[House Hearing, 118 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


                      MARK UP OF VARIOUS MEASURES

=======================================================================

                                MARK UP

                               BEFORE THE

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                        HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION
                               __________

                              MAY 16, 2023
                               __________

                           Serial No. 118-26
                               __________

        Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
        
        
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       Available:  http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://
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                               __________

                    U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
                    
52-398PDF                  WASHINGTON : 2023                         
                       

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

                   MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas, Chairman

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey     GREGORY MEEKS, New Yok, Ranking 
JOE WILSON, South Carolina               Member
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania	     BRAD SHERMAN, California
DARRELL ISSA, California	     GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
ANN WAGNER, Missouri		     WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
BRIAN MAST, Florida		     DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island
KEN BUCK, Colorado		     AMI BERA, California
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee		     JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
MARK E. GREEN, Tennessee	     DINA TITUS, Nevada
ANDY BARR, Kentucky		     TED LIEU, California
RONNY JACKSON, Texas		     SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania
YOUNG KIM, California		     DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota
MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida	     COLIN ALLRED, Texas
BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan		     ANDY KIM, New Jersey
AMATA COLEMAN-RADEWAGEN, American    SARA JACOBS, California 
    Samoa			     KATHY MANNING, North Carolina
FRENCH HILL, Arkansas		     SHEILA CHERFILUS-MCCORMICK, Florida		
WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio		     GREG STANTON, Arizona
JIM BAIRD, Indiana		     MADELEINE DEAN, Pennsylvania     
MICHAEL WALTZ, Florida		     JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida
TOM KEAN, JR., New Jersey	     JONATHAN JACOBS, Illinois
MIKE LAWLER, New York		     SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California
CORY MILLS, Florida		     JIM COSTA, California
RICH MCCORMICK, Georgia		     JASON CROW, Colorado 
NATHANIEL MORAN, Texas		     BRAD SCHNEIDER. Illinois 
JOHN JAMES, Michigan		     
KEITH SELF, Texas


                    Brendan Shields, Staff Director

                    Sophia Lafargue, Staff Director

                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

                  BILLS AND AMENDMENTS OFFERED EN BLOC

H.R. 3205, the Project Precursor Act.............................     3
Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H.R. 3205 Offered by 
  Mr. McCaul of Texas............................................    36
Amendment to the Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H. R. 
  3205 Offered by Mr. Castro of Texas............................    60
Amendment to the Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H. R. 
  3205 Offered by Mr. Castro of Texas............................    65
Amendment to H. R. 3205 Offered by Mr. Perry of Pennsylvania.....    68
Amendment to H. R. 3205 Offered by Mr. Perry of Pennsylvania.....    71
Amendment to H. R. 3205 Offered by Mr. Perry of Pennsylvania.....    75
Amendment to H. R. 3205 Offered by Mr. Perry of Pennsylvania.....    78
Amendment to H. R. 3205 Offered by Mr. Perry of Pennsylvania.....    86
H.R. 3203, the Stop Chinese Fentanyl Act of 2023.................    90
Amendment to H. R. 3203 Offered by Mr. Barr of Kentucky..........   102
Amendment to H. R. 3203 Offered by Mr. Perry of Pennsylvania.....   104
H.R. 3202, the Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act...............   108
Amendment to H. R. 3202 Offered by Mr. Wilson of South Carolina..   133
H.R. 3099, Special Envoy for the Abraham Accords Act.............   141
H. Res. 81, Calling on the President to Support the Creation of a 
  Special Tribunal for the Punishment for the Crime of Aggression 
  Against Ukraine................................................   151
Amendment in the Nature of a Substitute to H. Res. 81 Offered by 
  Mr. Keating of Massachusetts...................................   156
H. Res. 377, Calling for the Immediate Release of Evan 
  Gershkovich, a United States Citizen and Journalist, Who Was 
  Wrongfully Detained by the Government of the Russian Federation 
  in March 2023..................................................   168
H. Res. 272, Calling on the Government of the Russian Federation 
  to Immediately Release United States Citizen Paul Whelan.......   176
H.R. 1176, the Taiwan International Solidarity Act...............   184

                                APPENDIX

Mark Up Notice...................................................   192
Mark Up Attendance...............................................   194
Mark Up Minutes..................................................   195

    STATEMENT SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY

Statement submitted for the record from Representative Connolly..   196

              ADDIIONAL MATRIALS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

MATERIALS........................................................   198

                             MARKUP SUMMARY

MARKUP SUMMARY...................................................   231

 
                       MARKUP OF VARIOUS MEASURES

                         Tuesday, May 16, 2023

                          House of Representatives,
                      Committee on Foreign Affairs,
                                                    Washington, DC.

    The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:41 a.m., in 
room 210, House Visitor Center, Hon. Michael McCaul (chairman 
of the committee) presiding.
    Chairman McCaul. A quorum present, the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs will come to order. The committee is meeting today for 
consideration of H.R. 3205, the Project Precursor Act; H.R. 
3203, the Stop Chinese Fentanyl Act of 2023; H.R. 3202, the 
Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act; H.R. 3099, Special Envoy 
for the Abraham Accords Act; H. Res. 81, Calling on the 
President to Support the Creation of a Special Tribunal for the 
Punishment for the Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine; H. Res. 
377, Calling for the Immediate Release of Evan Gershkovich, a 
United States citizen and journalist, who was wrongfully 
detained by the Government of the Russian Federation in March 
2023; H. Res. 272, Calling on the Government of the Russian 
Federation to Immediately Release United States Citizen Paul 
Whelan; and H.R. 1176, the Taiwan International Solidarity Act.
    Pursuant to the Committee Rule 4, the chair may postpone 
further proceedings on approving any measures or matters for 
adopting an amendment. Without objection, the chair is 
authorized to declare a recess of the committee at any point. 
Without objection, all members will have 5 days to submit 
statements or extraneous materials into the record.
    Pursuant to House rules, all requested members have the 
opportunity to submit views for any committee report that may 
be produced on any of today's measures and without objection so 
ordered.
    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H.R. 3205, the Project 
Precursor Act. The bill was circulated in advance and the Clerk 
shall--does the Ranking Member have any opening statement?
    Mr. Meeks. I just wanted to open up by--start this morning 
by mentioning the unfortunate attack on our colleague, Gerry 
Connolly's office earlier this weekend and in particular that 
my thoughts are with the staff that were injured as a result. 
This culture of using violence to address political differences 
I think on both sides must end. We cannot continue to tolerate 
it and I am grateful to hear that the staff who were injured 
are now home from the hospital. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. Thanks for bringing that up. Violence is 
not the answer and our thoughts and prayers go out to Mr. 
Connolly's staff and really, it is very unfortunate. And I 
appreciate you bringing that up.
    I call up now H.R. 3205, the Project Precursor Act. The 
bill was circulated in advance and the Clerk shall designate 
the bill.
    H.R. 3205.
    [The Bill H.R. 3205 follows:]

