should never normalize with Syria as 
long as Assad remains in power.
    The Biden Administration has and must continue to impose 
the Caesar sanctions; work to reinvigorate the Geneva process 
under the U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254, and seek 
justice and accountability for the atrocities committed by the 
Assad regime.
    Iran continues to antagonize the entire international 
community by providing armed drones to Russia, enriching 
uranium near weapons-grade levels, and using proxy terror to 
threaten the United States and partner forces throughout the 
region. The United States responded by leading the effort to 
advance Middle East integration beyond what could have ever 
been imagined just a decade ago.
    Regional normalization with Israel with the Abraham 
Accords, the Negev Forum, and I2U2 has ushered in expanded 
opportunities outside of just the security space--to encompass 
trade, tourism, technological innovation, and so much more.
    In addition to our robust sanctions regime, these historic 
developments allow for a united front against Iranian malign 
influence, as we work together to enhance information-sharing; 
strengthen the degraded missile defense systems, and advance 
innovative technologies to combat water scarcity and weapons 
smuggling.
    In this era of great power competition, the power of the 
United States should no longer rely solely on muscle and might, 
but, rather, our power should be drawn by our partnerships and 
our coalitions, our business innovation and military 
technologies, and our democratic values that are central to our 
way of life.
    As we engage today on the Biden Administration's Fiscal 
Year 2024 budget request for Near East Affairs, I look forward 
to hearing from our witnesses about how the State Department 
and USAID plan to use the requested funds to address these 
important issues and demonstrate that the United States of 
America commitment to our allies and partners in the Middle 
East and North Africa is steadfast and unwavering.
    With that, Mr. Chair, I yield back.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you very much, Ranking Member Dean 
Phillips, who gets a prize. He was right on 5 minutes. How did 
you do this? Oh, my goodness, but, hey, we appreciate it. 
Again, it is really substantially bipartisan, us being here 
today.
    And that is why we are so pleased to have the distinguished 
witnesses from the State Department and USAID. The Assistant 
Secretary for the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, Barbara Leaf, 
is here to speak to the State Department's budget request, and 
then, Deputy Assistant Administrator Jeanne Pryor, from USAID's 
Bureau for the Middle East, is also joining to speak to us on 
USAID's priorities for the Fiscal Year 2024 budget.
    Thank you for being here today. Your full statements will 
be made part of the record, and I will ask each of you to keep 
your spoken remarks to 5 minutes in order to allow time for 
member questions.
    We now recognize the Assistant Secretary Leaf for an 
opening statement.

 STATEMENT OF BARBARA A. LEAF, ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU OF 
          NEAR EASTERN AFFAIRS, U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT

    Ms. Leaf. Chairman Wilson, Ranking Member Phillips, members 
of the subcommittee, thank you for inviting me here today to 
testify on the President's $7.57 billion Fiscal Year 2024 
budget request and our priorities in the Middle East and North 
Africa.
    The region remains of vital importance to U.S. interests. 
President Biden has articulated a forward-looking approach to 
the region based on five elements: partnership, deterrence, 
diplomacy, regional integration, and values.
    We have made real progress. We have built on the historic 
Abraham Accords by launching the Negev Forum and I2U2; helped 
de-escalate Israeli-Palestinian tensions; advanced a U.N.-
facilitated truce in Yemen; negotiated an historic maritime 
boundary agreement between Israel and Lebanon, and helped 
secure the largest-ever purchase of Boeing planes in Saudi 
Arabia.
    Our assiduous diplomacy has repaired rifts and we now 
benefit from a region that, while still fragile, can itself 
undertake the work of stabilization and repair alongside our 
own efforts. We are as diplomatically engaged and committed to 
the region as we have ever been, doing the hard work to 
demonstrate that our vision for the region's peace and 
prosperity can deliver a more compelling future for our 
partners. Your support for this request will cement U.S. 
success.
    Partnership. Our regional engagement begins with 
partnership. Last week, Secretary Blinken attended ministerials 
with GCC partners and the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS, and 
conducted important bilateral discussions with the Saudi 
leadership--reinforcing that our partnerships focus on solving 
shared problems and building shared prosperity and security. In 
an era of strategic competition, these partnerships are what 
set us apart. Our Fiscal Year 2024 request supports partners 
like Israel, Jordan, Egypt, as well as Iraq, and creates the 
conditions that sustain our cooperation.
    Deterrence. Our unrivaled network of partnerships creates a 
platform for integrated deterrence to deter malign actors, 
whether State or non-State actors. The President has been clear 
that he is committed to ensuring that Iran never acquires a 
nuclear weapon. While diplomacy is the best means to address 
this issue, it must be coupled with deterring Iran's 
adventurism. That effort is bolstered by building a deep 
coalition of partners with integrated defense capabilities and 
the willingness to hold Iran to account.
    Support for our partners' security enhances this 
deterrence. The President's Fiscal Year 2024 request for the 
region includes $5.3 billion in foreign military financing. Our 
commitment to Israel's security remains ironclad. Consistent 
with our MOU with Israel, the request includes $3.3 billion to 
support Israel's security.
    Diplomacy. To build sustainable regional security, we must 
use vigorous diplomacy to maintain and reinforce coalitions to 
de-escalate conflict and work collectively. The $42.55 million 
request for Yemen, for instance, sustains our efforts that led 
to the key elements of the April 2022 truce--a truce which 
continues to hold 14 months later.
    On Syria, our steadfast opposition to normalization with 
the regime has not changed, nor will we lift any sanctions on 
the regime or on those who aid it. We have made it clear to our 
Arab partners, through sustained high-level diplomacy, that 
their engagement with the Assad regime must produce concrete 
actions by Damascus to benefit the Syrian people and provide 
clear dividends for regional stability.
    We remain focused on the enduring defeat of ISIS, which the 
Secretary reaffirmed at last week's ministerial. The $97 
million request for stabilization assistance in northeast 
Syria, particularly our efforts at al-Hol, ensures ISIS cannot 
leverage instability in Syria, nor recruit vulnerable displaced 
populations to reconstitute and threaten the United States.
    Regional integration. Through this request, we will 
continue to promote regional integration to unlock the region's 
potential for sustained and wide-ranging economic growth and 
greater stability. Through initiatives such as the Negev Forum, 
Project Prosperity, and I2U2, we aim to design and deliver the 
tangible benefits of regional integration, building on the 
historic Abraham Accords.
    For the progress toward integration, including future moves 
in Arab-Israeli normalization, it could be supported by the 
MENA Opportunity Fund, a new, $90 million, flexible funding 
mechanism that we have proposed for the first time in this 
year's request.
    We are cognizant that these efforts are no substitute for a 
negotiated settlement between the Israelis and Palestinians. A 
two-State solution is the best way to ensure Israel's future as 
a Jewish democratic State living in peace alongside of a 
viable, sovereign, and democratic Palestinian State. Our 
request includes $309 million in economic and security 
assistance for the Palestinian people and support for people-
to-people connections under the Middle East Partnership for 
Peace Act.
    Finally, values. Our values remain at the center of our 
approach. Last week, the Secretary again made clear to our 
Saudi and GCC partners that human rights are essential to 
enabling the strongest possible bilateral relationships. We do 
this because it is who we are as Americans and because it 
serves our interests. We want the people of the region to know 
what we stand for and know that what we are offering is in the 
long run more likely to produce a shared security and 
prosperity.
    Our request reflects our commitment to respond to changes 
that impact our values. Our policy today is designed to build 
the sustainable and integrated partnerships necessary to build 
shared solutions to these challenges, so that we can build the 
better future that we and our partners seek.