[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    The Clerk. H.R. 3205, to Disrupt the International Fentanyl 
Supply Chain and for other purposes.
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading of 
the bill is dispensed with. The bill is considered as read and 
open to amendment at any point. I now recognize myself for an 
opening statement.
    First, as the Ranking Member said, I want to start by 
recognizing the reprehensible actions committed against our 
colleague, Mr. Connolly from Virginia. The recent attacks 
against his office staff are completely out of bounds and I 
condemn them in the strongest terms. I hope your staff will 
make a quick recovery and we are praying for them and wishing 
them the best.
    Now to the topic at hand. We are facing a drug epidemic the 
likes of which we have never seen. Fentanyl is being trafficked 
over our southern border from Mexico. It is killing thousands 
of Americans and ravaging communities like the ones in my home 
State. My children have seen the effects of this carnage first 
hand. My son has attended multiple funerals and my oldest 
daughter.
    Synthetic opioids, primarily fentanyl, killed more than 
100,000 Americans last year alone. That is nearly double the 
number of deaths in the entire Vietnam War over two decades. We 
know where this is coming from. Communist China is supplying 
the illicit precursors that are used to produce fentanyl. The 
CCP is flooding Mexican ports like Manzanilla, and Lazaro 
Cardenas with these precursors. Once they are transported into 
the interior, the cartels use clandestine labs to produce these 
chemical weapons and then traffic fentanyl across our border. 
And I use that term weapon for a reason. It is time to classify 
illicit fentanyls for what they are, chemical weapons, which 
Communist China purposefully turn a blind eye to and drug 
cartels use to perpetrate the mass killing of Americans.
    My bill today will start that process by ensuring the 
Secretary of State takes steps to schedule fentanyl and its 
precursors under the Chemical Weapons Convention. This is about 
putting pressure on Russia where in 2002 security forces used 
synthetic opioids and killed almost 200 people during a hostage 
crisis. It is also about putting pressure on China in the 
international forum. It is about holding them accountable.
    Fentanyl is a national security threat. But it has also 
caused an epidemic that has taken the lives of so many of the 
most vulnerable in our society, our children.
    I would like to recognize one family that knows this better 
than the rest of us, Ms. Deena Loudon is in the audience today 
with her sister, Ms. Paula Butler. Deena and Paula, will you 
please stand and be recognized? Thank you.
    Deena's son Matthew is a graduate of Montgomery County 
Public Schools, had a bright, promising future ahead of him. 
Deena has described him as her ``pride and joy, a great son, 
brother, a friend who often puts the needs of others before his 
own.'' In 2020, Matthew just turned 21 years old when he took 
what he thought was Percocet. It was not what he thought it 
was. It was fentanyl. And he tragically passed away. He simply 
didn't wake up.
    Deena, I know we cannot compensate you for your loss, but I 
want you to know that there is a strong bipartisan effort in 
this Congress to end this epidemic and hold those responsible 
accountable. We will continue to do everything we can to end 
the flow of illicit narcotics into this country.
    I would also like to recognize members of SOUL, Surviving 
Our Ultimate Loss, a support group for mothers who have lost a 
child to drug overdose. Roxanne Wood, who is also with us here 
today is one of the founding members of SOUL. Her son, Donnie, 
was a graduate of Salisbury University and died of an opioid 
overdose in 2015 at the age of 32. We are so sorry for your 
loss.
    And finally, Mary Bell is a mother of Amelia Jane Bell-
Andrews. Amelia was a 28-year-old who earned a scholarship to 
Georgetown University and wanted to become a neuroscientist. 
She died of fentanyl poisoning in 2021.
    Roxanne and Mary, thank you for standing to be to be 
recognized. And thank you for sharing your stories and having 
the courage to come here today for this important markup. You 
are the reason we are here today and I assure you that none of 
my colleagues take your loss or this problem lightly.
    My legislation has been endorsed by the Victims of Illicit 
Drugs, also known as VOID. I would like to offer a statement of 
support from them into the record and without objection, so 
ordered.
    I would also like to submit a separate letter from 18 State 
attorneys general, both Republican and Democrat, who asked 
President Biden to designate fentanyl as a weapon of mass 
destruction. I would like to enter this into the record as well 
without objection, so ordered.
    They said that waiting to do this would ``be the same type 
of reasoning that kept the Government from investigating 
foreign nationals learning to fly, but not land planes in the 
lead up to September 11th.'' The bill takes several actions. 
First, as mentioned, it directs the Secretary of State to seek 
to amend the Chemical Weapons Convention to include fentanyl 
substances. By adding these chemical to the treaty, we are not 
calling for all precursors to be banned outright, but rather 
ensuring that they receive a heightened level of scrutiny 
because they can be incredibly dangerous.
    This bill also assists the Mexican Government in disrupting 
the fentanyl supply chain by authorizing certain law 
enforcement programs and requiring strict accounting on the 
effectiveness of them.
    Last, the legislation also provides for the ability to 
sanction banks, individuals, and transnational criminal 
organizations complicit in the trafficking of this chemical 
weapon. This is a generational crisis that requires bold action 
in thinking outside the box. So that is what we are doing.
    This is not Deena Loudon's fight or SOUL's fight alone. It 
is all of ours to fight. And with that, I want to thank you, 
the family members for being here today and with that, I yield 
back. And the Ranking Member is now recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Nearly every day, we 
are faced with heartbreaking news about the opioid crisis and 
its devastating impact on American families and I, too, want to 
acknowledge Ms. Deena Loudon, who lost her son Matthew, and the 
others that are here, all of the friends and families. I want 
to convey my deepest sympathy for all of the lives that have 
been taken prematurely as a result of fentanyl.
    And I am aware of an urgency related to fentanyl overdoses 
and as the ranking member of this committee, I believe we have 
to work together because a responsibility not only to protect 
our national security, but to bring greater national awareness 
in order to address the public health crisis, the 
stigmatization of addiction, and provide treatment so that we 
can save more lives.
    With that in mind, Chairman McCaul and I had our teams 
negotiating late into the evening last night in this bipartisan 
effort and while I still believe further changes to the bill 
are important, I do want to thank Mr. McCaul, Chairman McCaul, 
for engaging in that conversation and willingness to negotiate 
in good faith.
    I think many of the changes secured to this bill will 
indeed strengthen this legislation. And there is no question 
there are many strong parts of this bill. The sanctions 
sessions closely mirror the agreement reached by our Senate 
colleagues, Tim Scott and Sherrod Brown, and is currently co-
sponsored by 15 Democrats and 15 Republicans from all wings of 
both parties. I look forward to working with Mr. McCaul and my 
Republican colleagues to introduce a similar bipartisan bill on 
this side of the Capitol.
    I also appreciate that we are authorizing a program at the 
State Department in this legislation that will bolster our 
cooperation with Mexican authorities to interdict fentanyl and 
prevent it from reaching our borders. Overall, this measure 
shows that we can come together in a bipartisan manner to begin 
the process of addressing the challenges which would have the 
desired impact of reducing the number of fentanyl deaths and 
interrupting transnational organizations involved in 
trafficking illegal substances including fentanyl to the United 
States.
    So because of this work and working together, I clearly and 
wholeheartedly support this bill, as amended, and think that we 
need to continue to bring the attention to all people of the 
United States of America so that they know that the U.S. 
Congress feels their pain, recognizes our responsibility, and 
will do all that we can to bring this pain to a halt. And with 
that, I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. I want to thank the Ranking Member and the 
staff for working late in the evening to get to a bipartisan 
resolution of this bill. I agree with you, Mr. Meeks, it made 
it a stronger bill at the end of the process. And that is what 
the American people, I think, want and deserve from Congress is 
for us to work across the aisle to get good things done for the 
American people on such an important issue as this. This should 
not be a partisan fight. It should be a unified fight with one 
voice in this Congress and that is what we have achieved and I 
appreciate your willingness to work with me.
    Is there any further discussion on the bill? Ms. Manning is 
recognized.
    Ms. Manning. This is only temporarily. Thank you, Chairman 
McCaul, Ranking Member Meeks. I am glad that we, as a 
committee, are working to address the horrific epidemic of 
fentanyl facing our country which has claimed more than 100,000 
lives in just 1 year. And my heart goes out to all the families 
including the guests in our chamber today who have lost family 
members to fentanyl.
    In my home State of North Carolina, we experienced a 22 
percent increase in overdose deaths in just 1 year, the highest 
number of overdose deaths on record and more than 77 percent of 
those overdose deaths likely involved fentanyl. There are many 
steps we can and should be taking as a committee to crack down 
on fentanyl coming from abroad and there are several good 
policies mentioned in an article that came out yesterday in 
Foreign Affairs entitled Why America is Struggling to Stop the 
Fentanyl Epidemic and Mr. Chairman, I would like to request 
unanimous consent to insert this article into the record.
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, so ordered.
    Ms. Manning. I support several of the provisions in this 
bill to strengthen our response to the flow of fentanyl and to 
act against foreign countries and transnational criminal 
organizations who should be held responsible.
    One provision which I believe demands a closer look is 
Section 201 which would require the executive branch to declare 
fentanyl as a chemical weapon under the Chemical Weapons 
Convention. There is no question that fentanyl is an extremely 
harmful and deadly killer and we must do more to prevent its 
illegal manufacture and spread into the United States. However, 
one of the challenges we face is that fentanyl is produced from 
chemicals with legitimate pharmaceutical uses, so we should 
certainly look to do everything we can to target the illicit 
drug use of fentanyl, while recognizing this reality.
    Second, while fentanyl can and may be weaponized, 
preventing the proliferation of synthetic opioids on our 
streets is a separate threat and policy challenge requiring 
different tools than those required to limit the use of 
chemical weapons of mass destruction from an arms controls 
standpoint which is the purpose of the Chemical Weapons 
Convention.
    Mr. Chairman, I think it would be worthwhile for us to 
first better understand the need for a chemical weapons 
designation of fentanyl in a classified setting; second, to 
examine how dealing with fentanyl from this approach might 
affect, overlap with, or undermine our existing counter 
narcotics and counter WMD efforts. For one, it should be noted 
that the CWC already prohibits the use of any toxic chemicals 
including fentanyl if they are used as weapons, whether the 
specific chemical agents are listed in the CWC schedule or not. 
For instance, even though chlorine is an unscheduled chemical 
not listed in the CWC annex on chemicals, the OPCW has 
nonetheless successfully investigated and confirmed chlorine 
strikes in Syria. In other words, fentanyl can still be 
considered a chemical weapon whether we explicitly designate it 
in this bill or not. However, carefully examining what we add 
to that schedule will help ensure that the vital resources for 
organizations like the OPCW are not unnecessarily diverted from 
critical existing efforts to inspect, monitor, and destroy 
chemical weapons like the use of sarin gas.
    Overall, I believe the United States has a major role to 
play in working with other countries in multilateral forums and 
international organizations, backed up by the threat of 
sanctions. And I would be glad to work with the chairman and 
members of the committee on both sides of the aisle to advance 
these policies and ideas under our jurisdiction to prevent this 
horrific crisis devastating our communities and our country. 
And with that, I would like to yield to the chairman or any of 
my colleagues if any of them want the time and I yield back the 
balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back. Any further 
discussion? Mrs. Wagner is recognized.
    Mrs. Wagner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I first do want 
to recognize the families that are here with us today. We are 
heartbroken for your loss, heartbroken by your loss, as a 
mother, as a grandmother.
    I want to thank the chair for offering this critically 
important bill to attack the opioid epidemic that is 
devastating American communities. Fentanyl is a chemical weapon 
and it is fueling a national tragedy of unthinkable 
proportions: the No. 1 killer of young people, 19 to 45; over 
300 deaths every single day because of this chemical weapon.
    The chairman's bill takes long overdue action to ensure 
that fentanyl, its precursors, and analog substances are 
covered under the Chemical Weapons Convention. This designation 
will deter adversaries from unleashing this deeply dangerous 
chemical to advance their destabilizing agenda. And the 
legislation further empowers the United States to punish 
through sanctions and transnational criminal organizations that 
are involved in fentanyl trafficking. It goes after them 
through those sanctions, as well as the banks, and the payment 
apps that are knowingly profiting from this national tragedy 
and crisis.
    I wholeheartedly support this legislation and I urge each 
of my colleagues to advance it. And I again thank the chair for 
his work on the Protect Precursor Act and I yield back, Mr. 
Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back. Any further 
discussion? Mr. Keating is recognized.
    Mr. Keating. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just want to take a 
moment to thank the families for being here and the importance 
of that. This committee has a portfolio that deals with global 
issues, wars, all kinds of international crises, yet, this is a 
priority of ours and in large measure because of the work of 
family members. As a district attorney, someone that would 
serve a dozen years as a district attorney, I started one of 
the first task forces on opioid drugs over 20 years in 
Massachusetts, dealt with families in the process, started an 
organization in Massachusetts called Learn2Cope.org where 
family members work together to give each other support and 
understanding and share their experiences.
    I have also witnessed the work of family members so vital 
to moving legislation and progress forward. And it was done 
with great courage and it was done with a sense of 
selflessness. There is nothing that could be done to take back 
the loss, the profound loss that you suffered. Indeed, in my 
own family I have lost a family member to opioid drugs as well. 
But I know this in dealing with families and I know this with 
your presence here, your primary objective is to make sure that 
what you and your family have experienced in your life never 
happens to another family again. And I know that from dealing 
with so many families that have suffered such excruciating 
losses. And I duly appreciate not only being here today, but 
what you have done every day to help advance this cause. We 
couldn't be here dealing with these issues without the support, 
the selfless and courageous support of families.
    So Mr. Chairman, with that I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back. Any further 
discussion? Mr. Baird is recognized. Mr. Self is recognized.
    Mr. Self. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this bill. I simply 
want to point out this bill is more sanguine than I am about 
the cooperation of the Mexican Government. We have recent 
experience of major equipment falling into the hands of our 
adversaries and I think that that is entirely possible here. I 
appreciate the fact that in 1 year they are supposed to give us 
a report and I quote here the extent to which any part of the 
Government of Mexico has refused to work with the United States 
or otherwise obstructed, paused, or unnecessarily delayed 
bilateral security cooperation with respect to disrupting the 
flow of covert fentanyl substances. My concern is that we will 
be giving them equipment that could be turned on us, that could 
be used against us. It is simply a concern and I look forward 
to following that report in 1 year. Thank you. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back. Yes, and I look 
forward to following up with you as well. I am going down to 
Mexico at the end of this month to look at our international 
law enforcement operation, particularly this port where they 
come into. If we can have the right technology, K9s to stop the 
precursors at the port, we can stop them at its root cause. But 
I look forward to further discussions with the gentleman.
    Any further discussion? Ms. Madeleine Dean is recognized.
    Ms. Dean. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for this 
legislation and the work that you have done across the aisle to 
make sure we lift up this extraordinarily important issue.
    To the mothers and the sisters and the family members, may 
God bless your loved ones, may God bless your families. And we 
thank you for being here. It cannot be easy, but you help us in 
our work to lift up this extraordinary public health crisis, 
international crisis, frankly.
    We all know that fentanyl is wreaking havoc in our 
communities and sadly you know it as close as anyone. We are 
losing more than 108,000 people a year. That is 300 people 
every day, today, yesterday, tomorrow, 365 days a year. I call 
it a jetliner a day. Souls crashing to the earth wreaking havoc 
on families, on communities where they work, where they pray, 
leaving children behind, leaving mothers and fathers behind.
    The CDC estimates that about 70 percent of those deaths are 
fentanyl related. As some of you know, I have a deeply personal 
care for this issue. My son Harry is an opioid addict. He is 
now 10 years in long-term recovery. We are so thankful for 
that, but we know too many children, his friends, our friends 
who have been lost. He is now working in that field of 
recovery, trying to help others.
    I wear this band on my arm representing Jake Smart, a young 
man, 24, lost a year ago to fentanyl poisoning. And I want to 
be clear. You do not have to be an addict to be taken by 
fentanyl. I bring no shame to addicts. I know that is an 
absurdity that somehow our society has imposed upon those who 
struggle with the disease of addiction, but you do not have to 
be an addict.
    We have to educate the public, our children, anyone who 
might be experimenting with drugs. You might go online think 
you have bought a Percocet and you do not wake up. We have to 
do everything in our power. We do know that China is the 
primary source of illicit fentanyl, the precursors coming by 
way of Mexico. Mexican cartels obviously are extraordinarily 
responsible for this poisoning of our children and not just 
children.
    Sadly, last year at the border, legal ports of entry, we 
seized enough fentanyl in a single year to kill the entire 
population of the United States, seized at ports of entry, 
mostly being brought in by American citizens. We also know and 
I was at a summit with DEA, the Rx Summit in Georgia a couple 
of weeks back, DEA says there is enough fentanyl sadly in 
country right now to kill the entire population of the United 
States multiple times over. The problem is here. It continues 
to come here, but it is here and now sadly, it is going 
globally. The prices are coming down here because the market is 
so saturated and we are losing 300 people a day. So we have an 
obligation to fix this.
    I am proud to serve as a co-chair of the Bipartisan 
Fentanyl Prevention Caucus. There is so much more we have to 
do. We have to come at this from absolutely every angle based 
on the facts, the science, taking away stigma and 
misinformation. So I am pleased that there is agreement on the 
amendment in the nature of a substitute. We have to think 
outside the box to save our children. We have to educate our 
children as to the dangers that are out there.
    And so I ask for unanimous consent to enter into the record 
the Truth About Fentanyl Trafficking, one article, and then a 
fact sheet Biden-Harris Administration announces strengthened 
approach to crack down on illicit fentanyl.
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, so ordered.
    Ms. Dean. And I will close with this. I think often of the 
poem hundreds of years ago by John Dunne, ``Do not ask for whom 
the bells tolls. It tolls for thee.'' So do not think this is 
somebody else's problem. And I have a feeling this is a room 
full of people who know somebody who has been touched by this 
and we have people directly impacted by this. The bell tolls 
for us. We must do everything in our power and I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back. Any further 
discussion? Mr. Moskowitz is recognized.
    Mr. Moskowitz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I want to thank 
you for your efforts, and I want to thank the ranking member 
for working with you.
    We know that this is an issue, something that we have seen 
a 30fold increase in over the last couple of years. And I want 
to talk to the parents. Because my predecessor who held this 
seat, Ted Deutch, you know, his nephew died from fentanyl. 
Being from the city of Parkland, going to Marjory Stoneman 
Douglas High School, seeing what happens when kids go to school 
and do not come home, I have seen what happens. I've seen 
families. I've seen the parents. I've seen parents bury their 
kids. There is nothing--nothing--that can compare to watching a 
parent get that phone call and bury their kid.
    And so, Mr. Chairman, I'm happy that we're depoliticizing 
this issue, because that's the only way that we're going to 
make progress. And I'm hoping 1 day, just like we've recognized 
the data with fentanyl and we're taking action, I'm hoping 1 
day we can also recognize the data of gun violence among 
school-age children, and that we, too, can depoliticize that 
issue for all those parents that have also buried their kids.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Mills is recognized.
    Mr. Mills. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I want to thank you both for proposing this exceptionally 
important piece of legislation. You know, a lot of people, when 
they look at Members of Congress, they assume that we have a 
certain type of background, not realizing that we all come from 
different walks of life.
    I grew up in--I'm a multi-generational central Floridian, 
where drugs have continued to plague us through what we call 
the ``I-4 Corridor.'' And it's been a very big issue for us.
    You see, I know a little about this, and that's why my true 
heartfelt condolences to those who have lost someone. My father 
has suffered with addiction his entire life. He spent over 30 
years in prison. My mother still suffers with addiction and has 
spent over 7 years in prison. And I came from a home whereby I 
bounced house to house until I was about 9 years old, and my 
grandparents finally adopted me. And I understood what it was 
to be a part of a nuclear family, but I watched as other 
members of my family continued to deal with issues with opioid 
addiction.
    And it would start out really as something simple. Like my 
cousin, who was a roofer, who had injured his back, went to the 
doctor; got a prescription. Became addicted to that 
prescription. Could no longer get additional scripts. So, he 
started buying it freely on the market.
    And on numerous occasions, he had bought something that 
wasn't what he thought it was. And luckily, when he was 
overdosing, someone was there to actually call 911 and get the 
necessary care. That does not happen for everyone.
    I think that this is one of the key issues in America 
today, is the illicit trafficking of not only fentanyl, but the 
propping up of the Mexican cartels and the actual intention of 
the Chinese to try and poison and to try to go ahead and 
degradate America.
    I, once again, thank you, Chairman McCaul, for putting this 
forward, and also, to the ranking member and to my colleagues. 
Because you're right, this is not a Republican or a Democrat 
issue. This is an American issue. This impacts us all in one 
way or another.
    I thank you so much for putting this bill onto the floor. I 
hope that those who do suffer from the addiction get the 
necessary care that they need, like my mother needs.
    And with that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Lawler is recognized.
    Mr. Lawler. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to you 
and the ranking member for working together to advance this 
legislation.
    And I want to thank my colleagues, Mr. Mills and Ms. Dean, 
for sharing their stories and thoughts. As Mr. Mills said, this 
is an American issue. This is not a Republican issue or a 
Democrat issue. All of us, either personally or through our 
communities, know people who have been impacted by this opioid 
and fentanyl epidemic.
    I held a roundtable discussion just about a month ago in my 
district with parents, providers, law enforcement, talking 
about this very issue, and why it is so important that we take 
on the cartels; that we take on the Mexican and Chinese 
governments who are allowing for this; and worse than that, 
frankly, intentionally pushing it.
    Fentanyl is poison. It is poison. And it is intended to do 
harm. And I believe very strongly that anyone who is 
trafficking in fentanyl, lacing products with fentanyl, should 
be treated for what they are. They're murderers, period, full 
stop.
    And for these families that are here today, all of our 
collective hearts break for you. No parent should ever have to 
go through this. But this is a crisis that is impacting every 
community, every family. No one is exempt from this. This isn't 
about being rich or poor, black or white. Every single 
community has been impacted by fentanyl pouring across our 
border and into our communities.
    Over 100,000 Americans are dying every year from opioid and 
fentanyl overdoses. It is a crisis that requires action. We've 
been talking about this for a very long time. And in the time 
that we talk about it, 300 Americans a day are dying.
    It is unacceptable and it requires a level of enforcement 
against those who are responsible. It requires us listing 
fentanyl as a chemical weapon, because that is exactly what it 
is. It is designed to do harm.
    Substance use disorders are real. People struggle with them 
every day. My father was sober for 20 years when he died from 
alcohol. And when he died of cancer, even to his last breath, 
he remained sober, and I'm extremely proud of that. It would 
have been very easy at the end to just say, ``Hey,'' but his 
sobriety mattered to him. And that sobriety had a huge impact 
on my life.
    And I think all of us, like I said, in one way or another, 
have been impacted. And nobody knows the details of somebody 
else's experience, but the reality is all of us have been 
impacted in one way or the other.
    And to these families, these mothers, thank you for your 
courage to be here today, to lift up the memory of your 
children, and to make sure that we do everything we can, as 
legislators, to ensure that no other family has to endure this. 
So, thank you for being here with us today.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Mr. Jackson is recognized.
    Mr. Jackson of Illinois. Thank you very much, Chairman.
    To the family, I would like to say, extend my condolences 
and, also, my appreciate for you for coming out today.
    This feels more cathartic, where we can have a 
confessional. I have had to bury two people this year that were 
family related friends, young children in their twenties that 
died from--this is a catharsis; I correct myself--and it is 
sickening. And every time I think about the death, think about 
these young children--most recently, in Lake Meadows and 
Prairie Shores in the south part of the city of Chicago, three 
children went out to have drugs. Three fell asleep; two woke 
up, and one child had died. And it's affecting the rich, the 
poor.
    And to the industry, they should be served a notice for the 
long-term addiction that's keeping these children and families 
under this sort of financial burden for a decade or two, having 
to pay.
    And I would ask my colleagues to congratulate you for your 
enormous strength, for paying your way here; to getting in the 
car services to get here, to hold your head up. The amount of 
strength that it requires from you to not let your loved ones' 
memories die is the real essence of my compliment to you. You 
keep them alive, so they are truly loved. And so long as we 
remember them and call their names, they never die; they'll 
never leave us. It's a pain that no parent ever wants to 
imagine and dream of.
    And I would like, also, just to be on the record to say 
this is a manmade, manufactured substance. This and guns, I put 
side by side. And the leading cause of death for children is a 
manmade substance. And the leading cause of death for children 
is a manmade instrument. For children and our Nation, that's a 
sickness that I hope we move with all speed and alacrity to 
absolve this. Life should not be a burden.
    I'm praying for you. God bless.
    I yield my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Wilson is recognized.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you very 
much, Mr. Chairman, for your bill and your explanation that you 
will be going to port in Mexico where there's been such 
importation, and tragically, the Chinese Communist Party being 
so involved, and how this impacts on every State and so many 
different families. And I'm really grateful that it's 
bipartisan, us working together.
    With Congressman Jackson, I appreciate that he has a South 
Carolina heritage. And I made a speech yesterday pointing out 
that, in my home State of South Carolina, in the last 2 years, 
1500 persons have died because of fentanyl. Additionally, it's 
been a 35 percent increase in the last 2 years.
    So, this needs to be addressed and I'm grateful of the 18 
attorneys general who are working to declare this weapons of 
mass destruction; that the Attorney General of South Carolina, 
Alan Wilson, my oldest son, is on the letter. So, this is an 
issue that needs to be raised.
    And the family members who are here, we just appreciate 
your courage. God bless you.
    Thank you.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    There being no further discussion of the bill, the 
committee will to move to consideration of amendments.
    I have an amendment at the desk in the nature of a 
substitute, No. 49, to H.R. 3205.
    The clerk shall distribute the amendment.
    The clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. ``Amendment in the nature of a substitute to 
H.R. 3205 offered by Mr. McCaul of Texas.''
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    [The Amendment No. 49 offered by Mr. McCaul follows:]

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    Chairman McCaul. I recognize myself to speak on the 
amendment.
    I'm pleased to offer this ANS that incorporates certain 
feedback from the State Department, Ranking Member Meeks, the 
Mexican Embassy, relevant experts, and victims' rights groups. 
And I appreciate all the law enforcement cooperation between 
Mexico and the United States, and want to make sure that that 
continues through the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law 
Enforcement.
    I also want to make sure our programs are having a real 
effect in reducing the American death toll caused by fentanyl. 
This ANS adds specificity to make that intent crystal clear.
    And I appreciate all the useful feedback we received after 
the bill was introduced.
    And with that, I yield back the balance of my time.
    Do any other members seek recognition to discuss the 
amendment in the nature of a substitute?
    The ranking member is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I support this amendment. It reflects our feedback and it 
improves the bill. And I appreciate Chairman McCaul for working 
with me on this amendment. It, again, I think, demonstrates our 
focus collectively and working together and making sure that 
the message gets through.
    We've heard the testimony of Democrats and Republicans 
giving their own personal experience. And this shows that, as 
indicated, that no matter where you are, no matter what your 
ethnicity, no matter what political persuasion, no matter what 
part of the country, it affects us all. And working with you 
with this amendment does exemplify that.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. And I appreciate your willingness to work 
with us.
    Any further discussion?
    There being no further discussion, do any members wish to 
offer any amendments to the amendment in the nature of a 
substitute?
    Mr. Castro is recognized.
    Mr. Castro. Chairman, I've got an amendment at the desk, 
Castro No. 44.
    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall distribute the amendment.
    The clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. ``Amendment to the amendment in the nature of a 
substitute to H.R. 3205 offered by Mr. Castro of Texas.''
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    [The Amendment No. 44 offered by Mr. Castro follows:]

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    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman from Texas is recognized for 
5 minutes on his amendment.
    Mr. Castro. All right. Thank you, Chairman.
    Fentanyl and drugs like OxyContin, over the last dozen 
years or so before that, have been devastating the American 
people, including in my home State of Texas and my home town of 
San Antonio.
    And I also want to offer my condolences to the families who 
are here who have lost loved ones, sons and daughters, cousins 
and relatives, to these drugs.
    At the same time, I believe that this piece of legislation 
offers false hope to families, rather than pursues real 
meaningful, effective policy. And as I offer my amendment, I 
want to describe a little bit of why I believe that.
    My amendment would strike the chemical weapons provision in 
the bill. And let me tell you exactly why. The Chemical Weapons 
Convention has very specific criteria for what chemical weapons 
are. Fentanyl, as devastating as it is, does not meet the 
criteria under the Convention, and this provision would have 
serious and negative effects on the U.S. healthcare system.
    The text of the amendment in the nature of a substitute 
would direct the Secretary of State to include fentanyl 
substances on Schedule II and III of the Annex on Chemicals to 
the Chemical Weapons Convention. Again, I wholeheartedly agree 
that fentanyl has hurt hundreds of thousands, if not millions, 
of Americans, and that we need to end the flow of these drugs 
in the United States.
    But, as we know, fentanyl also has legitimate uses in 
healthcare. I just had cancer surgery recently and was put on 
fentanyl during that time, including during surgeries and other 
procedures. Adding fentanyl substances to the Annex on 
Chemicals is a blunt instrument that would severely harm the 
United States healthcare system. It also wouldn't be an 
accurate description of these chemicals.
    Schedule II of the Annex requires that the toxic chemical 
or precursor, quote, ``is not produced in large commercial 
quantities for purposes not prohibited under this Convention.'' 
Fentanyl has an extensive commercial use, including in 
medicine. It would not meet these criteria.
    Schedule III of the Annex requires, among other criteria, 
that the toxic chemical or precursor, quote, ``has been 
produced, stockpiled, or used as a chemical weapon.'' Fentanyl 
is dangerous, and the cartels involved in drug trafficking do 
it for profit, but it's not clear to me that fentanyl is 
intentionally being used as a chemical weapon in the same way 
as other chemical weapons, like anthrax, sarin gas, or mustard 
gas.
    I support the goals of this bill, and there's a lot in this 
bill that I can support. And I believe that the United States 
and the Mexican government need to cooperate to target the 
cartels and stop the flow of illicit fentanyl to the United 
States, but classifying fentanyl as chemical weapons would be 
counterproductive for that reason.
    And for that, because of that, I urge my colleagues to 
support my amendment.
    I also want to say, in addition to that, there are major 
pieces of policy missing from this bill. You notice, if you 
read the text of the bill, for example, it says nothing about 
the United States and Americans in all of this. For example, 
there's no public health campaign at all that's included in 
this policy--not one single dollar spent to educate Americans 
about the dangers of fentanyl; how to get treatment for it; how 
to stay away from it; how to watch out for it--nothing.
    Eighty-six percent of fentanyl--or 86 percent of the people 
who traffic in fentanyl are Americans. Where is the 
responsibility for Americans who are also participating with 
the Mexican cartels in getting these drugs on the street to 
fellow Americans? They must also be held responsible. That's 
not included in this legislation.
    So, I do not want to vote yes on a piece of legislation 
that is both going to put something in a category of weapons of 
war--because there's been a lot of language lately from 
Republican colleagues, literally, about invading Mexico because 
of the cartels. So, I'm not going to put language--I'm not 
going to put this drug into the Chemical Conventions to give 
credence to that argument, to lend credence to that argument in 
the coming years, but, also, I'm not going to vote yes on a 
piece of legislation that offers false hope, when we're not 
even dealing with the American side of all of this. That's an 
incomplete piece of public policy that just offers false hope 
to people, and I cannot support it.
    I yield back, Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    I oppose this amendment. Primarily, the State Department 
has cited its potential use as an offensive chemical weapon, 
and I agree with the State Department; it has been used in mass 
casualty events previously. As the victims of illicit drugs 
stated, cartels may be in it for money, but Communist China 
seems to view this as a reverse opium war.
    Do any other members seek recognition on the amendment?
    Ms. Jacobs is recognized.
    Ms. Jacobs. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And I'd like to thank my colleague, Mr. Castro, for 
introducing this amendment.
    The Convention on Chemical Weapons is an incredibly 
important international tool that we have to hold accountable 
people who are intentionally using chemical weapons against 
populations and civilians. And I worry that adding fentanyl 
without looking more into whether or not the ways it does or 
does not qualify would actually weaken the Chemical Weapons 
Convention, which we need for other areas.
    And we know, if it is used as a weapon of war, there are 
already provisions in place that allow it to be, for the 
Convention to be applied. But adding it without having the 
special protections for domestic use that we know is important, 
not only hurts us domestically, but hurts our ability to hold 
accountable the kinds of dictators who are actually using 
chemical weapons against people.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Self is recognized.
    Mr. Self. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    To my colleague from Texas, Mr. Castro, I will remind this 
body that one of the rules that we agreed to was single-issue 
bills.
    Thank you very much. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Mills is recognized.
    Mr. Mills. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I adamantly am opposed to this amendment for multiple 
reasons. One, it is very proven that fentanyl does--by anyone 
who researches it--have a chemical structure. But, also, I do 
not find that this actually weakens our ability to just try and 
identify chemical weaponry. I just think that it opens us up to 
strengthening the fact that there are other chemical weapons 
that are being utilized by our adversaries in an effort to try 
to bypass that very rule.
    You know, I look at what fentanyl has done to the Nation. 
And I would say that we've lost far more people to the 
intentional fentanyl crisis that is being created by China than 
any other tool of war in the last 10 years. And so, the idea 
that we're not calling this for what it is, which is China's 
intention, as they look at not only weakening us monetarily 
through their Belt and Road Initiative, or going after us from 
a resource, economic, and cyber warfare perspective, but also 
by trying to look at the ideas of poisoning Americans, which is 
an intentional effort.
    So, I support Chairman McCaul in this by opposing this, and 
I ask my colleagues to do the same.
    With that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    The ranking member is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I think it's important for me to say that the edits secured 
in the ANS would eliminate the possibility that fentanyl, as a 
Schedule I drug on the Chemical Weapons Constitution, unlike 
Schedule II and Schedule III drugs that can be permissible 
industrial purposes for drugs under Section 2 and Section 3.
    We worked on this very closely. We also agreed to a 
bipartisan sense of Congress that emphasized the CWC does not 
forbid legitimate industrial use of fentanyl. And while I share 
some of Mr. Castro's concerns, I worked very hard, and Mr. 
McCaul worked very hard with me, to put forth a good-faith 
effort for the above edit. And I thank him for that. And I 
think it's important for all members to know how hard we worked 
on this, and how we did end up with an agreement.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. And I thank the ranking member for his 
comments. We did work in the late hours, and as this committee 
often does, came to a bipartisan resolution. And that would be 
that Sections 2 and 3 would apply, but not Section 1.
    Any further discussion on the amendment?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on the amendment offered by Representative Castro, No. 2.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it and the 
amendment is not agreed to.
    Any further amendments?
    Mr. Castro is recognized.
    Mr. Castro. I have an Amendment No. 42, I believe, at the 
desk.
    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall distribute the amendment.
    The clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. ``Amendment to the amendment in the nature of a 
substitute to H.R. 3205 offered by Mr. Castro of Texas.''
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    [The Amendment No. 42 offered by Mr. Castro follows:]

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    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes 
on his amendment.
    Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairman. One of the things that I 
mentioned previously is the American side of this whole issue 
and this tragedy is completely missing. There's literally a 
black hole in this piece of public policy that does not address 
the American side at all.
    And so, this amendment would simply call for a public 
awareness campaign, essentially, a public health campaign, as 
we've done with other addictions, and so forth, to address 
that. It's a fairly simple amendment.
    Remember, it's important to note, also, that while 
fentanyl, of course, often it trafficked by cartels, often 
originates in China, we have had many addictions, like the 
addiction to OxyContin, that involved American individuals and 
enterprises, which was also incredibly deadly. Hundreds of 
thousands of people died from OxyContin addiction. And 
literally, one pharmaceutical company made billions of dollars 
dispensing this thing at pharmacies at over the place.
    So, there's got to be a public awareness campaign in the 
United States. In fact, the bill itself, the text of the bill 
talks about a public awareness campaign in Mexico. We're going 
to do a public awareness campaign and spend money in Mexico, 
but we're not going to spend money in the United States with 
our own folks? I do not see how that makes sense.
    So, this amendment is an effort to try to, at least in 
part, fill that hole in this policy.
    I yield back, Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Let me say I support this amendment.
    And do any other members seek recognition?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on the amendment offered by Representative Castro, No. 1, 42.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. The 
amendment is agreed to.
    Are there any further amendments?
    Mr. Perry is recognized.
    The clerk shall distribute the amendment.
    Mr. Perry, which amendment?
    Mr. Perry. Which amendment are you distributing, Mr. 
Chairman?
    Chairman McCaul. Which amendment number?
    Mr. Perry. I'm asking you which one you're distributing. 
I'm at 142.
    Chairman McCaul. OK.
    Mr. Perry. And we're going to pull 141, if you haven't done 
that already.
    Chairman McCaul. Thank you.
    The clerk shall distribute Perry Amendment 142.
    The clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. ``Amendment to H.R. 3205 offered by Mr. Perry of 
Pennsylvania.
    Page 18''----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    [The Amendment No. 142 offered by Mr. Perry follows:]

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    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman from Pennsylvania is 
recognized for 5 minutes on his amendment.
    Mr. Perry. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    Let no one in the audience or the world think that I am not 
for the underlying purpose of this bill. My issue with the bill 
is it does not go nearly far enough in prosecuting what is 
happening in our country. And these amendments seek to remedy 
that to some extent.
    This amendment strikes a section of the bill that gives the 
president the unilateral ability to waive any sanctions for 
humanitarian purposes. This amendment is necessary because of 
the ill-defined waiver for humanitarian purposes that could be 
used for any purposes whatsoever. And you could expect that it 
will be.
    If you look at the Administration's track record with 
enforcing many economic sanctions, you will see it is dubious 
at very best. Even without a waiver, the Administration is 
likely just to ignore and not enforce the sanctions. There is 
no need to give them yet another way to weasel their way out of 
enforcing these sanction. Our Americans are dying at record 
levels. And this Administration is tone-deaf. It is beyond 
tone-deaf.
    Humanitarian purposes are not defined in the bill, so any 
waiver can be claimed to be humanitarian in nature, and the 
president could choose not to enforce them. For example, the 
president could determine that cooperation with China on 
climate change serves a humanitarian purpose and waive 
sanctions of Chinese officials sending chemical weapons into 
the United States to kill our kids.
    We need to be sending pieces of legislation that are 
stronger and harder to get around, especially again with this 
Administration's track record on economic sanction enforcement. 
The bill does not provide a check on the Administration for 
legislative branch to say the president is abusing the waiver 
system, increasing the likelihood of said abuse.
    The legislation requires reports to the appropriate 
congressional committees if a humanitarian waiver is used, 
which will likely result in a single report saying the waiver 
is based on non-defined humanitarian reasons. That will be the 
end of the process. And you will not hear any more about it. 
This is an outcome allowed under this current bill. This 
amendment seeks to close this glaring loophole and stop the 
abuse by our executive branch.
    I urge adoption, again, to make this bill tougher and make 
it worthy of this committee's work and of our fealty to the 
American people and the very families that sit in front of us.
    Mr. Chairman, I urge adoption. And I yield the balance.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    I respectfully oppose this amendment. This is a standard 
waiver for humanitarian aid programs consistent with all prior 
legislation. We will, of course, continue to engage in 
important oversight to ensure this sort of waiver is not 
abused.
    Do any other members seek recognition?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on the amendment offered by Representative Perry, No. 142.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it. The 
amendment is not agreed to.
    Are there any further amendments?
    Mr. Perry. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
    Chairman McCaul. Mr. Perry is recognized. The clerk shall 
distribute the amendment number----
    Mr. Perry. 143, Mr.----
    Chairman McCaul. 143. I am sorry. The clerk shall report 
the amendment.
    [The Amendment No. 143 offered by Mr. Perry follows:]

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    The Clerk. Amendment to H.R. 3205 offered by Mr. Perry----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Perry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    This amendment would strike the funds authorized in the 
bill as written. This money would be spent to build the 
``capacity of Mexican law enforcement' ', because they are 
doing so darn well now. This is the same law enforcement that 
has categorically failed to enforce existing trafficking laws. 
Actually, I believe they are helping traffic into the United 
States of America.
    This is the same country where the president blamed U.S. 
parents, blamed U.S. parents for the fentanyl crisis because 
they didn't hug their kids enough. I do not know how much more 
disgusted you could be at such a statement.
    The U.S. Government has spent millions upon millions of 
hard-earned tax dollars helping the Mexican government. 
Historically we have not had the cooperation that we have 
needed to actually stop these issues. And we have an 
opportunity today, ladies and gentlemen, to actually do 
something meaningful.
    Recently the government of Mexico even used the military to 
seize a private port of a U.S. company for the use of a 
Mexican-based company. And there is a good chance some of your 
money went to train the people that seized the port. This is 
not where our money should be going.
    When people continue to misspend our money, when people, 
countries continue to misspend our money and then insult our 
people, I got a newsflash for you, that is not what friends do. 
It is time. It is beyond time that we realize that continually 
funding the problem is not the right answer. We need to see the 
actual good faith effort from the Mexican government before we 
continue to fund programs like the one established by this 
bill.
    The government of Mexico has made it clear with their 
words, and more importantly their actions, they truly do not 
want to help us. They do not want to help us. They are like 
some folks quite honestly in this body that want to act like 
they want to help you, but actually not really do anything 
about it. Here we have an opportunity to do something about it.
    Sixty-four million dollars of your hard-earned tax dollars 
that are going to be sent to Mexico allegedly to train their 
law enforcement that somehow you are going to believe is 
helping to stop this. I guarantee you they are on the take. You 
are paying for them to do this. It is unbelievable. We are 
$31.7 trillion in debt, 31.7, because of things like this. We 
got people in the audience right now who have lost their loved 
ones. And their taxes went to support it. It is unconscionable.
    Mr. Chairman, I urge adoption. And I yield the balance.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Let me say I oppose this amendment respectfully. In the 
bill, we deliberately capped State Department INL funding at 
current spending levels. We do not authorize new money for 
these law enforcement programs until we know whether they are 
having a real positive impact at reducing fentanyl trafficking.
    As I mentioned, I am going to be going down to Mexico at 
the end of this month to meet with our international law 
enforcement team, which consists of FBI, DEA, intelligence 
community. As a former U.S. Attorney, someone who dealt with 
the border and with Mexico, it is imperative that we have some 
cooperation at the law enforcement level.
    Now, I understand the gentleman's point, trust but verify. 
But to completely pull out I think would be a disaster that 
would not give us any ability to potentially stop these 
fentanyls at the port coming from China getting into Mexico.
    My goal is to ensure we have the tools there to stop these 
precursors from even getting into Mexico. And we will have very 
strong oversight on this to make sure that it is being 
accomplished. If it does not, I assure you I will be the first 
one to point that out. So, with that, I oppose this.
    Does any other member seek recognition?
    Mr. Mills is recognized.
    Mr. Mills. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Perry, 
for presenting this.
    Just a couple of questions, if I may. You know, I worked 
with the INL on poppy eradication and training operations in 
Afghanistan doing a lot of the security for them. And I found 
that it was really ineffective overall, as far as their ability 
to train or to get someone to actually come in and help with 
the poppy eradication when the government themselves was highly 
involved, and in many cases was actually the owners, as we saw 
with saw with President Karzai, who actually owned the largest 
poppy crops.
    I bring that to your attention just for the simple fact 
that we do know that the Mexican President does not recognize 
that the cartels are an issue. Maybe it is because he is 
compromised in some type of a financial or instrumental way. 
But it could also be that he is also in fear for his own life, 
which is something that we have seen, and Mr. Perry and I have 
seen as well, when it comes to overseas.
    Are we open--and again this is more for a question and 
understanding--to the idea that if we appropriate this $64 
million that is going from the State Department in support of 
INL to train the Mexican SEDENA that a report of some sort 
would be provided on a metrics-based condition, that if they do 
not sit on certain things--this is not for equipment, this is 
for training--and that if they are not getting to a certain 
level, that we would be able to suspend or pull funding?
    So, with that, that is my question. And I would like to go 
ahead and yield back the remainder of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Let me just respond that we cap the funding at current 
levels. I will be going down to Mexico at the end of this month 
to personally provide oversight. This committee will provide 
oversight. They do have various labs, technology to identify 
precursors, canines. I know for a fact canines work very well 
when it comes to drugs and precursors.
    If we totally pull out of this, then we give a complete 
green light to China to keep sending this stuff, this poison 
into Mexico. If we do not have our law enforcement down there, 
then we really are at the hands of the drug cartels completely. 
And there will be nothing to stop it from coming in.
    I see why this is an attractive amendment. But I think it 
is misplaced, maybe well intentioned, but the outcome would be, 
in my view as a former Federal prosecutor who has dealt with 
this for a very long time, would have a disastrous outcome.
    Any members seek further recognition?
    Mr. Self is recognized.
    Mr. Self. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I am trying to understand the funding. This is not new 
appropriation. Is that correct? So----
    Chairman McCaul. That is correct.
    Mr. Self. So where will they take this, these funds from?
    Chairman McCaul. It has already been appropriated.
    Mr. Self. So, if it has already been appropriated, then it 
is part of their pot now.
    Chairman McCaul. Correct.
    Mr. Self. But if they take this $64 million, something else 
will go short. Do we have any idea?
    Chairman McCaul. No, nothing else goes short. This money 
has already been appropriated.
    No further discussion?
    The question now occurs on the amendment offered by 
Representative Perry, No. 143.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it. And the 
amendment is not agreed to.
    Any further amendments?
    Mr. Perry is recognized for----
    Mr. Perry. Mr. Chairman, I have got an amendment at the 
desk, No. 145.
    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall distribute the amendment. 
And the clerk shall report the amendment.
    [The Amendment No. 145 offered by Mr. Perry follows:]

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    The Clerk. Amendment to H.R. 3205 offered by Mr. Perry of 
Pennsylvania----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    The gentleman from Pennsylvania is recognized for 5 
minutes.
    Mr. Perry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    We are a bunch of rubes paying these people to kill our 
kids, destroy our country. Mexico is a narco-State. Mr. 
Chairman, this amendment adds a sense of Congress condemning 
Mexico's president's statement saying that the fentanyl crisis 
is caused by a lack of hugs, of embraces in the United States. 
I cannot imagine that. My wife and I have two children that we 
hug every single day. We love them desperately. And any one of 
them I imagine could fall into the same trap that the folks 
here today, that their children have fallen into.
    It is just unbelievable to me. This statement is 
reprehensible and shows just how little the Mexican president, 
I do not know whether he understands or cares or does not care 
about the epidemic that his country, his country is 
facilitating.
    As of 2023, the CBP has seized over 10,000 pounds of 
fentanyl at the southern border and is just what has been 
seized. Look, obviously, a lot more is coming in or these 
ladies wouldn't be sitting in front of us today.
    The lax enforcement in Mexico allows for the deadly 
substance to make its way to the United States. Worse, the 
Mexican government has decried the U.S. charging Mexican cartel 
members with charges of smuggling massive amounts of fentanyl 
into the U.S., claiming the U.S. had no right to charge them 
with those crimes.
    So get this straight, we cannot charge them with those 
crimes, but we can pay them to charge them with the crimes that 
they are deriding us for charging them with. And you actually 
believe that they are going to charge them with them after we 
pay them. We are a bunch of rubes.
    Not only is the president of Mexico refusing to engage in 
the enforcement in his country, but he is also condemning us 
for doing so here. The fentanyl crisis facilitated by the 
Mexican government is taking the lives of Americans across the 
country every single day, taking the lives of each of our 
constituents every single day.
    Stopping the crisis begins with getting tough for once in 
this committee ever, getting tough with our neighbors and 
ensuring that they accept their role, they are doing this, in 
this crisis rather than blaming the parents and the loved ones, 
blaming the parents and the loved ones that they had a hand in 
killing, that they had a hand in killing.
    This amendment would begin the process by condemning the 
heartless comments by the Mexican president against the people 
of our Nation, the people that we represent, Mr. Chairman. We 
do not represent Mexico or Mexican law enforcement. We 
represent Americans. I wish I didn't have to remind myself and 
others of that, but it seems like it is necessary.
    With that, I yield the balance.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    And let me say I support this amendment basically stating 
it is a sense of Congress that the statement of Mexico's 
president, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, stated that the United 
States of America's fentanyl crisis is caused by ``a lack of 
hugs and of embraces.' ' We cannot stand for--Mr. Perry, Mr. 
Perry, I agree with your statement.
    Mr. Perry. I appreciate that, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. And I do not think we can stand for 
Mexican officials casting blame on the United States for the 
fentanyl crisis. And I think it is irresponsible to say so.
    Do any other members seek recognition?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on the amendment offered by Mr. Perry, No. 145.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. The 
amendment is agreed to.
    Are there any further amendments?
    Mr. Perry is recognized.
    Mr. Perry. Yes, Mr. Chairman, I have got an amendment at 
the desk, No. 148.
    Chairman McCaul. OK. The clerk shall distribute Perry 
Amendment 148. The clerk shall report the amendment.
    [The Amendment No. 148 offered by Mr. Perry follows:]