    Thank you for the opportunity to testify, and I look 
forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Leaf follows:]

    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]	
    
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you very much, Assistant Secretary.
    I now recognize Ms. Pryor for her opening statement.

  STATEMENT OF JEANNE PRYOR, DEPUTY ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR, 
  MIDDLE EAST BUREAU, UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL 
                          DEVELOPMENT

    Ms. Pryor. Chairman Wilson, Ranking Member Phillips, and 
distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for 
inviting me here today to testify.
    The past year has been marked by severe and increasing 
pressures on the countries of the Middle East and North Africa. 
Shortages in wheat supply and food price increases worsened 
food security and strained fragile economies across the region.
    Earthquakes in Syria added to the devastation already 
wrought by Bashar al-Assad's brutal regime. Crises of 
governance and economic mismanagement continue to threaten 
stability in Lebanon and Tunisia, and violence increased 
significantly between Israelis and Palestinians.
    USAID has worked diligently to protect development progress 
while building forward momentum. The investments proposed in 
our Fiscal Year 20024 budget continue efforts to partner with 
the people of the region; build inclusive economic 
opportunities, and support a peaceful and democratic trajectory 
for this strategically important area of the world.
    Countries of the region face a wide variety of pressures 
from both inside and outside their borders. More than half of 
the population is under the age of 30. USAID is helping prepare 
these young people for the future. We developed curricula to 
improve reading and math skills in Lebanon's primary public 
schools; helped more than 4 million Moroccan students read at 
grade level, and provided scholarships for deserving students 
across Egypt and Lebanon.
    However, as these young people transition into the work 
force, opportunities lag. More than a quarter of young people 
are unemployed and less than 20 percent of women in the region 
participate in the work force.
    U.S. investments offer critical opportunities for young 
people and women. For example, in Lebanon, our investments in 
the private sector have benefited more than 20,000 enterprises, 
including more than 2,000 women-owned businesses.
    Regional challenges spill across borders. Since the 
beginning of Assad's war, more than 5.5 million Syrians have 
sought refuge in bordering countries. The Middle East Acting 
Assistant Administrator's trip to Yemen last week confirmed 
USAID's commitment to assist the people of Yemen, where $4.5 
million have been internally displaced due to ongoing conflict. 
And now, the unfolding violence in Sudan has already prompted 
more than 150,000 people to flee into the MENA region.
    The People's Republic of China further complicates regional 
dynamics. USAID is assisting governments to understand the 
risks associated with PRC financing and technology. For 
example, in Jordan, USAID supports the government's ability to 
assess foreign investment risk to protect Jordanian sovereignty 
and avoid bad deals that would enable outside influences to 
affect infrastructure or financing decisions.
    The impact of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 
food security is another immediate pressure yet on the region. 
Thanks to Congress' generous supplemental funding, USAID has 
been able to slightly alleviate the pressures of dramatically 
decreased imports of critical foodstuffs, such as wheat and 
cooking oil.
    However, given the region's outsized dependence on imports 
from Ukraine and Russia, addressing shortfalls in domestic 
production is essential. Improving agricultural production in 
the world's most water-scarce region requires consideration of 
climate change impacts in our work.
    The Fiscal Year 2024 request significantly increases 
funding for climate change adaptation. For example, in Jordan, 
groundwater is depleted twice as fast as it can be replenished. 
USAID is working with the government of Jordan to strengthen 
infrastructure and oversight of water management and 
incentivize water conservation.
    Although food security and water security are shared risks 
for the region, these threats also offer opportunities for 
collaboration. Notably, USAID has seen expanded interest in 
MERC grants, particularly from Abraham Accords countries. MERC 
has received a near-record number of applications.
    Advancing the relationship between Israel and its neighbors 
is integral to the long-term process for the region. To build 
on this momentum, the Fiscal Year 2024 budget seeks continued 
funding for MEPPA and includes flexibility to invest in 
emerging opportunities. For example, a portion of the $90 
million requested for the Middle East and North Africa 
Opportunity Fund could be utilized if the Negev working groups 
yield tangible areas for investment. The request also increases 
support for the West Bank and Gaza by $40 million to advance 
public health, climate, economic growth, and other development 
priorities.
    U.S. assistance alone is not enough to address the region's 
challenges. Governments must protect human rights and take 
meaningful steps to improve governance and freedom of 
expression. However, through Congress and the American people's 
generosity, USAID has been not only able to provide some relief 
for the extreme pressures the region faces, but also to help 
shape meaning paths to the future for the MENA region.
    Thank you for your support, and I look forward to your 
questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Pryor follows:]

    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]	
    
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Ms. Pryor.
    I now recognize myself for 5 minutes of questioning. And 
Dean Phillips has indicated that we need to be very firm in 
this 5 minutes, so that we might even have a second round, when 
we have such good members who are here today.
    With this in mind, as we begin, Secretary Leap, I was 
really pleased that you pointed out the agreement, because I 
think this is very significant, between Lebanon and Israel for 
offshore drilling in the Mediterranean. It just has to be so 
important with offshore drilling being done safely to be 
beneficial for the people of Lebanon, which should be one of 
the most dynamic countries on earth, but, obviously, is not. 
But, yet, this gives hope. And then, it is also beneficial to 
Israel, as the oil is being piped to Egypt, where it is 
refined, and then, it is sent to Italy, which, then, reduces 
any European intimidation by war criminal Putin. And so, the 
consequence of that really should be recognized as positive.
    I do want to express concern before I ask a question. And 
that is, with the hundreds of millions of dollars going to the 
Palestinian Authority, I hope that every effort is being made 
to monitor the Taylor Force Act conditions, that not any of the 
money should in any way go to benefit the terrorist families 
for the terrorists, suicide terrorists, who commit crimes.
    And so, however the money is administered in any form of 
aid, whether it be economic, whether it be diplomatic, 
whatever, with the heinous murder of Taylor Force from my home 
State of South Carolina, we have not gotten over that and never 
will, that there would be benefits to mass murders.
    With that in mind, Secretary Leap, the U.N. ban on Iran's 
missile and drone program, under the U.N. Security Council 
Resolution 2231, expires in October. Without this ban, it will 
be legal under international law for countries to buy and sell 
missiles and drones to and from Iran.
    What is the Administration doing to seek renewal of the 
missile ban? Even though Putin and the Chinese Communist Party 
will likely oppose, does the Administration plan to force a 
vote? And then, additionally, how will the Administration 
address U.S. policy on Iran's missile programs, including 
sanctions enforcement, to respond to the loss of a U.N. missile 
ban?
    Ms. Leaf. Thank you for your comments and your questions.
    And if I could go back to the issue related to Palestinian 
assistance--and I know that Jeanne may have some observations 
as well--we are quite scrupulous on this issue of Taylor Force 
and all U.S. legislation. And the assistance that we do is 
metered out to independent, trusted partners--in other words, 
not the Palestinian Authority. We have a separate, of course, 
arrangement that deals with security assistance. Again, we are 
very careful, scrutinize end-use, monitoring, and so forth.
    And I would wholly subscribe to your sentiments about the 
myriad benefits in every direction for the maritime agreement. 
It is not only good in terms of resource extraction and good 
for the economies of both countries, especially Lebanon, if it 
could mobilize itself, but it is also provided as security, a 
level of security to both that didn't exist before. And that is 
all for the good.
    On the question of Iran's ballistic missiles, you know, 
this issue of the expiration of the UNSCR is something that 
goes into the mix of our discussions with our partners. 
Frankly, as you noted, getting things through the Council now, 
with where we are with Russia, in particular, is quite 
difficult, but we have a host of other tools at our disposal, 
and we will use them.