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    The Clerk. Amendment to H.R. 3205 offered by Mr. Perry of 
Pennsylvania, page 17, after line 23, insert the following, 
closure of the Consulate General of Mexico, in general----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    The gentleman from Pennsylvania is recognized for 5 
minutes.
    Mr. Perry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    This amendment would require the president to shut down the 
consulates of Mexico should any Mexican government officials be 
subject to sanctions created under this bill. I know it sounds 
harsh, oh my goodness. The underlying bill classifies fentanyl 
as a chemical weapon, a chemical weapon. Do we have a consulate 
in North Korea? I wonder why we do not have one. How about in 
Iran? Maybe it is because they are trying to kill Americans.
    It classifies fentanyl as a chemical weapon and calls for 
the U.S. Government to advocate for the international community 
to classify it as such, but yet we are still willing to hang 
out with the people that are trafficking in and sending 
chemical weapons to the United States of America to kill our 
people.
    This means those sanctioned by this bill are not just 
smuggling drugs. They are smuggling chemical weapons into the 
United States for the purposes of unleashing them on our 
constituents. There is other reason to send them here. It is 
not like they are sending them so that we have horse 
tranquilizer or elephant tranquilizers at the ready just in 
case one comes running down the street.
    This is worth repeating. Those sanctioned under this bill 
are smuggling chemical weapons into the United States, chemical 
weapons that will be used to kill your constituents. Given this 
context, there needs to be consequences, severe consequences.
    I do not know if anybody has ever had to wear what we 
called MOPP gear. But if you are under a chemical attack and 
you want to wear that around for 15 minutes or five or eight or 
20 hours, you will know what it is all about. Chemical weapons 
are serious business. They are serious business.
    And if any official in the Mexican government is found to 
be subject to these sanctions, the consequences must also apply 
to the Mexican government, because we actually should mean 
something in this Congress. Shutting down their consulates 
until they no longer employ sanctioned officials seems like a 
weak response to unleashing chemical weapons on Americans. But 
it would be a small start.
    The U.S. has used the carrot method since 2008, spending 
billions of dollars finding the cartels and trying to curb the 
influence of the cartels. And you know what has happened? The 
cartels are only getting stronger, ladies and gentlemen. They 
are running our border, not because Perry says so. The Border 
Patrol tells us so. The Border Patrol under a Biden 
Administration tells us that. Tens of thousands of U.S. 
citizens have died from the chemical weapon that flows freely, 
freely in an open border with Mexico.
    At this point, we simply have no choice but to employ more 
of the stick method to stop this crisis at the southern border, 
because the carrot method, it ain't helping. We are paying them 
to poison us. That is awesome. Who would do such a thing?
    We cannot have normal relations with a nation if they have 
members of their government knowingly allowing chemical weapons 
to kill Americans in our country. I know it sounds harsh. But 
sooner or later, I do not know how many deaths. I do not know 
how, ladies, I do not know how many times you have to come to 
Washington, DC. and sit here and hear us talk. We ought to do 
something and do something meaningful, get somebody's 
attention, because I suspect your attention has been gotten and 
you are here hoping to get ours.
    With that, Mr. Chairman, I urge adoption. And I yield the 
balance.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Let me say I respectfully oppose this amendment. It would 
absolutely destroy any relationship we have with Mexico. In 
fact, Mexico would retaliate and close our consulates in Mexico 
in return. And the resulting situation for American citizens 
and U.S. national security would be catastrophic.
    We also lose counter narcotics cooperation at a critical 
time when thousands of Americans are dying from drug overdoses. 
We would also lose important intelligence and military 
cooperation aimed at the cartels, some of which I cannot go 
into in an open setting, and tracking criminals and terrorists 
in the region.
    Finally, it would, American businesses would be impacted, 
and trade exports would suffer immensely. Mexico is the largest 
trading partner with my home State of Texas. Millions of U.S. 
jobs depend on trade with Mexico. This amendment would 
effectively kill millions of American jobs in my State, Texas, 
that depend on our relationship. So, for those reasons, I 
oppose.
    Do any other members seek recognition?
    Mr. Mills is recognized.
    Mr. Mills. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Much like yourself, my reason for opposing this is that 
this is the Foreign Affairs Committee. And we understand the 
significance of opening up diplomatic channels so that we can 
discuss back and forth between the nations to try and find 
resolutions. And every time that we have actually closed those 
types of doors you have our actual adversaries, such as China 
and Russia, who has rushed in to fill that void.
    I personally see this as only exacerbating the problems 
when it comes to the fentanyl overdoses. And I do not see how 
us actually closing out diplomatic efforts between our two 
nations enables us to have the communication platforms 
necessary to address these issues and further empowers China 
and Mexico's approach.
    You know, we talked about during the President Trump's 
Administration how significant the Abraham Accords is, one of 
the actual things that we are going to be discussing today, 
which is 3099, and how opening up diplomatic channels between 
Israel and other people within the Middle East to recognize 
them and also open up trade and discussions actually would help 
with stabilization. Now, think about that for a moment.
    We see where fentanyl is continuing to try and destabilize 
our Nation through its poisoning and intentional poisoning, 
whether it be by China or the $13 billion a year cartel 
government-run or government-supported efforts. But I do not 
see how closing consulates and preventing diplomatic 
discussions and looking at ways for two nations to work 
together would actually solve the crisis when it comes to the 
fentanyl overdoses.
    And as Chairman McCaul rightfully said, you know, we 
replaced NAFTA with the USMCA, which allowed us to have a 
better trade. And it would impact American businesses. It would 
impact our abilities here in the U.S. when it comes to trade 
deals, Texas being one of those and Florida.
    But, again, while I think that this bill is well intended, 
I respectfully oppose this bill because I do not think it 
addresses the root cause of why we are pushing H.R. 3205, which 
is to go after fentanyl, not go after diplomatic relations.
    With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. And I thank the gentleman. The gentleman 
yields back.
    Any members, other members seek recognition?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on the amendment offered by Representative Perry, No. 148.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the noes have it. The 
amendment is not agreed to.
    Are there any further amendments?
    Mr. Perry is recognized.
    Mr. Perry. Mr. Chairman, I got an amendment at the desk, 
No. 149.
    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall distribute the amendment. 
It is Perry Amendment No. 149. The clerk shall report the 
amendment.
    [The Amendment No. 149 offered by Mr. Perry follows:]

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    The Clerk. Amendment to H.R. 3205 offered by Mr. Perry of 
Pennsylvania----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    The gentleman from Pennsylvania is recognized for 5 
minutes.
    Mr. Perry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    This amendment would add a sense of Congress that Mexico's 
failure to stop fentanyl from China has led to a public 
emergency in the United States. My goodness, we are calling it 
chemical weapons and chemical warfare. Let us be clear. If 
fentanyl was not a public emergency, then we would not be 
considering this bill today. But somebody's conscience needs to 
be shocked. This is clearly not only a pressing issue, but it 
is an issue of concern to many of our constituents, our bosses.
    While part of this issue is the Biden Administration's 
abject failure to protect our border, it is also due to the 
Mexican government's failure to address the free flow of 
fentanyl into the United States and I would say their 
complicity. But that's me.
    The government of Mexico has allowed fentanyl precursors, a 
component of a chemical weapon, from China to pour into their 
country and then facilitated the cartel's ability to produce 
the chemical weapon and transport it into the United States of 
America. The fentanyl trade has then translated to thousands 
upon thousands of untimely deaths in the United States, 
including in every single member's congressional district.
    Today, today we must call out two countries, two, whose 
failed policies--actually, let me just revise that. I am not 
sure it is a failed policy. I think Mexico is making money, and 
I think this is China's, I actually think it is their design. 
But they have helped lead us to the issue. China's 
manufacturing and Mexico's failure to stop have led us to where 
we are right now.
    China's production of these fentanyl precursors is killing 
Americans, period, full stop. Mexico's unwillingness, not their 
inability, it is their unwillingness to prevent production of 
fentanyl in their country and the smuggling of it to the United 
States is killing our citizens. Our own failed border policies 
that allow for the free flow of fentanyl into our Nation is 
killing Americans. I do not know how many more times I got to 
say it.
    But if our sense of Congress, if a sense of Congress will 
make the difference, it is almost asking nothing. It is almost 
asking nothing. But if it will make some difference, any 
difference, to save lives in America and hold to account the 
two governments that are preying on our people, then it 
absolutely must be done. It is the minimum.
    Again, I think that this bill should be much stronger. I 
have tried to offer what I could to strengthen our resolve and 
actually do something here in Congress to honor the lives that 
have been lost, that have been taken, the murders that have 
taken place in our country while we sit here and fiddle. And 
what I have done today is going to be of marginal measure. And 
I am disappointed in it. I am disappointed in our committee. I 
am disappointed in this bill. And I hope that we can do more. 
And I hope this is not the end of this discussion and the end 
of our work. I hope it is just the very small beginning.
    Mr. Chairman, I urge adoption. And I yield the balance.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Let me first say that calling fentanyl a chemical weapon is 
a very strong statement by this committee. I cannot think of 
anything stronger. In fact, many on the other side of the aisle 
probably do not like the fact that we are going that far with 
this bill. So, to say this is not a strong bill, I completely 
disagree with the gentleman.
    However, I do support this amendment. And I appreciate Mr. 
Perry bringing this forward to making this bill stronger. 
Clearly this is a public emergency. And that is all this 
amendment says, sense of Congress that this is a public 
emergency. And I think the families here of the victims 
certainly would agree with that. And I cannot imagine anybody 
on this committee not agreeing that this is, in fact, a public 
emergency.
    Let me also say this bill was brought to us with support of 
almost half of the Attorneys General of the United States 
across all those States. And every victims' rights group, every 
treatment centers, it has very strong support for a very strong 
bill. To call it otherwise is really, I think undermines the 
intent of the bill. It undermines what the victims have done to 
bring this bill forward. And we should stand for this bill in 
the strongest terms.
    So, with that, there being no further discussion, the 
ranking member is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Mr. Chairman, I do agree that this is, you know, 
we have an emergency of which we need to deal with. But I do 
have to oppose this amendment because I do not believe that we 
need to alienate Mexico precisely when we need their 
cooperation. I can recall when we had this epidemic out of 
Colombia. What we did was work together and came up with Plan 
Colombia to stop the influx or to try to stop the influx of 
drugs.
    So, to me, the myopic amendment, this myopic amendment 
fails to capture the vast problem that is the fentanyl supply 
chain. It has no operative effect but will poison relations 
between Mexico and the United States. And, therefore, I must 
oppose this amendment.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman opposes and yields back.
    Any further discussion on the amendment?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on the amendment offered by Representative Perry, No. 149.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. The 
amendment is agreed to.
    Are there any further amendments?
    Mr. Perry is recognized.
    Mr. Perry. Mr. Chairman, I have no further amendments.
    Chairman McCaul. We thank you for that.
    There being no further amendments, the question now occurs 
on the amendment in the nature of a substitute, No. 49, offered 
by myself.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. The 
amendment is agreed to.
    I now move that the committee report H.R. 3205 as amended 
to the House with a favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. The motion 
is agreed to.
    Without objection, the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table. The staff is authorized to make any technical and 
conforming changes.
    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H.R. 3203, the Stop 
Chinese Fentanyl Act of 2023. The bill was circulated in 
advance. And the clerk shall designate the bill.
    [The Bill H.R. 3203 follows:]

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    The Clerk. H.R. 3203, a bill to impose sanctions with 
respect to Chinese producers of synthetic opioids----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading of 
the bill is dispensed with and the bill is considered read and 
open to amendment at any point.
    I now recognize myself for a brief opening statement.
    All roads lead to China when it comes to fentanyl entering 
the United States. CCP works hand-in-glove with the Mexican 
cartels to bring in the precursors to create the deadly drug. 
Since Fiscal Year 2020 CBP--CBP has seized 43,186 pounds of 
fentanyl. That is enough to kill over 9 billion people, over 29 
times the United States' population. We must hold Communist 
China and the CCP officials engaged in this illicit trade 
accountable for killings hundreds of thousands of Americans. It 
is critical that Congress take action to impose sanctions of 
the Chinese producers of this synthetic opioid and its 
precursors.
    This legislation expands the definition of foreign opioid 
trafficker to include any entity in the CCP that knowingly 
participates in the global opioid trade and senior CCP 
officials who enable opioid trade by failing to enforce laws 
that prohibit its trafficking. Moreover, the bill requires a 
report that would identify whether certain agencies of the PRC 
qualify as foreign opioid traffickers. Communist China is 
poisoning our young people, our most vulnerable, our children, 
and this measure will facilitate news ways to hold them 
accountable and stem the flow of this deadly drug.
    Does any other member seek recognition on the bill?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Unfortunately I regret 
that I have to say I oppose this measure. This is one of the 
few that I do oppose. The opioid crisis has killed thousands of 
Americans and we all, as indicated by members on both sides of 
the aisle, have been touched by this crisis. And given the 
seriousness of this issue my preference is we would find a way 
to continue to work in a bipartisan fashion with the 
seriousness of purpose that this crisis mandates.
    Unfortunately I believe the legislation before us would 
result in the opposite of its stated goal. And I know in 
working we tried to work this out and my team offered 
reasoned--what I believe to be reasonable edits to improve the 
bill, which were unfortunately rejected. And in doing so we are 
left with a bill that would actually make it harder to save 
lives by making it less likely that Beijing takes action on the 
spread of its precursors.
    To address this crisis we need Beijing to clamp down on the 
illicit production and trade of precursors. If this legislation 
were passed into law, it would backfire cutting off any 
prospects of Beijing doing more to stop the trafficking of 
illicit fentanyl precursors. That would be worse than doing 
nothing. That would be doing harm.
    So I must oppose this measure and urge my colleagues to do 
the same. And I hope that we can focus on smart and effective 
ways to handle this tremendous threat to American life instead 
of politicizing an issue so near and dear to all of our hearts. 
And I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Is there any further discussion on the bill?
    Mr. Self is recognized.
    Mr. Self. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. We need to recognize 
that China is at war with us today, psychologically, 
financially, through fentanyl, every way they can short of 
kinetic and cyber. No, let's include cyber. So we need to 
recognize we are well past what the ranking member just 
suggested. I absolutely support this bill. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Barr is recognized.
    Mr. Barr. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for 
calling up this bipartisan legislation, the Stop Chinese 
Fentanyl Act. This bill is the product of hearings we have held 
in both the Foreign Affairs and Financial Services Committee 
and it is in response to countless personal tragedies that I 
have seen now play out in my home State of Kentucky.
    While the executive branch enjoys significant authorities 
to sanction fentanyl traffickers, there is a loophole involving 
Chinese companies and officials who turn a blind eye to the 
sale of synthetic opioids and their precursors. While these 
persons may stand--may claim to stand at arm's length from 
illicit trafficking, their negligence enables that trade. These 
sales from China are crucial to the fentanyl supply chain that 
runs through Mexico.
    As one of our hearing witnesses, John Cassara, a former 
special agent with the Treasury Department, told us in the 
Financial Services Committee the Chinese Communist Party, 
quote, ``tacitly supports aspects of international drug 
trafficking by looking the other way as it does with the 
fentanyl trade,'' unquote.
    To suggest, as my good friend the ranking member--that this 
strategy of going after the Chinese Communist Party will 
backfire, I think what we have learned from professional 
witnesses, former special agents with Treasury, is that 
appeasement is not working. We have to sanction these people 
and sanction the sources of this illicit fentanyl trade.
    Going soft on China is not politicizing the issue--or going 
hard on China is not politicizing the issue. Going soft on 
China is not the answer.
    Another witness testified that U.S. official suspect China 
is letting the drug trade with Mexico flourish as a way to 
destabilize our region. This is where my bill comes in. The 
legislation provides for sanctions against Chinese entities 
that produce, sell, transport, or finance synthetic opioids and 
their precursors, but which fall short in due diligence 
measures or fail to cooperate with U.S. counter-narcotics 
efforts. This bill would further make senior Chinese officials 
sanction-able if they regulate those entities or otherwise fail 
to take credible steps against Chinese opioid traffickers.
    Under my legislation the President would also be required 
to determine each year if certain Chinese government leaders 
with authorities related to fentanyl should be sanctioned for 
their negligence. In other words, Mr. Chairman, my bill targets 
those in China who look the other way. Either they bolster 
their cooperation with us to crack down on synthetic opioids or 
they will face the consequences.
    Typically we impose sanctions on bad actors who engage in 
malign activities, not on those who fail to prevent the 
activities, but this is a reasonable practice given the power 
of U.S. sanctions. Here we must take an exception because 
unless we secure greater cooperation from China, from know-
your-customer procedures at pharmaceutical companies and banks 
to more vigorous law enforcement against Chinese traffickers, 
we will continue to fall behind in the fight against fentanyl. 
Just hoping that the Chinese are going to do the right thing 
without sanctions is not a strategy. We have tried that and it 
has failed.
    Here is why we must do everything to win that fight: In my 
home State the Kentucky Counterdrug Program seized 142 pounds 
of fentanyl in just the past 7 months, enough to cause a fatal 
overdose in over 28 million people. From 2019 to 2021 Kentucky 
saw a 70-percent increase in overdose deaths, 90 percent of 
which involved an opioid. Each day over 150 people in the 
United States die from an overdose related to synthetic 
opioids. Every district represented on this committee has been 
affected by this crisis.
    The fentanyl supply chain relies on Chinese actors who have 
the power to stop illicit trafficking but choose not to. My 
legislation puts them on notice that they will no longer be 
invisible to our sanctions laws.
    Finally, Mr. Chairman, my legislation includes common-sense 
updates to the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, one 
of the primary authorities underlying our sanctions. This 
includes stronger oversight to ensure that IEEPA sanctions are 
designed to resolve national emergencies with maximum 
effectiveness. My legislation also extends the IEEPA statute of 
limitations from 5 years to 10, a priority for Treasury's 
Office of Foreign Asset Control, so that sanctions violators do 
not escape prosecution.
    I want to again thank the Chairman for considering my bill. 
I urge my colleagues to support it. Fentanyl is a scourge that 
affects all of our communities and today's markup is an 
opportunity to pass meaningful legislation to combat it. The 
time for wishful thinking that if we just leave them alone the 
Chinese government will do the right thing--those days are 
over. It is time to get tough on China and sanction the 
entities that are the source of this poison and this chemical 
weapon killing our people. And with that I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Let me thank Mr. Barr for bringing this bill for markup. 
And I want to also thank the Financial Services Committee for 
working closely with this committee getting to a point where we 
can mark this up, move it to the floor by next week. There was 
really great cooperation between the two committees. And as the 
gentleman said, this does have Democrat--bipartisan support co-
sponsors on the bill.
    Is there any further discussion on the bill?
    There being no further discussion of the bill, the 
committee will move to consideration of amendments.
    Does any member wish to offer an amendment?
    Mr. Barr is recognized.
    Mr. Barr. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I do have an amendment 
at the desk. It is Barr Amendment 27 to H.R. 3203. Mr. 
Chairman, this amendment will add additional clarity to my 
bill.
    Chairman McCaul. Pause. The clerk shall distribute the 
amendment.
    And the clerk shall report the amendment.
    The. Clerk. Amendment to H.R. 3203 offered by Mr. Barr of 
Kentucky. Page 3, line 7, strike or----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with. The gentleman is recognized for 5 
minutes.
    [The Amendment No. 27 of Mr. Barr follows:]

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    Mr. Barr. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And again this amendment 
will add additional clarity to my bill ensuring that it is 
targeted to any national emergency regarding international drug 
trafficking. This amendment is a result of bipartisan 
negotiations in an attempt to make the underlying bill 
bipartisan and it is my hope that my colleagues on both sides 
of the aisle will support this amendment and the underlying 
legislation. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any other members seek recognition?
    Let me say I support this amendment. Mr. Meeks is 
recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. I am just reviewing this amendment and this 
amendment seems to be moving in the right direction. I just 
wish that we could get some more of this and that we could 
agree, but I would agree that this amendment looks like it is 
moving, Mr. Barr, in the right direction. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on the amendment offered by Representative Barr, No. 27.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair the ayes have it; the amendment 
is agreed to.
    Are there any further amendments?
    Mr. Perry is recognized.
    Mr. Perry. Mr. Chairman, I have got an amendment at the 
desk, No. 136.
    Chairman McCaul. Clerk shall distribute the amendment.
    Mr. Perry. Of course I am doing this just for the ranking 
member. I do not want him to get soft down there and get 
comfortable.
    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall report the amendment.
    The. Clerk. Amendment to H.R. 3203 offered by Mr. Perry of 
Pennsylvania. Page 3----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with. The gentleman is recognized for 5 
minutes.
    [The Amendment No. 136 of Mr. Perry follows:]

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    Mr. Perry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. This amendment simply 
ensures that this legislation would not simply and only apply 
to those in the Chinese government, but any government official 
of any other foreign country or foreign opioid traffickers. 
This is especially important considering the corruption around 
the world especially involving the trade of illegal narcotics. 
It is important that if any member of a foreign government is 
involved in trading of fentanyl that they are also treated in 
the same manner, especially with regard to Mexico. We need to 
ensure that we retain the same sanction-ability to their 
officials as well.
    This is crucial for our ability to stop the fentanyl trade 
in Mexico. If there are corrupt officials there, we need to be 
able to stop them using the same sanctions enforcement. With 
the history of corruption in Mexico it is crucial that we have 
the proper avenues to stop it. We have already discovered 
10,000 pounds of fentanyl in the last year coming across the 
southern border. If government officials are involved, we need 
to ensure that we have the ability to sanction them as well, 
especially considering how much money we spend purportedly 
helping Mexico fight the war on drugs.
    This expansion is also important because it gives us the 
avenue to address this issue with other foreign countries 
should the need arise.
    Now I spoke to the maker of this bill and I understand his 
intent. His intent is to focus on China. And while some on this 
committee are concerned about--well, we do not want to imperil 
our relationships with our neighbors to the south and we do not 
want to imperil our relationships with the people in China. We 
have to be careful.
    Look, I do not get what they do not get. China is not 
like--they didn't mix some batch of something up at the 
pharmaceutical plant and say, oh, we screwed this up. I do not 
know what it is. We will just send it to Mexico and they will 
sell it to somebody in America. They are making it because they 
want to. It is by design. It is their program. It is 
intentional. They are killing Americans intentionally. If you 
do not get that, you probably belong in a different line of 
work. And I am not sure what that line of work would be, but it 
isn't this one.
    So I get that my colleague wants to focus on China. And my 
wish for this committee is that we had time to consider fully 
the depth of this issue, the scourge that it is placing on our 
citizens so that my colleague could have his well-founded and 
well-thought-out bill and that he and I, or maybe he and the 
ranking member could collaborate on a bill which would include 
Mexico, which is allowing this stuff, and I would say abetting 
and aiding it coming across our border.
    So we could do that as well and we could punish those 
people involved as well, because this is yet not enough. This 
is a good effort on the part of Mr. Barr because this is 
exactly what China is doing. And we need to recognize, not only 
recognize, but acknowledge that this is happening and damn well 
do something about it. Do something about it other than just 
talk. And if the relationship is strained, oh, my. Oh, my. I am 
so sorry.
    Ma'am, if you could speak at this mic I imagine you would 
talk about the relationship, any of you ladies down there, that 
you currently have with your children because you do not have a 
relationships do you, because they are not here anymore. We are 
so worried about their relationship. I remind everybody on this 
committee again we are representatives of the United States of 
America, not the People's Republic of China, and certainly not 
Mexico.
    With all that rhetoric I respect the gentleman from 
Kentucky. I respect his efforts. And I would ask the chairman 
of this committee to reconvene this effort regarding fentanyl 
and do more and have this just be the beginning and offer a 
bill we can sanction not only those involved from China, but 
from Mexico and anywhere else that thinks they can do this to 
our American citizens. Let's stand up for our American 
citizens. And with that I wish to withdraw the amendment, Mr. 
Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman withdraws his amendment, and 
we appreciate that.
    I will say I agree with the gentleman that we--this is not 
the end of this discussion at all. This is just the beginning 
of this discussion and I welcome further hearings on this very 
important issue.
    Mr. Barr. Would the gentleman yield?
    Chairman McCaul. Mr. Barr is recognized.
    Mr. Barr. I thank the chairman for yielding. And I want to 
also thank my good friend from Pennsylvania Mr. Perry for 
recognizing what is going on here. His amendment makes an 
important point and I appreciate him withdrawing the amendment.
    The point is how maligned the Chinese Communist Party is 
behaving here. What happened was that in 2017 China-sourced 
fentanyl by weight accounted for 165 kilograms of the total 171 
kilograms seized from the international mail. And this practice 
began to shift in 2019 when the Trump Administration pressured 
the CCP to reclassify and control all forms of fentanyl which 
resulted initially in modest reductions of seizures of fentanyl 
flowing from China into the United States.
    But while the CCP implemented controls on fentanyl in its 
final form it did not place similar controls on the synthetic 
precursor chemicals used to produce fentanyl. And so what has 
happened is that since 2019 Chinese manufacturers and 
traffickers have adapted their strategies and business models 
to primarily produce the precursor chemicals and then have 
outsourced the final production to cartel laboratories in 
Mexico.
    What my good friend Mr. Perry from Pennsylvania is pointing 
out with his friendly amendment here is that we need to go 
after these cartel laboratories in Mexico as well. There is a 
lot of malign actors here.
    The point of my bill though is to shine a focus and a light 
on the original sin here, which is what is going on with the 
Chinese Communist Party, that these laboratories that the--they 
are instruments of the Chinese Communist Party, these cartels 
are, and they have modified and they have changed their 
behavior to try to circumvent our efforts and the previous 
Administration's efforts to block this malign activity from the 
CCP.
    So yes, we need to get at the cartels in Mexico and these 
illegal laboratories down there, which are the final 
manufacturers, but what our bill--what my bill does is it says 
we cannot wait around for China to act like our good neighbors, 
because they are not. They are not. And we need hard sanctions 
on the originators of the precursors of fentanyl in the 
People's Republic of China.
    Stop the wishful thinking. They are not our friends here. 
If we are just soft on China, they are not going to change 
their behavior. We have tried and they will not change. We have 
got to tough. That is why we have this bill. That is why I 
appreciate bipartisan support and I encourage all members of 
this committee to defend our people from these poisons that are 
originating from Communist China. And I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Are there any further amendments?
    There being no further amendments, I now move that the 
committee report H.R. 3203 as amended to the House with a 
favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    Mr. Meeks. Ask for a roll call vote.
    Chairman McCaul. Roll call vote has been requested. 
Pursuant to the chair's previous announcement this vote will be 
postponed.
    I have been advised that two votes have been called on the 
House floor. As such, the committee will stand in recess and 
will convene after the votes.
    [Recess.]
    Chairman McCaul. Pursuant to notice I now call up H.R. 
3202.
    [The Bill H.R. 3202 follows:]

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    Chairman McCaul. The committee will come to order.
    The Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act of 2023. The bill 
was circulated in advance.
    The Clerk shall designate the bill.
    The Clerk. H.R. 3202, to prohibit any official action to 
recognize or normalize relations with any government of Syria 
that is led by Bashar al-Assad.
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, first reading of the 
bill is dispensed with. The bill is considered read and open to 
amendments at any point.
    Is there any discussion on the bill?
    Mr. Davidson. Mr. Chairman, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman is recognized.
    Mr. Davidson. Is it in order to consider a bill that hasn't 
been noticed at a hearing? Is it in order to consider a bill 
for markup that has never been noticed for a hearing?
    It was only introduced last week. It isn't even available 
on Congress.gov as of this hearing. Is that in order?
    Chairman McCaul. The subcommittee had a hearing on this 
issue and the bill was noticed previously.
    Mr. Davidson. The bill was only introduced last week and 
the text isn't even available on Congress.gov.
    Chairman McCaul. It has actually been circulated in advance 
and it is on our website.
    But your point is well taken.
    Mr. Davidson. I move that the bill be withdrawn in 
accordance with the rules because it does not conform to the 
rules.
    The chairman has asked that Republican members not offer 
amendments to Republican bills. And when Republican bills 
aren't even available to be noticed for hearings, we cannot 
even have a discussion about the bill.
    Chairman McCaul. Our subcommittee had a hearing on this.
    Mr. Davidson. But they couldn't have had a hearing on the 
bill because the bill just got dropped.
    Chairman McCaul. There was a hearing on the subject matter. 
The bill was introduced and has been noticed.
    The chair recognizes Mr. Wilson.
    Mr. Davidson. I ask the chairman to make a ruling as to 
whether the bill is considered in order.
    Chairman McCaul. I rule that it is in order and complies 
with committee rules.
    Mr. Wilson is recognized.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you very much, Chairman Mike McCaul and 
Ranking Member Greg Meeks.
    I am grateful to support several of these bipartisan 
measures before us today. And I am particularly grateful for 
the inclusion of the bipartisan Assad Regime Anti-Normalization 
Act of 2023 which is H.R. 3202.
    For 12 years the Assad Regime has been backed by war 
criminal Putin and the regime in Tehran, and has committed 
unthinkable atrocities of using chemical weapons against the 
Syrian people following pro-democratic and peaceful protests. 
Assad's forces have engaged in mass torture and murder of 
civilians, including children. Over 500,000 people have been 
brutally murdered by this regime, and counting.
    Sadly, incredibly, over half of the population of Syria, 14 
million people, have been displaced or have fled as refugees to 
Turkiye, to Egypt, and to Jordan. And it is really inspiring 
that these countries, Turkiye, and Egypt, and Jordan have 
welcomed millions of refugees from their country to protect 
them from the Assad Regime. We should always recognize how 
courageous they are to provide for the people of Syria.
    As chairman of the Middle, North Africa, Central Asia 
Subcommittee I held a hearing with the man known as Gravedigger 
as a witness so that he could be unidentified. He testified 
about his experience of going from a local civil servant to 
being forced to dispose of hundreds of bodies in mass graves 
daily, including a young woman who clearly had been tortured, 
her infant child clinging to her lifeless body.
    Recently, with the readmission of Bashar al-Assad into the 
Arab League we have witnessed, sadly, signals of normalization 
with war criminal Putin and Assad. We cherish our relationship 
with our allies against the deadly narcotic drug that is being 
provided, Captagon, pouring into their countries.
    However, the normalization with an unrepentant dictator and 
kleptocrat who continues bombing the earthquake-devastated 
areas of Syria does not represent a viable path forward.
    Additionally, Bashar al-Assad has a symbiotic network of 
support from the regime in Tehran and war criminal Putin to 
continue supporting terrorism in the region and Putin's war in 
Ukraine, against Ukraine. This bill significantly strengthens 
existing sanctions on those who support Assad and imposes real 
penalties to those considering normalizing with this brutal 
regime.
    This bill's inclusion in today's markup represents the 
tireless efforts of the Syrian American community. I have had 
the opportunity to meet with the courageous Syrian Americans 
who have suffered tremendously under this regime, their entire 
communities and livelihoods destroyed. They feel that they have 
been forgotten.
    But our message is clear: it is bipartisan that they are 
not forgotten.
    We are particularly appreciative of the patriotic Syrian 
Americans who are with us in the audience today representing a 
number of organizations of the American Coalition for Syria.
    And with that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion on the bill?
    Mr. French is recognized, French Hill.
    Mr. Hill. Mr. Chairman, thank you.
    I want to say that I am an original cosponsor of the Assad 
Regime Anti-Normalization Act.
    And I want to thank my friend, the chairman of the Middle 
East Subcommittee Joe Wilson, for his hearing that he had 
recently where it took eyewitness testimony as to the 
atrocities conducted by Bashar al-Assad and his gang in 
Damascus. I want to appreciate his steady hand at overseeing 
what has happened in the past 12 years in Syria, communicating 
to the American people what has been the result of Assad's 
brutal promise to his own citizens in 2011, 2012 when he said, 
``Assad or burn the country.''
    And he has certainly burned the country and will, I hope, 
pay the price through the U.N. mechanism for war crimes for 
what has been taken there. And I hope that the American people 
understand that his co-conspirators include Iran and Russia in 
propping up this regime.
    And in no way should the Arab nations seek to normalize 
relations with Assad. It is a huge mistake. It is a diplomatic 
mistake.
    And they clearly never learned President Reagan's 
admonition of ``trust but verify'' because they have invited 
Assad to the Arab League meeting, and now to COP, the next COP 
meeting, with no preconditions, Mr. Chairman. There are no 
preconditions. And so, this mass murderer who has disrupted the 
entire Middle East region, put Lebanon at risk, been a partner 
with Iran, the arch enemy of the Gulf States, is paying no 
price and has committed to no concrete change as to the conduct 
of his operation.
    Then, to put salt in the wound, Mr. Chairman, Assad, his 
relatives, the army, are poisoning the Gulf by exporting 
Captagon drug, billions of dollars worth across the Gulf and to 
Europe. So, in addition to being a mass murderer he is a drug 
kingpin.
    And this Congress has recognized that by the Caesar 
sanctions legislation and by attaching to the NDAA last 
December my Captagon Act directing the Secretary of State to 
craft a strategy to interdict and end Captagon and cutoff the 
funding to the Assad Regime.
    And, yet, last week I was in Jordan, in Amman, and in 
Jerusalem, and in Cairo at the time this news was breaking, 
watching the reactions of our friends in the community relate 
to it, and in disbelief really, in disbelief that there was 
just a vesting of the Assad Regime back into the Arab League 
and pay no price: no end to Captagon, no end to taking Iranian 
money, no end to backing Iran in militias, no end to attacking 
Israel, no end to pardoning with Hezbollah.
    And it is stunning to me that the Arabs, or I should say 
the Arab League member countries have considered that the 
reason for reengagement is on Captagon, this exporting of 
poison.
    So, I want to say I was grateful to the United Kingdom and 
the United States for imposing Caesar sanctions for the first 
time on March 28th. Secretary Blinken testified in this 
committee on the record that he had asked the Arab League 
nations not to recognize Assad. And that is in direct contrast 
with the actions of his State Department where his Assistant 
Secretary Barbara Leaf, Assistant Secretary of the Near East, 
was out there telling the world, well, if you negotiate with 
Assad, make sure you get something for it.
    Well, guess what? They negotiated with him, giving him 
credibility, and they got nothing for it. Nothing.
    So, it is sickening that we are essentially abandoning the 
rest of Syria to Assad's torture and murder. And that is why 
this bill is so important. That is why I support my friend Mr. 
Wilson for his efforts.
    And I hope that as this bill is marked up and moves to the 
House floor we can remind our friends in the diplomatic 
community that the Congress, consistently over the last decade, 
stands with the people of Syria, the millions of people outside 
Syria that want to go home to their villages; they want to have 
a representational government; they want to get their lives 
back; to remove the refugees from Jordan, the refugees from 
Lebanon, from Turkiye.
    And I do not think these recent actions taken by the Arab 
League are remotely in the interests of the Syrian people, nor 
do I think they will cutoff Captagon. I am counting on 
leadership from the United States and our partners in the 
region to do that.
    I thank my friend from South Carolina. And I yield back the 
balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I cannot help but note as we sit here today that it has 
been over 12 years since the Syrian people first rose up for 
their basic rights, and then endured brutal assaults by Assad's 
Russian and Iranian backed military year after year.
    The Assad Regime has unceasingly perpetuated its campaign 
of violence against the Syrian people, committing what has 
amounted to countless of war crimes, and the most egregious 
violations of international humanitarian law.
    As we consider these measures today, the war has resulted 
to over 600,000 Syrians killed, and more than 8 million 
displaced. Hospitals, schools, and neighborhoods are still 
regularly targeted as hundreds of thousands of Syrians face 
bleak prospects for their future.
    It is in this context we consider this bill which responds 
to moves by some governments to look past these crimes and 
heinous atrocities and readmit the Assad Regime into the 
international institutions.
    The Biden Administration has opposed efforts to reengage 
with the Assad Regime with commercial deals and economic 
benefits. I stand with the Administration and those who believe 
Assad must be held accountable, which is why I partnered with 
you, Mr. Chairman, earlier this month and publicly condemned 
efforts by some States to welcome Assad back into the Arab 
League.
    As we condemn such actions, I continue to stand with the 
Syrian people resisting Assad's oppression, its torture 
apparatus. Simultaneously, I support the Biden Administration's 
efforts to provide the Syrian people with humanitarian 
assistance as they recover from multiple devastating 
earthquakes, while also withstanding continued assaults from 
Assad's air force.
    It is in that spirit I will support this bill for the 
purposes of this markup. The legislation will discourage other 
States from overlooking Assad's crimes against humanity and 
make it United States policy not to recognize an Assad-led 
Syrian Government.
    And importantly, this bill also expands targeted sanction 
authorities against the Assad Regime's efforts to exploit 
existing sanctions while preserving our important humanitarian 
exemptions and provisions.
    However, I am still concerned about the second order 
consequences of certain sanctions on legitimate humanitarian 
assistance efforts, and look forward to ensuring sound 
implementation so that those most in need of aid can receive 
it.
    Finally, this bill also requires greater scrutiny on, and 
policy attention toward the mechanisms by which the Assad 
Regime launders and manipulates international aid for its own 
ends at the expense of the Syrian people.
    So, again, I appreciate my friend from South Carolina, 
Representative Wilson, and Chairman McCaul's work on this bill. 
And I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Davidson is recognized.
    Mr. Davidson. I move to strike the last word.
    I thank the chairman.
    I think, frankly, our colleagues are working on an 
important subject. I find it, I think as everyone can tell, 
very frustrating to be moving bill text that, frankly, we have 
got a situation with the rules of the committee that makes this 
acceptable on this committee apparently, maybe on others. But I 
have had the good fortune to be involved in a committee for 6 
years now that does things differently.
    They start on time. They end on time. They hold people to 5 
minutes when they are recognized for 5 minutes. And when they 
want to move a bill, the standard is that they notice it at a 
hearing, not the subject but the bill, the bill text itself.
    And that is important so that we can have, you know, 
friendly amendments.
    Frankly, the chairman considers any amendment not friendly 
if it is not done behind closed doors outside the hearing. And 
so, in an effort to defer to the chairman's practice, if not 
rules, I have offered no amendment to this bill. I will simply 
vote no.
    And until we vote no on things that are done with bad 
process, I think we will continue to have less-than-adequate 
legislation, and we will continue to have either a system where 
the committee is dominated by people willing to completely be 
submissive and do whatever they are told, or people who simply 
say, you know, this is a joke. If you cannot even have input 
and collaboration on the committee, why would you want to be on 
the committee?
    And I think that is the challenge we confront.
    I hope that we convene as a group and come up with a better 
way to work together because there are important subjects that 
we can do. And many of them are truly bipartisan. And there is 
a chance to build consensus.
    But when you cannot have the notice, even if you can offer 
an amendment, it is not like complete ignorance of this process 
that drives the system, it literally is power. Because the bill 
is designed to have no amendments. It is designed to have no 
collaboration because time is what is necessary to socialize 
the amendment.
    So, you could offer it. But you do not have time to win 
over your colleagues and convince them of why the amendment 
would be important or necessary. You do not have hearings to 
discuss it wherein you might raise points of order. And you do 
not even have time in the absence of the bill being noticed 
before it goes to markup to socialize the things that you were 
supposed to have learned at the hearing.
    So, the subject is incredibly important. The bill has a lot 
of things that I would be inclined to support, but several that 
I would like to amend. And we just saw earlier today how things 
are received when you offer an amendment. And as I say, just 
offering it is one thing, but the ability to pass it is 
another. And you cannot do that without time.
    So, I hope we will consider how we run the show. In the 
absence of that, I will be voting no.
    And I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Mr. Phillips is recognized.
    Mr. Phillips. Thank you, Chairman McCaul, and Ranking 
Member Meeks, and Mr. Wilson for bringing this measure before 
all of us today.
    Last month, just last month under Chair Wilson's leadership 
the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East, 
North Africa, and Central Asia held a hearing marking 12 years 
of unimaginable suffering, displacement, and conflict since the 
Syrian Revolution began.
    Under the brutal leadership of Bashar al-Assad the Syrian 
Regime has ushered in over a decade of violence and human 
rights abuses but has not faced an iota of accountability for 
its murder of over a half a million people, or its torture and 
displacement of tens of thousands more.
    Instead, instead Assad has continued his assault on Syrian 
civilians, all while enriching himself, including by diverting 
humanitarian aid and trafficking in narcotics. And instead of 
being punished, was recently rewarded for this heinous behavior 
by being readmitted into the Arab League.
    Now, this terrible misstep demonstrates why the U.S. 
leadership is so important, now more than ever. And I am 
grateful that this committee has now come together in a 
bipartisan fashion to send a strong message that the United 
States will not recognize nor normalize with the Government of 
Syria while Assad is in power, and will actively oppose any 
attempts by other governments to do so.
    This amendment strengthens the underlying legislation by 
ensuring the expanded Caesar sanctions authorities more 
effectively, targeting nefarious actors within and supporting 
the regime, and that legitimate humanitarian actors are not 
inadvertently impacted at the expense of desperately needed 
delivery of humanitarian assistant.
    And while I remain concerned about provisions of the bill 
that take aim at regional energy independence, of which the 
current system only benefits Iran and its proxies, I am eager 
to continue working together on this legislation in creating 
clear, bipartisan, serious strategies that are realistic based 
on the United States' national security priorities, and rooted 
in a commitment to the Syrian people.
    I want to close by thanking my dear friend and colleague 
Chair Wilson for authoring this amendment, and for his 
willingness to work with all of us on this issue in a 
bipartisan fashion.
    With that, I urge my colleagues to support the measure. And 
I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion on the bill?
    [No response.]
    Chairman McCaul. There being no further discussion of the 
bill, the committee will move to consideration of amendments.
    Does any member wish to offer an amendment?
    Mr. Wilson is recognized.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have an amendment 
No. 1 at the desk.
    [The Amendment No. 1 offered by Mr. Wilson follows:]