    The issue of UAVs, and so forth, provision by Iran to 
Russia, has already attracted considerable effort on our part. 
We have gone after and sanctioned a host of entities and 
individuals, several dozen so far. And that is a two-way kind 
of trade, a defense relationship that is growing. It is of 
enormous concern, not just to us, but our European partners. 
And so, we are very aligned in our efforts.
    Mr. Wilson. In the interest of time, I just want to make a 
statement. Then, we will have a second round of questions.
    But I'm startled to even find out there was a U.N. ban on 
Iran's missile and drone program. With the providing of the 
drones to war criminal Putin, with the indication that they 
might even build a manufacturing facility in the Russian 
Federation, what is the point of the ban? And what is being 
done to try to implement it?
    Ms. Leaf. So, as I say, Mr. Chairman, we are going after 
this with a range of sanctions and a range of diplomatic and 
other efforts with our partners. But we have got a full-bore 
effort to go after those who traffic in the parts, those who 
manufacture, and so forth.
    Mr. Wilson. Well, thank you for every effort.
    And we now proceed to the ranking member, Dean Phillips.
    Mr. Connolly. Mr. Chairman? Mr. Chairman, just before you 
call----
    Mr. Wilson. Yes?
    We have the President of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, 
Congressman Connolly.
    Mr. Connolly. I thank my friends for yielding. 
Unfortunately, I have another commitment. And I'm going to be 
submitting written questions to you, Ms. Leaf, and they are all 
going to pertain to Secretary Blinken's visit to Saudi Arabia. 
And they are rather pointed, and I hope I will get candid 
answers.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Phillips. Mr. President, I'm happy to yield my slot to 
you, if you would like to ask the questions.
    Mr. Connolly. Wow.
    Mr. Phillips. You owe me, but, yes, absolutely.
    Mr. Connolly. I thank you so much. I do, I owe you.
    All right. Ms. Leaf, I have got in my possession the 
statement from the State Department spokesman of the visit of 
our Secretary of State to Saudi Arabia. Nowhere in this multi-
page document are the words ``Khashoggi, Jamal Khashoggi'' 
mentioned at all. Why is that?
    Ms. Leaf. Congressman, I mean, let there be no doubt, we 
have made it clear. We have been on the record publicly and 
privately that the brutal murder of Jamal Khashoggi was 
absolutely unacceptable. I cannot speak to what----
    Mr. Connolly. Oh, well, that is comforting. The man was 
murdered in the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul and dismembered, 
and he doesn't warrant mention in a summary of the conversation 
between our Secretary of State and the Crown Prince of Saudi 
Arabia?
    That would suggest to me, who represented Mr. Khashoggi--he 
was my constituent--and to his family, and his fiancee, that 
this is diminished, if not entirely escaped, as an issue 
between the Saudi government and the U.S. Government.
    Ms. Leaf. By no means, Congressman. By no means.
    Mr. Connolly. Well, how would one know, reading this 
detailed statement from the spokesman of the State Department? 
Well, I hope you will take it back--unacceptable. And there is 
no proof that even came up in discussion, when one reads this.
    It talks about the economic collaboration between us and 
the Saudis. Was that before or after the Saudis again cut oil 
production for the second time?
    Ms. Leaf. So, the issues that are touched upon in that 
statement, in that communique, and the issues that they 
discussed over the course of many hours, relate to ongoing and 
future projects and economic cooperation.
    Mr. Connolly. Well, I understand. But the President of the 
United States himself condemned the oil production cut last 
year because of its impact on inflation and gas prices here at 
home, and indicated, the President indicated, that there would 
be consequences. What were those consequences? And how does he 
feel or how does the Administration feel about a second oil 
production cut----
    Ms. Leaf. So, Congressman----
    Mr. Connolly [continuing]. Just as we are finally making 
some progress on inflation?
    Ms. Leaf. So, Congressman, what I can say about last 
October, we had a very clear divergence of views on how best to 
assure that the markets were well-sourced and that prices were 
stable. We had a very clear disagreement, and it was public and 
it was rancorous.
    Over time, we have worked to get back to the business at 
hand, which is in the interest of both our people, both of our 
countries--national security interests, diplomatic interests, 
economic interests. We consult with all of our OPEC partner 
nations--except for Russia--and we watch the markets very 
carefully, obviously. But, frankly, the discussions that the 
Secretary had during his visit to Riyadh had less to do with 
fossil fuel markets than they did with the transition to green 
energy. And that is what both of our countries are very focused 
on and how we can collaborate in that space.
    Mr. Connolly. Yes, well, I would say that the President has 
got it right, that we are also focused on gas prices and 
inflation, and we are totally in favor of developing a green 
economy, but we are also very much focused in the here and now, 
as is President Biden.
    Ms. Leaf. Yes, Congressman, and, of course, the Secretary 
consulted closely with the President ahead of his trip to Saudi 
Arabia.
    Mr. Connolly. I'm glad to hear that.
    Now, you talked about regional cooperation and looking at 
the relationship longer term. Does that include our blessing or 
any comments we might have on the Chinese-brokered 
rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia, especially given 
the malign activities of Iran in the region?
    Ms. Leaf. So, just to be clear, they didn't broker 
anything. They hosted a meeting, at which the Iranians and the 
Saudis worked out an arrangement--essentially, detente. It is 
not a reconciliation. It is not a rapprochement. It is simply a 
relaxation of tensions that they did themselves.
    And this was an effort that was underway for 2 years----
    Mr. Connolly. Are they establishing diplomatic relations?
    Ms. Leaf. Yes, they are. Yes, they are.
    Mr. Connolly. I would call that a rapprochement.
    Ms. Leaf. Well, they had diplomatic relations, full 
diplomatic relations, until January 2016. So, I mean, plenty of 
countries have diplomatic relations without being close. And 
Saudi officials have made it clear to us that it is going--it 
is sort of a trust, but verify arrangement.
    Mr. Connolly. Well, let me just say, at least speaking for 
this Member--and I do not think I'm going to be alone--this 
visit with Saudi Arabia is troubling. And what was not 
discussed, what hasn't been emphasized, leads one to believe 
that we are moving on--on issues that are pretty fundamental. 
And I would predict that the Administration is going to find a 
lot more resistance in this Congress with respect to the 
relationship with Saudi Arabia and the continued provision of 
military arms, when our interests are not converging; they are 
diverging.
    With that, I yield back, and I thank my good friend for 
allowing me to proceed.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you very much, Congressman Connolly.
    We now proceed to Congressman Jim Baird of Indiana.
    Mr. Baird. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And I appreciate the witnesses being here.
    I am going to start with a question about, since the 
detente, you know, and it was negotiated by China between Iran 
and Saudi Arabia, actions by Iran suggest that this accord has 
not led to a stabilization of the region, as was anticipated by 
the Administration. But, instead, Iran has had a freer hand to 
escalate proxy wars against Israel and the United States.
    So, Ambassador Leaf, can you tell me how does the 
Administration intend to proactively counter Iran's terrorism 
campaign?
    Ms. Leaf. Certainly, Congressman. And if I could just make 
one comment about what I think animated the Saudi quest for 
this detente. You know, it is an undertaking that they began in 
January 2021 and had any number of meetings. And what they have 
sought over time consistently was to get Iran to stop using the 
Houthi, in particular, to target them with missiles, drones, et 
cetera. They sustained a huge number of attacks, between 400 
and 500 of them in 2021 alone. So, that was the first order.
    A second order was that, as the Saudis are attempting to 
negotiate an enduring arrangement with the Houthi that will, 
then, pivot to peace negotiations, led by the United Nations, 
they did not want Iran undermining those. And so, that was the 
intended focus of this detente, as I have called it.
    Now, to your larger question about how do we contest or how 
do we deter, or how do we defend, we continue doing a lot of 
the things that we are doing right now. We have very well-
defended forces across the region, but we have made clear, as 
we did in March, when our forces came under attack in Syria, we 
responded forthrightly.
    We also have a number of other arrangements underway that 
are getting at integrated air and missile defense with our 
partners in the Gulf, in particular, and a number of others. We 
have our sanctions tools, of course. But we use every tool in 
our kit to get after this.
    Mr. Baird. Thank you.
    You mentioned ``others,'' and so, my next question deals 
with, you know, the United States launched a multinational 
partnership, combined maritime forces, CMF, to enhance regional 
maritime security, which is particularly challenged due to 
Iran's seizure of oil tankers that the chairman just mentioned 
a minute ago. And The Wall Street Journal reported that the UAE 
withdrew from the CMF, seeing that it was ineffective at 
addressing Iran's maritime aggression.
    So, have you communicated with the UAE about its concerns?
    Ms. Leaf. Yes, Congressman, and we are continuing those 
discussions. Part of the dilemma, of course, that you have got 
just a huge volume of commercial traffic that goes in and out 
of the Persian Gulf through the Strait of Hormuz. And it is an 
effort that we are giving a fresh look at it, and how we best 
use intelligence and information-sharing with a wide variety of 
coalition partners. But we are continuing those discussions 
with the UAE.
    Mr. Baird. So, continuing on in that, do you think that 
those discussions have helped our relationship, the U.S. 
relationship, with the UAE?
    Ms. Leaf. I do.
    Mr. Baird. My last question deals with the Chinese 
Communist Party. And they helped broker that deal between Saudi 
Arabia and Iran. So, what is the Administration's view of that 
brokered deal?
    Ms. Leaf. So, we have made clear to Saudi Arabia throughout 
this last two-plus years that they have been--as they had been 
working at this dialog that was first brokered by the Iraqis, 
also, periodically, by the Omanis--that we supported them using 
direct engagement as one of many tools to get after their 
national security issues. It is not the only thing that they 
would want to use, and we would still be there to assist them 
in self-defense, and again, with integrated air and missile 
defense efforts.
    I think the question as to how the PRC got in the mix is, 
in part, a reflection of how onerous the sanctions had become 
for the Iranians, and they were looking for some way out of 
their sort of isolation, if you will. And they have been 
wanting to reestablish relations with the Saudis. And so, they 
went to the Chinese to ask for that.
    But I think this is definitely a case where we will 
continue to work assiduously, methodically at interdicting any 
lethal arms flows that we see on the high seas going to the 
Houthi, and then, the Saudis will themselves have to judge how 
to hold them accountable.
    Mr. Baird. Well, thank you very much for your testimony.
    And I'm out of time. So, I yield back, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you very much, Congressman Jim Baird.
    We now proceed to the ranking member, Dean Phillips, of 
Minnesota.
    Mr. Phillips. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And greetings again to our witnesses.
    I think it is fair to say that the Department of State and 
USAID have a lot on their respective plates right now. Clearly, 
competition with China and Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the 
conflict in Sudan--the list goes on and on.
    So, my question is, with our priorities and goals, 
particularly for this committee in the MENA region, how do you 
walk and chew gum at the same time? How do we ensure that the 
region remains prioritized, in light of so many pressing 
challenges around the world? If you would each address that, I 
would appreciate it.
    Ms. Leaf. Well, you are absolutely right, Ranking Member 
Phillips, we have a lot of pots that are always simmering and 
always on the point of boiling over. I, myself, spend sometimes 
two out of 4 weeks on the road doing the work out in the field, 
alongside our excellent Chiefs of Mission. And, of course, we 
have engagements from the Secretary and others, members of the 
national security community.
    But we came into office looking at the region and seeing it 
in a very fragile state, in a parlous state, and in a very 
pressurized state, that we worked very methodically to help 
depressurize. And we got a lot of, frankly, a lot of 
receptivity from our partners in that effort. And so, you see 
the extraordinary degree of cohesiveness in the Gulf family 
which didn't exist two-plus years ago.
    You see relations between Turkey and UAE which are really 
extraordinarily warm now, which is all to the better, and 
between Turkey and Egypt, and so on. And that is all something 
that we have fostered diplomatically, not through, obviously, 
assistance much, but really through hard diplomatic efforts. 
And in the same guise, you know, our assistance really comes 
into play when it comes to countries like Libya and Yemen and 
Lebanon.
    But I have to just simply roll up my sleeves and get out on 
the road quite a lot these days. And as I say, we use incoming 
from our senior officials, like Under Secretary Nuland, who 
called Speaker Nabih Berri yesterday to urge him to schedule a 
session to begin voting again on a president for Lebanon.
    I will let Jeanne now----
    Mr. Phillips. All right. Yes, Ms. Pryor?
    Ms. Pryor. Thank you.
    Yes, there are numerous challenges in the region, but we 
also do see opportunities as well. We have built our budget 
request to try to be responsive to these challenges, while 
capitalizing on the opportunities.
    The region is also probably one of the biggest humanitarian 
disasters in the world, and we have pumped billions into this 
region. So, our development assistance budget is essential for 
trying to bring those humanitarian assistance costs down in 
some of these countries by getting at some of the root causes 
of, say, food insecurity, for example.
    We have also built into this budget request the MENA 
Opportunity Fund. This is an area that is known for rapid 
shifts in developments. And so, such a fund will help us to 
enable to be able to respond quickly to any crisis or 
opportunity that does arise that we have not budgeted for in 
this existing request.
    Thank you.
    Mr. Phillips. So, on the subject of budgets, you know, 
there are some that would like to see these budgets that we are 
discussing today cut. What would the implications be in this 
region, particularly, if that were to happen?
    Ms. Pryor. I think that would depend very much on the 
nature of the cut. But, just an example, $1.5 million can buy 
you enough wheat seed to generate 35,000 tons of wheat. To 
import that as food aid, to respond to a humanitarian crisis, 
would cost millions and millions of dollars more. So, you know, 
any budget cut, we would have to be mindful of the fact that it 
could have unintended consequences later on.
    Mr. Phillips. Can you say that number again, $1.5 million 
in seed----
    Ms. Pryor. Yes.
    Mr. Phillips [continuing]. Yields 35 million?
    Ms. Pryor. Thirty-five thousand tons.
    Mr. Phillips. Thirty-five thousand tons? OK. Thank you.
    Ms. Leaf, if you would comment, too, on what a reduction in 
the foreign assistance budget for this region would--the 
implications?
    Ms. Leaf. Well, as Jeanne so eloquently laid out, we have 
got a region that is in a state of extreme distress in many 
quarters. Syria is one of them, of course, quite dire, and that 
goes straight to the heart of not only trying to sustain a 
population that is under unrelenting pressure from Assad, but 
also trying to get after and get ahead of the conditions that 
brought about ISIS in the first place. And it is the same on 
the other side in Iraq. So, every dollar does count in this 
sense.
    Mr. Phillips. And with that, Mr. Chairman, I will yield 
back, since we are having another round. Thank you.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Ranking Member Dean Phillips.
    We now proceed to Congressman Rich McCormick of Georgia.
    Mr. McCormick. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
    First of all, thank you for both being here today. 
Appreciate your input.
    I have a couple of concerns. One of the things, I really 
appreciated the way you addressed the Saudi-Iran issue because 
that was very unclear to me until you talked about that. I was 
not aware of, basically, how that has all played out and how 
they ended up coming to those brokered deals. I am concerned 
that China was part of that because of obvious reasons.