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    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall distribute the amendment.
    And the clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. Amendment to H.R. 3202 offered by Mr. Wilson of 
South Carolina. In section 2(a)(1)----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading of the 
amendment is dispensed with.
    The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes on his amendment.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I am grateful to support this bipartisan amendment with 
Ranking Member Greg Meeks. This would further clarify a number 
of points in the underlying bill, including preserving the 
protections for humanitarian non-governmental organizations, 
and strengthens the bill by including determination on Bashar 
al-Assad's wife Asthma al-Assad's corrupted charity, which is 
directly involved in diverting assistance meant for the very 
deserving people of Syria.
    It also extends the bipartisan Caesar Syrian Civilian 
Protection Act until 2032.
    The latest text also prevents evasion of the original 
bill's $50,000 reporting requirement for donations to Assad by 
making it a $500,000 total per source per year. This assures 
that the corrupt sources that give to Assad through 
transactions just under the threshold are still accountable.
    I truly appreciate the bipartisan spirit by which this 
agreement has bene reached. And I am grateful to the Ranking 
Member Greg Meeks' input to strengthen the bill. And I 
appreciate so much the very significant work of the Ranking 
Member Dean Phillips who on April the 18th at the hearing it 
was very much discussed Assad, the bill was discussed, the text 
was discussed, it was circulated and, indeed, in accordance 
with our rules.
    The bill that remains strong is based on this bipartisan 
bill and agreement as it reaches the floor. And it is important 
that we maintain such a strong bill to send a message of hope 
to the people of Syria.
    With that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any other members seek recognition?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    You know, I just want to say that I support this amendment. 
And I want to thank the gentleman from South Carolina and you, 
Mr. Chairman, for working with this amendment with me. Again, 
it is a full bipartisan piece. And I appreciate working 
together. I believe that this makes the bill even stronger. And 
I continue to look forward as we look at what is going on 
around the world and try to make sure that we do things in a 
bipartisan way.
    So, I just thank you, and I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    There being no further discussion, the question now occurs 
on the amendment offered by Representative Wilson.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it and the 
amendment is agreed to.
    Are there any further amendments?
    There being no further amendments, I now move that the 
committee report H.R. 3202, as amended, to the house with a 
favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it and the 
motion is agreed to.
    Without objection, the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table. Staff is authorized to make any technical and conforming 
changes.
    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H.R. 3099, the Special 
Envoy for the Abraham Accords Act.
    The bill was circulated in advance.
    The clerk shall designate the bill.
    [The Bill H.R. 3099 follows:]

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    The Clerk. H.R. 3099, a bill to establish in the Department 
of State the position of Special Envoy to the Abraham Accords.
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading of 
the bill is dispensed with and the bill is considered as read 
and open to amendment at any point.
    Is there any discussion of the bill?
    Mr. Lawler is recognized.
    Mr. Lawler. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I am thrilled that the committee is marking up my bill H.R. 
3099 today. This vital piece of legislation, which has broad 
bipartisan support, and I want to thank my colleague and co-
lead Ritchie Torres from the Bronx for working with me on this 
bill.
    It would create the position of a special envoy for the 
Abraham Accords in the United States Department of State. The 
special envoy will be responsible for coordinating efforts 
across the U.S. Government to expand and strengthen the Abraham 
Accords.
    The diplomatic impact of the Abraham Accords has been 
extensive, as relationships between Israel and Muslim majority 
countries have improved dramatically from where they once were. 
We have agreements with the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, Morocco. And 
it is important that we expand upon it. That is why creating a 
special envoy position is critical. We must maintain this 
progress and keep on the path toward peace and prosperity in 
the Middle East.
    Establishing a special envoy wholly devoted to this purpose 
will also demonstrate a clear U.S. commitment to cultivating 
the growth of the Abraham Accords. This shows our allies and 
every nation around the world how much we value normalized 
relations with Israel.
    In addition to creating this position, H.R. 3099 requires a 
report to Congress describing all U.S. efforts to expand the 
Abraham Accords, including specific diplomatic engagements and 
the status of efforts with respect to specific countries. This 
report will keep both the special envoy and the U.S. Government 
in check, and ensure the Biden Administration, as well as 
future Administrations prioritize strengthening the Abraham 
Accords.
    Passing H.R. 3099 is more than just an administrative 
action. It is a reformation of our commitment to supporting 
peaceful and productive bilateral relationships in the Middle 
East and, hopefully, far beyond the region.
    I urge all of my colleagues on the House Foreign Affairs 
Committee to join me in supporting this critical legislation.
    And I would note just 2 weeks ago I joined a bipartisan 
delegation trip to Israel with Speaker McCarthy for the 75th 
Anniversary. And the Speaker delivered remarks at the Knesset, 
only the second speaker in the history of the United States to 
do so. But we met with Prime Minister Netanyahu, President 
Herzog, and Speaker Ohana. And during the course of those 
conversations I brought up this legislation and the importance 
of the Abraham Accords.
    And in all of our conversations they reaffirmed strong 
support for the Abraham Accords and the important role the 
United States of America has played and will continue to play 
in strengthening and expanding the Abraham Accords, and the 
need to continue to lead and bring countries like Saudi Arabia 
to the table.
    And so, I believe this legislation is critical to advance 
not only our interests around the world but to continue to 
advance and strengthen our relationship with the State of 
Israel.
    And so, again, Mr. Chairman, I ask for support from all of 
my colleagues on the committee to help pass this legislation 
and move it forward.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Let me just say I strongly support this bill. I want to 
congratulate the gentleman from New York for his strong work on 
this issue.
    A special envoy is precisely what we need right now to 
raise the emphasis of these important accords. They were 
definitely a game changer for Israel's relationship with the 
Arab and Muslim majority countries in the region. I was proud 
to be at the White House for the signing ceremony.
    It is a generational shift in the Middle East, and one that 
will promote peace and prosperity, which is what everybody 
wants.
    And so, again, I want to thank the gentleman for 
introducing, bringing this bill to markup. And it is going to 
be of a profound impact on, hopefully, future peace and 
prosperity in the Middle East.
    Is there any further discussion on the bill?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I, too, strongly support this measure. And I would like to 
thank my fellow New Yorkers, Representative Lawler and 
Representative Torres, for introducing this legislation which 
would create a senior level special envoy dedicated to 
enhancing and expanding the Abraham Accords.
    I have spoken in the past about my support for the accords, 
which I believe will have the potential to transform the 
security, diplomatic, and economic environment in the Middle 
East, and advance United States' interests. These agreements 
are already showing promise and deserve the attention of this 
committee and Congress.
    I also believe it is advantageous for the State Department 
to have an official in place focused on managing and 
implementing a regional strategy for peace, and encouraging 
cooperation between and among Israel, Arab States, the 
Palestinians to enhance such prospects for peace and create 
tangible benefits for all.
    This special envoy would also help manage the U.S. 
Government effort in supporting the Abraham Accords.
    So, I again appreciate Rep. Torres and Rep. Lawler's work 
on this bill and encourage its passage.
    And I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. Is there any further discussion of the 
bill?
    Mr. Wilson is recognized.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    This is really encouraging to see so many New Yorkers 
working together for bipartisan legislation. And with that in 
mind, the Abraham Accords were a historic achievement of the 
Trump Administration, promoting prosperity and peace in the 
Middle East.
    This legislation is critical to ensuring the State 
Department maintains its commitment to the full implementation 
of these historic accords. It was quite intentional on my part 
that the first hearing as chairman of the Subcommittee on 
Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia highlighted the 
importance of expanding the Abraham Accords for Middle East 
stability and prosperity.
    Support for the accords is bipartisan. I am extremely 
optimistic that with further work the United States can bring 
countries like Saudi Arabia, our long-time and very appreciated 
ally, into the accords and promote the economic opportunities 
that normalized relations with Israel will offer.
    However, the advancement of these objectives require a 
full-time position at the Department of State. This is why 
Congressman Michael Lawler's legislation is so important. And 
Congressman Lawler of New York is making a difference for 
Middle East stability and prosperity, with countries achieving 
mutually beneficial success. Peace can be achieved.
    I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Phillips is recognized.
    Mr. Phillips. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I couldn't say it better than any of my colleagues. But 
when I was a young guy growing up in this country I never 
thought it imaginable that we might see a breakthrough in peace 
that we are now seeing emerge.
    And I want to give credit where it is due. The previous 
Administration initiated this. I think they deserve credit. And 
now it is time for all of us and this Administration to move it 
forward.
    I really celebrate you, Mr. Lawler, for introducing this 
with Mr. Torres. I think a whole-of-government approach is 
exactly what we need. The time is right, the circumstances are 
right, and we should make this calling of this generation. If 
we do so, I think it is an extraordinary legacy for this 
committee, this Congress, and this country, not to mention 
peace for the world.
    So, I just want to celebrate you, Mr. Lawler.
    And I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    Ms. Manning is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. No, no mike.
    Ms. Manning. I do not give up. OK.
    OK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Meeks. And I 
want to thank the two gentleman from New York, Mr. Lawler and 
Mr. Torres.
    I am proud to support H.R. 3099, a bipartisan bill to 
establish a Special Envoy in the U.S. State Department for the 
Abraham Accords.
    Mr. Chairman, as my colleagues have acknowledged, the 
Abraham Accords represent a monumental achievement that 
significantly advances our interests and the interests of the 
entire Middle East, and deserve bipartisan support. The 
remarkable breakthrough between Israel, the UAE, Bahrain, 
Morocco, and Sudan builds on years of progress between these 
countries. And it is, indeed, transformative.
    With U.S. support, these countries chose to form a group of 
forward-looking countries in the Middle East focused on 
building a better and brighter economic future for their 
people, and a more integrated and secure region.
    These countries also recognize a common interest in 
cooperating to counter the threats posed by Iran, the principal 
source of instability in the region. I, too, applaud the Trump 
Administration and the Biden Administration for supporting the 
Abraham Accords. And there is broad bipartisan support in 
Congress for ongoing efforts to support peace between Israel 
and its neighbors.
    Last March, Secretary Blinken and the foreign ministers of 
Israel, the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Egypt met in an 
unprecedented summit in the Negev where they agreed to 
establish six working groups across a range of important areas, 
helping improve collective security and economic opportunity in 
the region. The inaugural meeting of these working groups took 
place this January in the United Arab Emirates.
    I also welcome reports that the Administration is 
considering appointing former U.S. Ambassador Dan Shapiro as 
the State Department's point person for the Abraham Accords. He 
is extremely well qualified. And I know that many in the region 
appreciate his leadership of the Atlantic Council's N7 
initiative, working to expand people-to-people ties among the 
Abraham Accords countries.
    It would be helpful and impactful to have a dedicated 
diplomat with the rank of Ambassador to coordinate regional 
outreach and to help advance and deepen the accords.
    In addition to making the right personnel and bureaucratic 
moves, I am also hopeful we can do something much more 
comprehensive in this Congress to further these agreements and 
create tangible benefits for all peoples in the region, 
including the Palestinians.
    In closing, Mr. Chairman, I am proud to support the Abraham 
Accords, a hugely positive step for Israel and the region which 
widened the circle of peace. And I encourage all of my 
colleagues to join me in supporting this bill.
    Thank you. And I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentlelady yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Moskowitz is recognized.
    Mr. Moskowitz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I want to thank the sponsors, both Representative Lawler 
and Representative Torres for bringing this forward.
    You know, we just got back from the region, Mr. Chairman, 
on a trip with the Speaker. And whether we were in Jordan, or 
Israel, or in Egypt we consistently heard a consistent theme of 
the Abraham Accords. And there is no doubt that it was a 
success of the Trump Administration. And it goes to show that 
good ideas can still be bipartisan. This is an idea that 
started in the Trump Administration and has now transitioned to 
the Biden Administration.
    And I think that having a special envoy is a critical step 
in trying to get Saudi Arabia as part of the Abraham Accords. 
There is no doubt that that would be a critical step for the 
region.
    I think the Abraham Accords, quite frankly, have shown that 
shared economic interest is the pathway to not just peace in 
the region but, quite frankly, also bringing down antisemitism. 
Because we are now seeing books being changed with the teaching 
of the Holocaust winding up in them, books that for decades and 
decades omitted, you know, why the State of Israel was created.
    And so I want to thank both the sponsors. I am happy that 
this piece of legislation is bipartisan. And I look forward to 
it being implemented.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Schneider is recognized.
    Mr. Schneider. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    And I will echo what my colleagues have said. You know, 
looking at the work we are doing today, I want to thank the 
chairman and the ranking member for working together to put 
before this committee a number of bills that put the national 
interest ahead of partisan politics.
    We are not all perfect. And that is why we are here, to 
work to make them better. And a few we still have disagreement, 
may not find compromise. And on these I will vote nay.
    But I want to celebrate where we did work together, where 
both sides came together for compromise.
    We have a good bill before us countering the normalization 
with the Assad Regime, disrupting the supply chain, calling for 
a special tribunal for crimes against Ukraine, and calling for 
the release of both Evan Gershkovich and Paul Whelan, and 
making worthwhile changes to the Taiwan Allies International 
Protection and Enhancement Initiative, TAIPEI Act of 2019.
    As co-chair and one of the co-founders of the bipartisan, 
bicameral Abraham Accords Caucus, I want to in particular 
highlight H.R. 3099, establishing a Special Envoy for the 
Abraham Accords. And a special call-out to my colleagues Mr. 
Lawler and Mr. Torres. We are grateful for your work.
    With Ambassador Tom Nides soon returning from Israel, and 
Amos Hochstein moving to Department of Energy, this is a good 
opportunity to cement progress and make sure the State 
Department has someone in place to guide the complex 
interagency process needed to further strengthen and expand the 
accords. And as I said before, I can think of no better person 
than the one being considered, Dan Shapiro; understands the 
challenges but also fully embraces and appreciates the 
opportunities to work us there.
    I, if I think of an issue that keeps me up at night, none 
more so than the prospect of Iran getting a nuclear weapon. 
This is a challenge we have faced for more than a quarter 
century. And as we sit here today, Iran is on the cusp of 
having sufficient fissile material to make not one but multiple 
nuclear weapons. And we talked about that in this committee 
many, many a time.
    If there is something that gives me comfort as I try to 
sleep, it is the Abraham Accords. These are remarkable 
accomplishments within the last Administration, this 
Administration, working to bring people together. These are 
different from previous agreements between Israel and 
neighbors.
    We are seeing immediate fruits of the relationship: people-
to-people exchange, economic exchange, commerce, technology, 
cultural and, in particular, security. I am deeply proud of the 
work the Abraham Accords Caucus has done, for example with the 
Israel Relations Normalization Act, the DEFEND Act that became 
law last year, and now working on the Maritime Act.
    I look forward to further impactful legislation. And I am 
pleased that the caucus will have a dedicated counterpart in 
the executive branch to continue our progress toward 
normalization between Israel and her neighbors, countering the 
Iranian regime, but also working to bring peace, prosperity not 
just to Israel but to all the people in the region, and for 
years to come.
    With that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion of the bill?
    There being no further discussion, the committee will move 
to consideration of amendments.
    Does any member wish to offer an amendment?
    There being no amendment, thank you.
    I now move that the committee report H.R. 3099 to the House 
with a favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it and the 
motion is agreed to.
    Without objection, the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table. Staff is authorized to make any technical and conforming 
changes.
    I now, pursuant to notice I now call up H. Res. 81 calling 
on the President to support the creation of a Special Tribunal 
for the Punishment of the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine.
    [The Bill H. Res. 81 follows:]