    Now that we have the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs with 
the Fiscal Year 2024 budget being proposed, one of the things 
that kind of worried me a little bit, I do not mind green 
energy at all, but what I'm worried about is if it is inclusive 
of something made in China, especially with the way that they 
warp the market. They use slave labor on the west coast. They 
augment the production with their own fiat currency. They 
warped the market. We have taken them to court, I think, 27 
times in the World Trade Organization, according to Katherine 
Tai and her report on this.
    I am worried that that money has not got the proper 
guardrails on it to keep it out of nefarious actors' hands, as 
we go. And I want to make sure, what guardrails do we have to 
keep that in the United States? Since we are funding it, it 
should, obviously--I would want it to benefit our companies 
rather than their companies.
    Ms. Leaf. I mean, you are speaking, specifically, I think, 
to the fact that so much of the solar industry is made in 
China, as it were.
    Mr. McCormick. About 90 percent, if I am not correct.
    Ms. Leaf. Yes, that is right. That is a real concern.
    Ms. Pryor. Yes, and we share that concern. And we are 
hopeful that over time supply chains will diversify; that we 
will see new supply chains emerging from the United States, and 
even from within the region.
    What we do in the meantime, however, is, for example, our 
solar panel program in Lebanon, we buy them from Lebanese 
vendors. They are assembled in Germany. However, we do 
recognize that there are components that come from the PRC. So, 
we mandate that all of our implementing partners must check 
relevant lists, like OFEC and Department of Commerce, to make 
sure they are not purchasing anything from a prohibited company 
that uses forced labor.
    And then, once that equipment arrives, we send our staff to 
inspect it to make sure it is the proper equipment, and that it 
is from the proper manufacturer. And then, we also have third-
party monitoring to also re-verify that that is the case.
    But, ultimately, we hope that supply chains will diversify, 
so that this becomes much less of an issue.
    Mr. McCormick. Yes, they need to, first of all--and I 
really do not have any hope because of the way they are warping 
the market. They have already proved to be bad actors and they 
just get better at covering their tracks, even the way they 
send it through other countries to act like it is not them.
    Without hope, I think we need to put hard, rigid guidelines 
on this that we look to American companies first and foremost, 
since we are paying the bill anyway. And it should benefit us 
before it benefits a bad actor who is warping the market on 
purpose, so they can continue to dominate that industry.
    With that said, Ms. Pryor, what protections are in place, 
based on what I just said, to make sure that, when we do buy 
these things, and in general, when we are funding things 
overseas, and especially when it comes to green energy, knowing 
that it is mostly dominated by a market, like in general--I'm 
not talking about just in Lebanon, Iraq, and places that 
sometimes are bad actors to begin with, where you do not always 
have control over. But the places we do have control, if we are 
in charge of the money, do we have say-so on where it goes?
    Ms. Pryor. So, we definitely do our market research to look 
for any kind of alternative vendors and companies as our first 
choice in doing our due diligence.
    Mr. McCormick. OK. The United Nations banned Iran's--and 
this is for Assistant Secretary Leaf--the United Nations banned 
Iran's missile and drone program under the U.N. Security 
Council Resolution 2231 that is about to expire. I know this 
has probably been addressed already, and I apologize, I had 
another committee I was coming from. But I know it is going to 
be something we are going to bring up in front of the U.N. and 
other folks, but if it is not really looked at seriously, what 
are we prepared to do in reaction, if the world is not going to 
act on this? Obviously, it is going to be objected by the same 
bad players always. If it is blocked, what are we prepared to 
do in response to that?
    Ms. Leaf. Well, we are already taking action against those 
who traffic in the parts, the manufacturing, getting the 
weapons, the drones to Russia. We have done dozens and dozens 
of sanctions already against individuals and entities, and we 
will continue that apace, and we will look for sort of a larger 
effect, if we can bring other partners into that effort.
    Mr. McCormick. OK. Last question, either one of you, but 
just real quick--I'm almost out of time; I apologize--but since 
we have come back onboard to assisting the Palestinians 
financially, we have seen a steep increase in violence. I 
always say we do not reward bad behavior. Are we willing to 
turn off that spigot of funding if they are going to be bad 
actors?
    Ms. Leaf. So, we provide funding not to the Palestinian 
Authority, but to a variety of implementing partners. And I 
will let Jeanne speak to that in a moment. But we do provide 
assistance, security assistance, to the Palestinian Security 
Forces, which, frankly, is in the interest of both the Israeli 
and the Palestinian public.
    You are right, there has been a sharp and really shocking 
degree of violence over the last 2 years. I think there are a 
whole variety of factors that are at play. Part of it is, 
frankly, the inability of the Palestinian Security Forces to 
get after the problem, but it is also driven by socioeconomic 
issues, lack of political horizon, a whole host of things--a 
very tough mix.
    Mr. McCormick. With that, I just want to point out that I 
think, if you are motivated, and people are motivated by this 
sort of thing, that they will find the right thing to do. And I 
think we have to hold to our guns and reward good behavior, not 
bad.
    With that, I yield.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Congressman Rich McCormick.
    We now proceed to Congressman Brad Sherman of California.
    Mr. Sherman. Thank you.
    I want to pick up on the ranking member's comments about 
how important it is that we resist this effort for deep cuts in 
the State Department and USAID budget. I know these are being 
proposed by the Freedom Caucus, but perhaps the Freedom Caucus 
would change its name to the Freedom of Action for China 
Caucus, because, clearly, such cuts are in the interest of 
expanding China's influence, both in the Middle East and 
elsewhere around the world.
    Iran is up to 84 percent purity on its refined, enriched 
uranium. That is higher than what was in the original nuclear 
weapons. One of the many things we are doing on this is to 
focus on economic sanctions, but economic sanctions, which we 
are imposing with one hand, we are actually planning to defeat 
with our other hand. That is to say, the IMF provides special 
drawing rights to Iran. So, one the one hand, we are trying to 
precipitously not drive the dollar of the real down, but in 
international forums we just go along and get along.
    And so, I wonder whether the Assistant Secretary can tell 
us that we will not add tens of billions of dollars, as the IMF 
has requested, to our investments in the IMF as long as Iran is 
given special drawing rights.
    Ms. Leaf. So, Congressman, I will have to look at that 
issue and come back to you with a studied reply, but let me 
just----
    Mr. Sherman. And you will hear from the economic side and 
the Treasury, ``We just want to go along to get along, and our 
partners will be really upset if we bring up this issue.'' And 
then, we will help finance an Iranian nuclear weapon. So, I do 
hope you look at that.
    Ms. Leaf. I will absolutely look at it. But do you want me 
to offer you any other comments, or did you want to----
    Mr. Sherman. I have got so many questions here, I will move 
on.
    On Assad, I hope that we are working to make sure that 
Assad is not normalized until he makes substantial concessions 
for the benefit of his people.
    But I want to shift to the Saudi nuclear program, which 
gets very little attention. Every weapon system we gave to Iran 
under the Shah fell into the hands of the Ayatollah. So, I'm 
not sure I can trust bin Salman, but I know that I have no 
knowledge of who comes after bin Salman. And a monarchy is 
clearly unstable.
    And, of course, the United States gave to Iran a small 
nuclear reactor in the Atoms for Peace Program under the 
Eisenhower Administration, and, of course, tremendous 
conventional weapons in the 1970's--all in the hands of the 
Ayatollah.
    Now, we are looking at the Abrahamic Accords. We just dealt 
with that on the floor of the House. The big prize is Saudi 
Arabia. One would hope that they would try to get a better life 
for Palestinians in their negotiations, but they have not 
prioritized that. What they want is a nuclear cooperation 
agreement with the United States that is not similar to the one 
that we entered in with the UAE. That was a gold standard 
agreement--with no enrichment, no reprocessing, and the 
additional protocol.