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    Chairman McCaul. The resolution was circulated in advance.
    The clerk shall designate the resolution.
    The Clerk. H. Res. 81, resolution calling on the President 
to support the creation of a special tribunal for the 
punishment of the crimes of aggression against Ukraine.
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading of 
the resolution is dispensed with. The resolution is considered 
as read and open to amendment at any point.
    Is there any discussion of the resolution?
    Mr. Keating is recognized.
    Mr. Keating. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment in the 
nature of a substitute at the desk.
    [The Amendment of Mr. Keating follows:]

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    Chairman McCaul. Yes, we are on discussion of the bill 
itself.
    Mr. Keating. You are ahead of me. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. We will proceed to amendment after that.
    Mr. Keating. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I want to thank Chairman McCaul and Ranking Member Meeks 
for holding this markup today and working with me to finalize 
the text of H. Res. 81, which I have included in the ANS I 
submitted.
    I would like to take a moment to discuss House Res. 81, 
along with House Res. 377 and House Res. 272, three bipartisan 
bills that I believe are crucial to both our domestic and 
international efforts to hold the Russian Government 
accountable for the human rights abuses they committed both 
home and abroad.
    I want to thank the chairman for including my resolution in 
today's markup, a resolution calling on the President to 
support the creation of a special tribunal to prosecute the 
crime of aggression against Ukraine. As chair, and now Ranking 
Member of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe, I 
have focused on seeking justice for those who have experienced 
atrocity crimes at the hands of the Russian military in 
Ukraine.
    As part of this effort, and to fully understand the 
situation on the ground, I held three subcommittee hearings 
last Congress on the subject, including a hearing with 
Prosecutor General Andriy Kostin. In addition, I met with 
Ukrainians from NGO's on the ground, the military, the 
Verkhovna Rada, the Ukrainian diaspora, and top Ukrainian 
officials. In that time I have heard the stories of horrific 
injustices committed by Russia in Ukraine, leaving me more 
determined than ever to do my part to support justice on behalf 
of Ukraine.
    In recognition of those in Ukraine who deserve justice, I 
introduced H. Res. 81, which I believe is essential for holding 
Russia accountable for its intentions on this illegal war.
    As Ambassador Marka--I always get--Markarova, I am sorry, 
has said herself, the prosecution of the crime of aggression 
represents the missing link in a string of inquiries which have 
been established to investigate Russian war crimes. In 
addition, this resolution is being brought up at a critical 
moment as the international allies' partners gather to discuss 
potential avenues for justice.
    In fact, in March the State Department issued a statement 
voicing their support for a special tribunal for the crime of 
aggression in Ukraine. And just last week, State Department 
officials traveled to Estonia to meet with a group of our 
allies to discuss particularities around the creation of such a 
tribunal.
    I want to thank the State Department for their efforts they 
have taken to support the war crimes investigation, as well as 
their continued efforts to find consensus, consensus around the 
special tribunal persecuting crimes of aggression.
    While I personally believe in an international special 
tribunal created through the majority vote of the United 
Nations General Assembly, and it brings forth legitimacy in 
that regard and the authority to a tribunal, I know the 
conversation surrounding the details is ongoing. So, as I said, 
I am proud that this committee is taking a step forward in 
voicing our support for this important mechanism.
    Again, I want to thank the chairman, and the ranking 
member, and the 25 other bipartisan members who cosponsored 
this resolution. And I strongly urge my colleagues for their 
support.
    In addition to this legislation, this committee is also 
considering H. Res. 377, which the chairman and ranking member, 
myself, and Chairman Kean have put forward; and H. Res. 272 
that Representatives Stevens and Walberg have submitted. These 
two bills call for the immediate release for two innocent 
Americans, Paul Whelan and Evan Gershkovich, who remain 
wrongfully detained in Russia.
    Unfortunately, I am all too familiar with Russia's methods 
to use hostage diplomacy to achieve their political objectives. 
Paul Whelan's sister Elizabeth, who lives in my district, is a 
powerful advocate for her brother, traveling to Washington 
numerous times, most recently to the United Nations to advocate 
for his release.
    Since Paul Whelan's detainment I have worked with her and 
the State Department to support the negotiations to bring Paul 
Home.
    At the same time, Evan Gershkovich is a talented journalist 
who shed light on the realities of Russian society. And 
represents the first American journalist to be detained on 
allegations of espionage in Russia since 1986 during the Soviet 
Union.
    Last week I organized a letter to be sent to Evan with 70 
of my colleagues in the House, voicing our support for Evan's 
freedom. His fight for justice, press freedom, and all his 
activities around the world should not result in this kind of 
treatment.
    Today I am proud to sponsor both resolutions. And I call on 
my colleagues to support the measures and show the 
congressional support for release of these two innocent 
Americans.
    I would like to say I thank Mr. Wilson also for his 
cosponsorship on the bill and his work together on this in a 
bipartisan fashion.
    And I want to make recognition of the fact that this might 
be the last markup for one of our colleagues, Mr. David 
Cicilline from Rhode Island, who has served this committee and 
this Congress so well during the 13 years he has served us. And 
we know his interest will contain many moments of being in 
touch with our committee in the future. We couldn't have 
stopped that if we wanted to. But his voice and his advocacy 
will be sorely missed.
    With that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Cicilline is recognized.
    Mr. Cicilline. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I thank Mr. 
Keating for his kind words. And thank you, Mr. Chairman, for 
bringing this bill for markup.
    Just a few weeks ago we heard from Ukrainian Prosecutor 
General Kostin about the horrors being carried out in his 
country by Russian forces, and the need for the international 
community to support Ukraine as it seeks accountability for 
these horrendous acts. That is why I am proud to support H. 
Res. 81 and its call for the creation of a special tribunal for 
the punishment of the crimes of aggression against Ukraine.
    Vladimir Putin's unprovoked and cruel invasion of Ukraine, 
in furtherance of his delusional plan for the rebirth of a 
Russian empire, has unleashed horrors on civilians reminiscent 
of the darkest days of World War II. Since February 2022, 
Ukraine has registered cases for nearly 80,000 war crimes.
    In cities across Ukraine Russia has launched air strikes 
and missile attacks on apartment buildings, medical facilities, 
schools, and train stations. Earlier this month a Russian air 
strike killed eight people at a supermarket in Kherson. In 
Bucha, journalists have meticulously documented the horrors 
carried out by Russian forces. Men, women, and children had 
their hands tied behind their backs and shot to death; elderly 
Ukrainians executed as they searched for food.
    When I traveled to the Polish-Ukraine border last year with 
many of those on this committee I saw firsthand the brutal 
consequences of Putin's illegal and unwarranted invasion of 
Ukraine. It was the worst humanitarian crisis I, and I think 
many of us, have ever seen.
    Putin's invasion of Ukraine and the thousands of war crimes 
that have been documented cannot go unpunished, not just for 
the sake of Ukraine but to show the other bad actors the 
resolve of the international community protecting democracy and 
fighting aggression.
    As we work to ensure that Ukrainians on the front lines 
have the tools and equipment they need, we must also support 
efforts for justice and accountability in the international 
system. Creating a special tribunal for the punishment of the 
crime of aggression is an important and much needed step in 
ensuring that accountability.
    I want to thank Mr. Keating for leading this important 
resolution and urge my colleagues to support it.
    And, finally, Mr. Chairman, I would like to express my 
support of House Resolution 377 and House Resolution 272, 
resolutions calling for the release of Evan Gershkovich and 
Paul Whelan, Americans wrongfully detained by Russia.
    At the end of last year we all welcomed Brittney Griner 
back home after she was released from Russian custody and 
reunited with her wife Cherelle, her friends, and her other 
loved ones. Unfortunately, although Mr. Griner's nightmare is 
over, there are still far too many American families to after 
years are still waiting to be reunited with their loved ones.
    Just a few weeks after Brittney Griner was released, we 
marked the 4-year anniversary of Paul Whelan's wrongful 
detention in Russia after he traveled to the country for a 
friend's wedding. And in March, shortly after that solemn 
anniversary, we got troubling news that Evan Gershkovich, a 
Wall Street Journal correspondent based on Moscow, was taken 
into Russian custody where he has been held since.
    Paul and Evan's cases are part of a troubling trend where 
bad actors around the world, particularly Russia and Iran, have 
wrongfully detained Americans and used them as bargaining 
chips. Often without any evidence of wrongdoing, Americans are 
sentenced to lengthy prison sentences in Russian labor camps 
where they face deplorable conditions and limited access to 
legal counsel.
    Last month, the Biden Administration announced the first 
ever sanctions against actors for engaging in the wrongful 
detention of Americans, another important tool to ensure we are 
keeping up the pressure on individuals helping to facilitate 
the wrongful detention of Americans abroad.
    I share the Biden Administration's commitment to bring 
these Americans home as quickly as possible, and ensuring that 
we are always pursuing new ways to bring them home until 
successful. We cannot rest until Paul, Evan, and all Americans 
wrongfully held are brought or returned home.
    I urge my colleagues to support these two resolutions as 
well. And I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back.
    I also want to thank you for your longstanding Service to 
this committee. It has been a real honor to work with you. You 
will be missed. But I certainly expect an invite to your going 
away party.
    So, and with that, any further discussion?
    Mr. Wilson is recognized.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
    And I want to join in, too, with the former chairman of the 
Middle East Subcommittee and, most briefly, ranking member of 
the Middle East Subcommittee before he determined that he was 
going to earn a living. And so, we want to wish Congressman 
Cicilline the best.
    Creation of a special tribunal is critically important to 
holding accountable war criminal Putin and his cronies who have 
committed grievous human rights violations and crimes of 
aggression in Ukraine. When I visited Bucha, Ukraine, this 
month, I learned firsthand from survivors of Russians murdering 
civilians without cause or notice.
    A grandmother was explaining to us that as she was in the 
car the Russians approached the car and shot dead her 16-year-
old grandson with no notice at all, no warning.
    Additionally, a lady was explaining that their home was 
being looted by the Russian soldiers. And when they objected, 
the Russians killed, the Putin forces killed her husband right 
there as an indication of their depravity.
    And we have learned that men, women, and children were 
buried there at Bucha at the beautiful, sadly, in the shadow of 
a beautiful orthodox church. And they were buried in shallow 
graves to conceal the depravity of the Putin military.
    The United Nations defines a crime of aggression as ``the 
planning, preparation, initiation or execution, by a person in 
a position effectively to exercise control over or to direct 
the political or military action of a State, or an act of 
aggression which, by its character, gravity and scale, 
constitutes a manifest violation of the Charter of the United 
Nations.''
    Nuremberg Prosecutor Ben Ferencz, who I was grateful to 
work with Congresswoman Lois Frankel to achieve the 
congressional Gold Medal, explained that crimes of aggression 
depended by saying, ``the illegal use of armed force is a crime 
against humanity.''
    Putin's war has done just that. And these aggressors must 
be held accountable.
    I had the opportunity just 2 weeks ago to visit the 
Courtroom 600 at the Nuremberg Courthouse in Germany where the 
Nazi leadership were on trial. They were convicted and 
executed. The precedent was established and agreed to by the 
Soviet participants of the trial that persons can be tried in 
absentia.
    One day I believe that war criminal Putin and his 
accomplices will be brought to justice. They will be tried at a 
reconstructed courthouse in Mariupol liberated Ukraine for 
justice to be made.
    I have been honored to serve as the co-lead on the 
legislation to support the freedom of the Ukrainian people. 
Every day they prove how rule of law, democracies will prevail 
over a rule of gun authoritarians. The people of Ukraine have 
encouraged and inspired Republicans and Democrats from Texas 
and South Carolina, even to Rhode Island and Massachusetts, to 
support the territorial independence of Ukraine.
    I urge all of our colleagues to support this important 
legislation. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Mr. Meeks is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I also support this measure. And want to thank my colleague 
and Ranking Member Keating for the introduction of this 
resolution.
    As the chairman of the subcommittee last Congress, and 
since the beginning of Russia's horrific and criminal 
escalation in February 2022, Mr. Keating has led multiple 
legislative efforts seeking justice for Ukraine. By voting on 
this resolution today, the committee is able to, in a 
bipartisan fashion, demonstrate its support for that justice.
    And as the war grinds on and evolves, so must our support 
for the Ukrainian people. I stand with the people of Ukraine in 
their existential fight for freedom. And I will continue to 
work with colleagues on this committee to help them win the 
war.
    It is in that spirit, and building off of our recent 
committee hearing on Russian war crimes, this resolution calls 
for the establishment of a special tribunal. The resolution 
also, importantly, continues to encourage the Administration to 
increase its support for justice.
    And I, again, thank Chairman McCaul for working with us to 
bring this resolution to a vote in Congress, and for his 
efforts to foster support for Ukraine in Congress and with all 
the colleagues.
    And I also just want to give a quick shout to Mr. David 
Cicilline, who over my objections has decided to make a living. 
I do not know why he decided that. But we will respect that. 
And but he will be missed.
    He is an individual who I have learned to trust, to consult 
in, and to admire his, always, his advice and friendship. And 
that will be, the friendship will continue because you may be 
in Maine. You can run but you cannot hide. I will find you. 
Rhode Island rather. Rhode Island, that is right. I do not want 
to get him in trouble.
    But he might be anywhere now. You know, he can do anything 
he wants. He's a free man.
    But I just want to thank you for your Service to the U.S. 
House of Representatives and our country.
    With that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields.
    Any further discussion?
    Let me say I support this resolution. We heard from the 
prosecutor general from Ukraine about the horrific atrocities. 
I had a chance to visit with him in Bucha to see the mass grave 
sites, children being shot in the back of the head, 5-year-olds 
raped to death by the Wagner Group, occupying territories, 
taking children out of their homes, reindoctrinating them in 
Russia away from their families, the maternity hospital being 
bombed, civilians bombed. Violates every Geneva Convention 
accord. And I think a special tribunal is appropriate.
    So, with that, no further discussion of the resolution, 
committee will move to consideration of amendments.
    Does any member wish to offer an amendment?
    Mr. Keating. Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. Mr. Keating is recognized.
    Mr. Keating. I will get the timing good this time.
    I have an amendment in the nature of a substitute at the 
desk.
    Chairman McCaul. The clerk shall distribute the amendment.
    The clerk shall report the amendment.
    The Clerk. Amendment in the nature of a substitute to H. 
Res. 81 offered by Mr. Keating of Massachusetts.
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, further reading is 
dispensed with.
    The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes on his amendment.
    Mr. Keating. Mr. Chairman, having spoken about this before 
in the long markup that this is, I will yield back my time.
    Chairman McCaul. Fantastic.
    The gentleman yields back.
    I support your amendment even though we didn't hear much, 
but I do support it.
    Mr. Keating. Maybe this is a trend we will continue.
    Chairman McCaul. I think with certain people, yes. No, I 
will not get into that.
    Do any other members seek recognition?
    There being no further discussion on the amendment, do any 
members wish to offer any amendments to the amendment in the 
nature of a substitute?
    There being no further discussion on the amendments, the 
question now occurs on the amendment in the nature of a 
substitute offered by Mr. Keating.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it and the 
amendment is agreed to.
    I now move that the committee report H. Res. 81, as 
amended, to the House with a favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. The motion 
is agreed to.
    Without objection, the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table. The staff is authorized to make any technical and 
conforming changes.
    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H. Res. 377, calling for 
the immediate release of Evan Gershkovich, a United States 
citizen and journalist, who was wrongfully detained by the 
Government of the Russian Federation on March 2023.
    The resolution was circulated in advance.
    [H. Res. 377 follows]