    Is there a risk that in this exuberant desire to have the 
big meeting where everybody is shaking hands and we are all 
Abrahamic, that we would--can I count on the Administration not 
to bring a nuclear cooperation agreement with Saudi Arabia to 
this House that does not meet the same gold standards?
    Ms. Leaf. So, Congressman, if I can give you a two-parter?
    Mr. Sherman. OK.
    Ms. Leaf. There is one thing I would point out. The 
Palestinian aspect is not wholly missing from this picture. If 
you didn't see it, the Foreign Minister----
    Mr. Sherman. I'm saying what I believe is their real 
intent.
    Ms. Leaf. OK. But----
    Mr. Sherman. Yes, they dressed it up a little bit.
    Ms. Leaf. Yes. They have stipulated that there is a part in 
any normalization for the Palestinians. Now, that is undefined 
as yet.
    But, to your other point, look, Israel and the United 
States will have everything to say about the course of any of 
the aspects that go into the mix for a normalization----
    Mr. Sherman. Can I get a commitment from you on behalf of 
the Administration or not?
    Ms. Leaf. So, what I can say is----
    Mr. Sherman. Or shall I move on to the next question?
    Ms. Leaf. What I can say in this setting, Congressman, is 
that we will rigorously promote nuclear security and 
nonproliferation, and we will consult with the Congress.
    Mr. Sherman. Finally, we look at UNRA, which entered into a 
framework for a cooperation with a commitment to combat 
incitement and antisemitism in its educational curriculum. I 
have a bill that I commend to my colleagues. We had 46 
cosponsors last year.
    How is the United States leveraging our position as UNRA's 
top donor to get them not to do things which they are doing 
now, such as glorifying the convicted terrorist who killed 38 
civilians, Israeli civilians, in 1978, including three 
children?
    Ms. Leaf. Congressman, it is still an issue, a work-in-
progress. We have the same concerns that you have about 
curricula or teaching in the classroom that in any way 
glorifies violence, terrorism, and so forth. So, it is very 
much a work-in-progress, and we are committed to it.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you very much, Congressman Sherman.
    And now, we have the best for last, Congresswoman Kathy 
Manning. And following her, we will have an abbreviated second 
round.
    Ms. Manning. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate that.
    And thank you to our witnesses for being here with us 
today.
    So, we have talked about the rapprochement between Iran and 
Saudi Arabia. We have talked about Iran's increasingly malign 
behavior in providing drones to Russia. We know there are 
always rumors about some kind of new deal with Iran. So, I 
would like to know, Assistant Secretary Leaf, what is the 
Administration's long-term strategy for dealing with Iran, 
especially as it becomes a near-nuclear threshold State?
    Ms. Leaf. So, I would just start by saying there is a lot 
of misinformation and a lot of disinformation churning around 
in the media ecosystem right now. Look, we have been very clear 
that we will use diplomacy, indirect or direct, to get after 
the various threats that Iran poses internationally, as well as 
regionally. And that includes the nuclear.
    People tend to offer up a sort of scenario of a plan A is 
go back into JCPOA and diplomacy; plan B is economic pressure 
and deterrence. Actually, we are doing both. We are doing both.
    We do believe, ultimately, that the best way to constrain 
the program is to get it back into a box, into a diplomatic box 
with rigorous oversight and inspection regime, and so on. 
JCPOA, for a variety of reasons, is really not actively on the 
table, as it were. But we are trying to get to a place where we 
can get Iran to de-escalate on a variety of fronts.
    Ms. Manning. So, what incentives would there be to Iran to 
get them to de-escalate? How are you working with our partners 
and allies? Are you delivering a strong message to Iran, an 
unequivocal message, that a nuclear-armed Iran is unacceptable?
    Ms. Leaf. Yes. And I won't go into details, but I can tell 
you, an absolutely unvarnished message.
    Ms. Manning. And are you encouraging our partners and our 
allies to deliver that same message?
    Ms. Leaf. Yes.
    Ms. Manning. So, let me turn to Saudi Arabia. Because there 
has been discussion about Saudi Arabia. Certainly, we all know 
that progress has been made with the Abraham Accords, and it is 
viewed as really transformative in the region. But we also know 
that Saudi Arabia is the big partner that would or could be 
brought into the Abraham Accords and make a significant 
difference in the region.
    In fact, I think Secretary Blinken has said it is a 
priority for this Administration to bring Saudi Arabia into the 
deal. But we have heard about all the different ways that Saudi 
Arabia has made it more difficult for the United States to deal 
with them. There are lots of sticking points. And recently, the 
Saudis have indicated that normalization would require Israel 
to make progress with the Palestinians. Or I might say perhaps 
the Palestinians need to have a will to make progress.
    So, can you share more about some of the specific steps 
that the United States, the Saudis, and Israel, and the 
Palestinians must take to get to an eventual normalization 
deal?
    Ms. Leaf. So, there's no defined roadmap at this point, I 
will be quite honest. And a lot of the discussions are nascent 
and they are not really the kind of things that I would want to 
trot out into the public venue. It will be something that the 
Administration will definitely consult with Congress along the 
way, as things get refined.
    But, for instance, on the issue of the Palestinians, I 
understand that the Saudis have spoken to the Palestinians, but 
they do not have, as yet, as far as I know, a defined picture 
of what they might put into the mix in terms of a requirement 
or something that they would seek as part of this package.
    So, there is absolutely the will and the determination on 
the part of the prioritization on the part of the 
Administration to midwife this normalization, which, as you 
say, will be transformative. It will bring others along and it 
will shift things very dynamically in the region in a direction 
that will only be to the good. So, it is very much a priority 
for us, but I would just say stay tuned.
    Ms. Manning. When you say there is no roadmap, are there 
steps, active steps, being taken to try to work toward creating 
a roadmap?
    Ms. Leaf. There are discussions.
    Ms. Manning. OK. What options do you see for moving the 
Palestinians, and, in particular, Palestinian leadership, 
toward taking steps necessary to work toward a two-State 
solution? We know there is rising gang crime in the West Bank. 
It is not being addressed by the Palestinian Authority.
    We know there have been random shootings, particularly one 
I need to mention in the name of Elan Ganeles, who is an 
American citizen who was shot dead. There really hasn't been 
much said about him. He is referred to in the press as an 
Israeli soldier, but, in fact, he is an American citizen who 
was living in the United States. He was in Israel for a 
wedding, shot dead. Not a lot said about that by the Americans.
    What steps can we take to encourage the Palestinians to 
actively control the terrorism that is going on by Palestinians 
and the criminal gangs?
    Ms. Leaf. So, we have sort of the programmatic side, which 
is very much part and parcel of our approach to creating a 
professional and capable set of security forces in the West 
Bank that would be able to carry out all of their 
responsibilities in Area A. And that is just not the case yet.
    We have the U.S. Security Coordinator, General Mike Fenzel, 
who has a whole set of activities that he oversees. And then, 
we have the diplomatic effort which, as seen over the last 
months, we had a meeting--Egypt, Jordan, the United States, 
Israel, and the Palestinians--in Aqaba, Jordan, and then, Sharm 
El-Sheikh, Egypt.
    And those have been a combination of security and political 
discussions to get after exactly the issues, which is this 
really eroding sense of security in the West Bank. It is 
eroding for Palestinians; it is eroding for Israelis, let alone 
for visitors.
    And so, this is a priority for us. It is a very difficult 
environment right now. I would say there is just an erosion of 
civility and security, and that was, you know, that was the 
target of a lot of our efforts throughout the period of the 
confluence of the three holy religions, the major religions, 
during March-April.
    So, we brought down the level of violence, but, by no 
means, have we been able to get the PA security forces where 
they need to be.
    Ms. Manning. Thank you. My time is long expired. I 
appreciate the chairman's indulgence.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you very much, Congresswoman Manning.
    And indeed, as we proceed with the second round, you can 
see there is really bipartisan concern with the complicity by 
the Palestinian Authority working with terrorists across the 
region. But the concern that we all have, as boosted over the 
weekend by a nuclear capability by Tehran, the threat that it 
has that is existential for Israel and America, not just in the 
Middle East.
    And then, also, very concerning, as you have heard from 
different questions, about the drone capabilities of Iran. I 
have actually seen some of the drones that were downed over 
Yemen, and these are highly sophisticated, large. They look 
like small planes that have surveillance capability, 
intelligence capability, but also have a capability of very 
sophisticated, heavy weaponry and munitions that can be 
provided. And we are seeing it, sadly, underway with the 
murders being conducted in Ukraine, as we speak.
    With all of this in mind, another issue that I am very 
concerned about is the tragic Arab normalization with Assad. 
And, Secretary, you mentioned and said, quote, ``Our basic 
message has been that, if you're going to engage with the 
regime, get something for this.'' End of quote.
    That is appalling to me. I was grateful to introduce the 
bipartisan Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act to impose costs 
on those who fund Assad's mass murder and drug trafficking.
    And additionally, I have opposed normalization as a stated 
policy, as we see, of the Administration. But, yet, with that 
being the policy, there has really been a green light provided 
to normalization. What is the Administration's view as to, 
quote, ``good enough'' to get a return for abandoning the 
Syrian people to an unrepentant mass murderer and telegraphing 
to dictators around the world that they can wait out our 
accountability for war crimes?
    Ms. Leaf. So, Congressman, I know that that line that I 
gave at a think tank event was understood to be some sort of 
shrug of indifference; it was not in any sense. What I was 
trying to convey was something a little bit different, and it 
was not sufficiently nuanced.
    But here's where we are. As I said in my statement, we are 
foursquare opposed to normalization. We do not think Assad 
merited an invitation to the Arab League. We are very straight-
up with our partners on that score.
    And I will just say there is a range of opinion among the 
Arab States in the region about the utility, even, of engaging 
with Assad. And there are some who will not reopen embassies at 
this point, while others--Saudis included--have said, look, 
regime change--and they were very much part of that effort for 
years--regime change hasn't worked; he is not going anywhere. 
Meanwhile, the country is sinking, sinking, sinking, and we 
have to figure out a way to end the impact that it is having on 
Syria's neighbors, let alone on the Syrian people themselves. 
I'm just giving you what we have heard.
    And so, thus, the decision to engage, but engage with an 
agenda to get pretty much the same objectives that we have, but 
by a different means. We are holding fast to sanctions, and we 
are holding fast that we will not normalize. They are going to 
engage. But we both want the same thing--a change in Damascus' 
behavior, whether it is the export of, the trafficking of 
Captagon, whether it is repression of its people, whether it is 
creating conditions that are inhospitable to IDPs and refugees 
returning.
    Mr. Wilson. And as we conclude, or as I conclude, I would 
like to, also, express concern about any negotiations for 
renewing the Iran nuclear deal. I was really grateful to work 
with former Senator Joe Lieberman and former chairman of the 
Foreign Affairs Committee, Eliot Engel. It was bipartisan that 
it was utterly irresponsible having an Iran deal, as they were 
not only developing nuclear capability, but they never stopped 
trying to develop an ICBM capability to hit the United States.
    And so, over and over again, I hope every effort is made 
from a bipartisan angle to please have no agreement that would 
be so beneficial to people who have every intent to fulfill 
death to Israel, death to America.
    With that, I yield to Ranking Member Phillips.
    Mr. Phillips. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And continuing with Syria, I mean the humanitarian crisis. 
I know that Bab al-Hawa border crossing is up for 
reauthorization at the U.N. Security Council next month. And 
perhaps you could just spend a moment expressing to us why that 
is so important relative to keeping that open.
    Ms. Leaf. So, a few years ago, there were three such border 
crossings. And under pressure of veto, threat of a veto by 
Russia successively, two of those were closed out, and then, we 
have Bab al-Hawa, which has to be renewed every 6 months.
    We are going to go for broke. We are going to try to get a 
larger extension of that and see if we can get other border 
points open as well. Because the fact is--and the earthquake 
made things even more desperate--the fact is you have got over 
3 million people in Idlib Province who, otherwise, have 
virtually no access to assistance. And you can never get enough 
done through cross-checkpoint, you know, regime and Idlib 
Province checkpoints. You can never get cross-line aid 
sufficient to feed people who are really in desperate 
conditions. So, we are going to go for broke on that.
    Mr. Phillips. Good.
    I also wish to address Tunisia. I think I speak for this 
entire committee when we say we are terribly disappointed by 
the democratic backsliding by President Saied.
    Chairman Wilson and I recently sent a letter to the House 
Appropriations Committee to, essentially, demand that cuts to 
U.S. assistance to Tunisia not come at the expense of the 
Tunisian people or pro-democracy civil society. On the other 
hand, we support reducing aid to someone who is, clearly, 
autocratic.
    But how do we, mechanically, when we reduce an aid package, 
ensure that what remains goes to the people who need it without 
being accretive to someone who is clearly backsliding as it 
relates to democracy?
    Ms. Pryor. So, while our request reflects a cut, because of 
these changed circumstances on the ground, what we are doing 
with this request level is we are recalibrating that assistance 
to do just that--focus on the Tunisian people; focus on the 
private sector, and focus on civil society.
    So, 70 percent of the request level will go toward 
supporting civil society. And we are launching a new $25 
million program to support civil society.
    Mr. Phillips. But I want to hear about the mechanics. 
Because, you know, it is easy to say this in committee 
hearings, but how do we, mechanically, ensure that someone does 
not benefit from an oversight perspective?
    Ms. Pryor. So, again, you know, we, ourselves, monitor our 
projects, but we also have third-party monitoring to ensure 
that the assistance goes to the people it is intended.
    Mr. Phillips. OK.
    Ms. Leaf. And if I could?
    Mr. Phillips. Please.
    Ms. Leaf. If I could just add, we have, over the course of 
2 years now, methodically, taken down the assistance that 
originally went to the government of Tunisia for a variety of 
programs. We are down to about half as much additionally in 
terms of the FMF.
    We do think we have scoped the FMF really tightly to 
address our own national security needs. Because we want to 
keep the Tunisia Armed Forces fit and capable to do their 
maritime security and border security and CT operations.
    Mr. Phillips. OK. Thank you.
    One more, and back to Syria for a moment, too, Senators 
Shaheen and Graham have a bipartisan bill in the Senate that 
would reestablish a Senior Coordinator for detained ISIS 
members and displaced populations, of course, in Syria. Today, 
I introduced with Representative Mark Green, my Republican 
friend and colleague, the House companion bill. I just want to 
confirm that you support the reestablishment of a coordinator 
to support repatriation and reintegration efforts in northeast 
Syria.
    Ms. Leaf. So, Congressman, I mean, this would be something 
that I would have to confer with the Secretary about, but what 
I do absolutely support is as boldly asserted an effort as we 
can muster to get these families home, get these foreign 
terrorist fighters home. And that is what we are doing. And, in 
fact, we heard some good news from some of the countries at the 
D-ISIS ministerial in that regard.
    Mr. Phillips. Good. Glad to hear.
    All right. With that, I yield back.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Ranking Member Dean Phillips.
    We will now proceed to Congressman Jim Baird of Indiana.
    Mr. Baird. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And this question goes to both of our witnesses, and it 
deals with Syria and Assad and some of the questions that the 
ranking member had, I think.
    They are diverting and weaponizing this international aid. 
And since the U.N.--and the United States is really one of the 
largest donors--are we leveraging that? Are we leveraging our 
sending of the international aid to make sure that we have some 
say over Assad; and also, making sure that the appropriate 
people, which was in the last question, but the appropriate 
people are receiving that international aid?
    Ms. Pryor. Thank you.
    In the Middle East Bureau, none of our stabilization 
assistance goes to regime-held areas, only non-regime-held 
areas. Our humanitarian assistance in Syria is provided based 
on criteria of need, particularly food insecurity. The majority 
of our humanitarian assistance, also, does not go to regime-
held areas. There is a portion that does go to regime-held 
areas and it is intended to benefit the Syrian people and not 
the regime.
    We have a vetting program that looks at all of our 
implementers to make sure that there are no ties to any kind of 
terrorist organization. Because, as you know, Hezbollah is, you 
know, running around in regime-held areas. We also have third-
party monitoring to make sure the assistance goes to the people 
who need it the most and does not get diverted in any way. And 
we just monitor it very carefully to make sure that it is 
meeting the needs of the most vulnerable in Syria and not the 
Assad regime.
    Mr. Baird. Continuing on, do you have the ability to put 
information or people on the ground to research that?
    Ms. Pryor. So, we do not have USAID staff on the ground in 
most of Syria. We do have someone, a humanitarian advisor, who 
sometimes goes into northeast Syria. But we do have 
organizations that work for us that also do monitoring on our 
behalf.
    Mr. Baird. Secretary Leaf, have you got any----
    Ms. Leaf. I was just going to say, you know, the 
stabilization assistance that we do, as Jeanne said, we direct 
toward northeast Syria, and that is where we tried to provide 
enough sustenance to communities, such that we can mitigate the 
return of ISIS and, also, such that they can take back some of 
the families in Al-Hol who might not be able to return to other 
parts of Syria.
    Mr. Baird. Thank you.
    My next question deals with Russia and their invasion of 
Ukraine in 2022. As we all know, some of our Middle East 
partners were reluctant to strongly condemn that war and that 
aggression. Could you give me, either one of you or both of 
you, your assessment of that situation?
    Ms. Leaf. Certainly. You know, I think there was, frankly, 
just a lot of disbelief that this was really happening on the 
part of our partners. And many of our partners have very solid 
relations with Russia, alongside solid relations with us. I 
think there was just a level of disbelief that this could 
really be happening, and then, there was an unwillingness, 
frankly, initially, on the part of many in the region, to call 
a spade a spade.
    However, we saw over time that virtually all of the 
countries in the region--there were a few exceptions, Syria 
among them--who consistently voted in the U.N. General Assembly 
calling out Russia's invasion and aggression and condemning it, 
and standing up for Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial 
integrity.
    I would also note that a number of--progressively, over 
time, this past six or 8 months--a number of our partner 
countries, their foreign ministers and others have gone to Kyiv 
in a show of solidarity. They have given humanitarian 
assistance. And, of course, President Zelenskyy was invited to 
appear at the Arab League Summit in Jeddah 2 weeks ago.
    Mr. Baird. Thank you. And my time is almost up. So, I yield 
back, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Congressman Baird.
    We now conclude with a high mark, Congresswoman Kathy 
Manning of North Carolina.
    Ms. Manning. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Certainly, all the increased tensions and problems in this 
difficult region require all of our skill sets. And one area we 
have not yet discussed is the funding requested for the new 
MENA Opportunity Fund.
    So, Assistant Secretary Leaf, can you provide some examples 
of the types of projects that could potentially emerge--
potentially, from the Negev Forum--that might be good 
candidates for support from the MENA Opportunity Fund?
    Ms. Leaf. Well, thanks for that great question.
    So, let me start with a project that started outside of 
that, that just predated that, and that came about through the 
good and industrious efforts of Special Presidential Envoy 
Kerry, Project Prosperity. But it is a tailor-made example of 
the kind of things that we hope to develop through the six 
working groups in the Negev Forum.
    Project Prosperity, as you may know, involves UAE 
investment to build solar farms that will provide electricity 
to Israel. Israel will, in turn, provide desalinated water to a 
water-starved Jordan. So, it is so all good in every direction.
    Those are the kind of projects that we want to see 
germinate in these working groups. We are working very hard 
right now with the Moroccans to land on a date for the next 
ministerial. And prior to that, just ahead of that, we hope to 
have the working groups lay out some ideas, some proposals. 
They may not be ready for primetime, but we want to--and also, 
I will just say we are looking to engage the private sector.
    As we get this structure really up and running, we want to 
also rope in the private sector to generate money. But we will 
use, if we are granted this pot of money, we will use it for 
seed money for some of these projects. You know, we have 
working groups on education, on education and tolerance, on 
water and food security, health. And we think there are just 
some great work to be done.
    And as you know, the whole idea behind this is not just to 
do projects, but, through those projects, demonstrate to the 
peoples of those countries the benefits of normalization, and 
then, to the wider public around the region. So that it changes 
people's views on what it means to have diplomatic relations 
with Israel, and Israel can bring so much to the table, as we 
know.
    Ms. Manning. So, have you seen any pause in these projects 
or any hesitancy by the Abraham Accords countries in light of 
the Iran-Saudi Arabia rapprochement or the readmittance of 
Syria?
    Ms. Leaf. Not at all.
    Ms. Manning. You are not seeing any?
    Ms. Leaf. No, I would say no. The Iran piece goes along 
with, frankly, a resumption of diplomatic relations among all 
of the GCC over time, starting in 2019. And two of the 
countries had never broken relations with Iran. Bahrain is the 
only one that has not yet resumed, but I think it will happen 
sometime soon.
    I think what does affect things, what rocks the boat, is 
when unrest spikes in the West Bank, when there are clashes 
between the Israelis and Palestinians, and, in particular, in 
Jerusalem, as you can imagine.
    Ms. Manning. OK. And what additional measures should the 
Administration take to support tolerance in the region? For 
example, should we be providing more support to the Office of 
Special Envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism, to help with 
normalization, and also, help fight hate in the Arab world? Are 
there other steps we should be taking?
    Ms. Leaf. So, I am glad you brought up Deborah Lipstadt 
because she is doing terrific work, and so is Tom Nides, our 
Ambassador in Embassy Jerusalem. They are working to foster--
she is, of course, working in her space with Morocco, Bahrain, 
and UAE, and finds quite an appetite there for her work and for 
some collaborative projects that they are generating. Tom Nides 
and his staff are helping to foster some really interesting 
sports and cultural ties between Israel and those countries.
    I think, frankly, I want to see more of that in the space 
of Egypt and Jordan, the original founders of peace. And that 
is where we really need to warm up the public relations.
    Ms. Manning. Is there anything holding those countries 
back?
    Ms. Leaf. Just the legacy of years, I think, you know.
    Ms. Manning. Thank you. I will yield back a little bit 
early to make up for my running over last time. Thank you so 
much.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you very much, Congresswoman Manning.
    And we want to thank the witnesses for their valuable 
testimony and, also, the members for their questions and 
participation.
    The members of the subcommittee may have some additional 
questions for the witnesses, and we will ask you to respond to 
these in writing.
    And pursuant to the committee rules, all members may have 5 
days to submit statements, questions, and extraneous materials 
for the record, subject to the length limitations.
    Without objection, the subcommittee stands adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 3:58 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

                                APPENDIX
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         STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY
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            RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
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