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    And the clerk shall designate the resolution.
    The Clerk. H. Res. 377, resolution calling for the 
immediate release of Evan Gershkovich, a United States citizen 
and journalist, who was wrongfully detained by the Government 
of the Russian Federation in March 2023.
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading of 
the resolution is dispensed with. The resolution is considered 
as read and open to amendment at any point. I will now 
recognize myself for an opening statement.
    Evan Gershkovich is an American citizen and a well 
respected Wall Street Journal reporter. He is the son of two 
Soviet-born Jewish exiles who fled Russia to avoid persecution, 
and he is a loving little brother. What he is not is a 
criminal.
    Yet on March 29, he was arrested by the corrupt Putin 
regime and charged with espionage. No evidence has been 
presented to back up this accusation because there is no 
evidence. Evan is innocent.
    He was simply doing his job, reporting on the news in 
Russia. But we know the war criminal Putin does not like that. 
He does not want his own people to know about the atrocities he 
is committing in Ukraine.
    He does not want them to know about the corruption within 
his own government or how he has turned their country into an 
international pariah. Vladimir Putin knows that a free press is 
a pillar of democracy, that a strong force of State will hold 
officials accountable. So he arrested Evan with the intention 
of not only silencing him but of scaring other journalists who 
remain silent too.
    I want to assure Evan's friends, his coworkers, and his 
family that we will continue our fight every day until we bring 
him home to you. Many of them are watching online today to show 
their support for Evan including his mother Ella, his father 
Mikhail, his sister Danielle, and his brother-in-law Anthony. 
As a father of five children, I cannot begin to imagine the 
pain and suffering Evan's family is feeling right now.
    I had the honor, opportunity to meet Evan's mother Ella 
recently. Like any mother, she was worried for her son's long-
term situation. But she was also determined to do anything she 
could to bring him home.
    And she thanked me for the efforts this committee and 
others on Capitol Hill were doing to help her son. 
Unfortunately, Evan's family is not the only one suffering 
through this horrific ordeal. Paul Whelan has been illegally 
detained by Putin since 2018. Like Evan, Paul is completely 
innocent of the charges against him.
    And like Evan, Paul deserves to be home with his family 
instead of in a Russian prison. The nightmare for Evan, Paul, 
and their families must end. This committee and all Americans 
stand with Evan.
    And that is why I am proud to markup this bipartisan 
resolution today that condemns the Putin regime for its illegal 
imprisonment of Evan and Paul. And it calls on the Biden 
Administration to prioritize bringing home all American 
citizens who are wrongfully detained overseas. I hope this 
bipartisan resolution sends a strong message to Vladimir Putin 
that America, Republicans and Democrats alike, will not 
tolerate his corrupt regime holding U.S. citizens hostage under 
false pretenses.
    And I hope it sends a message to every American citizen who 
is wrongly detained overseas that this Congress will not rest 
until you are all brought home. Evan Gershkovich is an American 
citizen and a respected Wall Street Journal reporter. I have 
had the chance to meet with his colleagues as well.
    I cannot imagine the pain and suffering knowing that their 
friend, their son is sitting in a Russian prison. By passing 
this resolution, we send a strong message to Vladimir Putin to 
free Evan and to free Paul Whelan once and for all. Is there 
any further discussion of the resolution? The ranking member, 
Mr. Meeks, is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I strongly support this 
measure and thank you for working with me and introduce this in 
a bipartisan fashion. Evan Gershkovich is a journalist working 
in one of the most difficult media environments in the world.
    He has dedicated his life to truth. His reporting has shed 
light on Russia's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, the 
struggling Russian economy, and its horrific and criminal war 
against the people of Ukraine. With his detention, Russia has 
stooped to a new low, a low unfortunately we have seen happen 
previously.
    Detaining an American journalist for the first time since 
the cold war on baseless charges to gain political leverage and 
further silence the brave members of the independent press who 
are undeterred by Russia's threats and aggression. Sadly, 
resolutions like these are becoming a regular exercise. The 
Kremlin has wrongfully detained at least one American in four 
out of the last 5 years.
    But for as long as necessary, we must State unequivocally 
that we stand with Even, that we stand with Paul Whelan, and we 
stand with their families suffering tremendous emotional and 
financial strain as a result. So I support this resolution and 
how we can continue to work in a bipartisan fashion and with 
the executive branch on this and other critical legislation, 
including the family support legislation that is moving through 
the Senate as we speak to better support Americans like Even 
and Paul and their families. And with that, I yield back the 
balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields back. Any further 
discussion of the resolution? Mr. Wilson is recognized.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. War criminal 
Putin has corrupted the Russian court system to pervert justice 
and fabricate criminal charges against American Wall Street 
reporter, Evan Gershkovich, and hold him hostage as another 
victim of the criminal war of mass murder in Ukraine.
    The United States cannot tolerate the illegal detention of 
American citizens abroad. It is particularly egregious when the 
illegal detention is combined with the degradation of truth and 
rights to a free press. I have been grateful in a bipartisan 
statement with my Helsinki Commission colleagues, Republicans 
and Democrats, to State, quote, ``Putin has developed an 
architecture of internal oppression and external aggression 
that has created nothing but moral decay,'' end of quote.
    It is said that Evan clearly loved the Russian people and 
has worked for their free and prosperous existence. At the same 
time too, I have had wonderful visits to Russia, and I share 
the inspiration of the Russian people where I hoped that they 
would be living in freedom and democracy. But sadly, there is 
the exploitation by Putin for his own personal gain of oil, 
money, power. As chairman of the Helsinki Commission, I 
continue to advocate for the release of all wrongfully detained 
persons by Putin, including U.S. permanent resident and 
democracy activist Vladimir Kara-Murza and U.S. veteran Paul 
Whelan. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. Gentleman yields. Any further discussion 
on the resolution? Ms. Kamlager-Dove is recognized.
    Ms. Kamlager-Dove. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I also want to 
express my support for the two resolutions, H.R. 377 and H.R. 
272, calling for the release of wrongfully detained American 
citizens Evan Gershkovich and Paul Whelan. As the loved ones of 
wrongfully detained Americans know too well, those imprisoned 
abroad are entirely dependent on the people that they leave 
behind.
    Their community, their families and friends, their elected 
representatives, to be their advocates and their voice. As 
Members of Congress, it is our job to shine a light on their 
unjust incarceration and continue to push for their freedom. I 
commend my colleagues as tireless advocacy on Paul and Evan's 
behalf, and I stand with them in calling for their immediate 
release.
    In that spirit, I also want to draw attention to the plight 
of my own constituent, Eyvin Hernandez, Los Angeles County 
public defender who was wrongfully detained in Venezuela last 
March while on vacation near the Colombia-Venezuela border. 
Eyvin has been prison for over a year stuck in a makeshift 
basement detention facility where he rarely gets to see the 
sun. The Maduro regime sees him as a pawn, but Eyvin is a son, 
brother, uncle, lawyer, and public servant who has dedicated 
his life's work to advocating for the under served.
    Every day that he is detained is precious time lost with 
his family and community who ache to have him back. But I have 
not forgotten Eyvin and Congress has not forgotten Eyvin or 
Paul or Evan. And we will do everything in our power to bring 
all of them home and end this living nightmare once and for 
all.
    I urge the State Department to secure the speedy release of 
Eyvin, Paul, Evan and all other wrongfully detained Americans. 
They are counting on us to bring them home. Thank you and I 
yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. Gentlelady yields back. Any further 
discussion of the resolution?
    There being no further discussion, committee will move to 
consideration of amendments. Does any member wish to offer an 
amendment?
    There being no amendments, I now move that the committee 
report H. Res. 377 to the House with a favorable 
recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. The motion 
is agreed to.
    Without objection, the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table. Staff is authorized to make any technical and conforming 
changes.
    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H. RES. 272, calling on 
the government of the Russia Federation to immediately release 
United States citizen Paul Whelan. The resolution was 
circulated in advance and the clerk shall designate the 
resolution.
    [The Bill H. Res. 272 follows:]

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    The Clerk. H. RES. 272, resolution calling on the 
government of the Russian Federation to immediately release 
United States citizen Paul Whelan----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, first reading of the 
resolution is dispensed with. Resolution is considered as read 
and open to amendments at any point. I know recognize myself 
for a brief opening statement.
    Paul Whelan was arrested and charged with espionage on 
December 2018 in Moscow, was held for 19 months in pre-trial 
detention. He is a U.S. citizen and a former Marine. Prior to 
his detainment, Paul was living in Novi, Michigan. On June 15, 
2020, Whelan was convicted and sentenced to 16 years in a 
Russian labor camp.
    No real evidence of Paul's guilt was ever provided. Defense 
witnesses were excluded, and he was denied a fair trial. It 
took the chief judge 1 minute and 20 seconds to reach his 
verdict. He remains behind bars in Russia to this day for a 
crime he did not commit.
    Mr. Whelan has been designated as wrongfully detained by 
the U.S. State Department since the designation was established 
by law in 2020. Russia has also failed to provide regular 
access to Paul's lawyer. Paul has not received medical care 
while in custody.
    Russia's hostage diplomacy must not be tolerated. We must 
do everything we can to bring Paul home. We will not forget 
Paul or any other American wrongfully detained in Russia. And 
Mr. Putin must stop using innocent Americans as diplomatic 
pawns and release them immediately. Is there any further 
discussion of the resolution? The ranking member, Mr. Meeks, is 
recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I support this measure 
and regret this is now the third Congress in a row doing which 
we markup and move it to the floor for consideration. Russian 
authorities wrongful detained Paul Whelan, an American Marine 
veteran, 1,600 days ago on baseless charges.
    For more than 4 years, Paul has endured persecution, denial 
of his lawful rights, and the withholding of medical treatment 
while the Kremlin seeks to use him as a pawn for political 
gain. For the third time, we are marking up this resolution, 
calling for his release and expressing solidarity with Paul and 
other Americans wrongfully detained abroad. Like Evan 
Gershkovich whose resolution we just marked up today, and 
Paul's only crime is being an American.
    And his government must do everything, everything it can to 
secure his freedom. We must continue to demand that the Russian 
government forego this horrific practice of using the lives and 
freedoms of American citizens as political bargaining chips. We 
must continue to raise their cases at every available 
opportunity, and we must continue to support them and their 
families until they are finally reunited.
    So in closing, I strongly support this resolution and 
reState my hope, my prayers and desires that we can work 
together to pass additional legislation to help wrongful 
detainees and their families. But most importantly get Paul and 
Evan other detainees home. I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion of the resolution? Mr. Keating is recognized.
    Mr. Keating. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Chairman McCaul. I am sorry.
    Mr. Keating. No, no, no. Go ahead.
    Chairman McCaul. Mr. Wilson.
    Mr. Keating. Go in order, yes.
    Chairman McCaul. Yes.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Paul Whelan is yet 
another innocent American citizen being held hostage as the 
victim of war criminal Putin's weaponization of the courts to 
subvert justice which also abuses the people of Russia itself. 
Paul Whelan is a veteran who has been held since 2018.
    The State Department has even declared him wrongfully 
detained by the Putin regime. The Biden Administration must do 
more to free Paul Whelan. It is inexcusable for Americans to be 
detained abroad without cause.
    Today marks the 1,600 day of the wrongful imprisonment by 
war criminal Putin. It is long overdue that we bring him home. 
No American deserves to be wrongfully imprisoned abroad as has 
been perpetrated against Vladimir Kara-Murza and journalist 
Evan Gershkovich. This bipartisan resolution confirms 
Republicans and Democrats are united for a free democratic and 
prosperous Russia. I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion of the resolution? Mr. Keating is recognized.
    Mr. Keating. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Vladimir Putin has 
stolen over 4 years of Paul Whelan's life. And he is done so 
just to use him as a human pawn for his own vile purposes.
    This is all part of Putin's folly of how he can combat 
freedom and democracy in the world. He does not understand that 
in a free world that people should have freedom of movement, 
whether it is going to someone's wedding or whether it is just 
walking down the street and being the wrong person at the wrong 
time. Or the freedom to legally pursue a vocation like 
reporting the news.
    He does not understand that in terms of freedom, that is 
something that cannot be contained. You cannot put ideas and 
values and contain them within cells. You cannot put them 
behind bars and pretend they do not exist.
    Putin will ultimately fail in this process. In the 
meantime, it is important for us here in a land, in a country 
that appreciates, cherishes, and defends democracy and freedom 
that we speak up for Paul Whelan and for all those that are 
illegally detained by Putin's criminal and abhorrent behavior. 
I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion of the resolution?
    There being no further discussion of the resolution, the 
committee will move to consideration of amendments. Does any 
member wish to offer an amendment?
    There being no amendment, I now move the committee to 
report H. RES. 272 to the House with a favorable 
recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it and the 
motion is agreed to.
    Without objection, the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table. Staff is authorized to make any technical and confirming 
changes.
    Pursuant to notice, I now call up H.R. 1176, the Taiwan 
International Solidarity Act. The bill was circulated in 
advance. The clerk shall designate the bill.
    [The Bill H.R. 1176 follows:]

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    The Clerk. H.R. 1176, a bill to amend the Taiwan Allies 
International Protection and Enhancement Initiative Act of 
2019----
    Chairman McCaul. Without objection, the first reading of 
the bill is dispensed with. The bill is considered as read and 
open to amendment at any point. Is there any discussion of the 
bill?
    Mr. Connolly is recognized. And let me say, Mr. Connolly, I 
know you weren't here at the beginning. But we extended our 
sincere sympathy to your staff for such a useless act of 
violence that should not be tolerated.
    Mr. Connolly. I want to thank you and the ranking member 
for your consideration. It is obviously a shocking event and 
traumatic for a staff. And we are recovering.
    And I think I have been so impressed with the outpouring on 
both sides of the aisle including a conversation both with Mr. 
Hakeem Jeffries and Kevin McCarthy. And I really appreciate 
that, and I know my staff does as well. It is a risk we take, 
but it is a risk we shouldn't have to take.
    And certainly our staff, shouldn't have to be experienced. 
So I very much appreciate the sentiments and I had it reported 
to me. Thank you.
    Mr. Chairman, I am going to be real brief on this. This is 
an opportunity to make sure that Taiwan has an opportunity to 
participate in and contribute to international organizations, 
especially specialized international organizations like the 
WHO. Taiwan has developed expertise in so many fronts, and the 
world can benefit from that.
    And it makes no sense to impede it. The People's Republic 
of China has used as a pretext the normalization of relations 
and the recognition of PRC as the legitimate government of all 
of China to block Taiwan. And I think that is contravention of 
the intent of Congress with respect to the Taiwan Relations 
Act.
    So this bill is designed to correct that situation. I 
appreciate the fact that it is bipartisan and hope we can 
quickly come out of this markup in that bipartisan spirit and 
help Taiwan make its legitimate contribution without the 
impediment of the People's Republic of China. That is what this 
legislation is designed to do, and I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. I strongly support 
this resolution--this bill, I should say. Twenty-three million 
people in Taiwan do not have a voice in international 
organizations.
    As the gentleman pointed out, the Chinese Communist Party 
blocked Taiwan's participation in the United Nations, WHO, and 
other international organizations for decades. This hurts all 
of us as we saw with their aid during COVID. Taiwan has a lot 
to contribute to the global issues. This legislation amends the 
2019 TAIPEI Act to clarify that U.N. Resolution 2758 does not 
address the issue of Taiwan's participation in the U.N. and 
related organizations.
    U.N. Resolution 2758 merely States that the People's 
Republic of China, not the Republic of China, will sit in the 
China seat at the United Nations. It says nothing about 
membership for Taiwan or representations of its people. We do 
not stand for CCP propaganda that falsely claims that this 
resolution bans Taiwan from having a voice at the United 
Nations.
    Legislation also instructs the U.S. Government to use the 
voice, the vote, and the influence of the United States to 
resist CCP propaganda at international organizations and to 
promote Taiwan's participation. I just came back recently from 
a trip to Taiwan to President Tsai. Saw the enormous stress 
that island is under from aggression from its neighbor to the 
north in Communist China.
    And we saw an act of bravado with an armada surrounding the 
island and fighter jets. And I know Mr. Meeks had a similar 
experience with a former speaker Pelosi. But we will not let 
that intimidate us.
    We will stand with Taiwan. With that, is there any further 
consideration? Mr. Wilson is recognized.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And indeed, it is so 
refreshing to see Republicans and Democrats working together. 
What an honor to be associated with the former president of 
NATO Parliamentary Assembly, Gerry Connolly, and working 
together to promote the freedom and independence of Taiwan.
    And I was born with a real appreciation of the people of 
China, the people of Taiwan. My father served in the Flying 
Tigers during World War II. He served in Kunming, Chengdu, 
Ceylon. And as I was growing up, he told me how hardworking the 
people of China are, how capable, and how inspiring the people 
of China are and his affection for the people of China. And so 
that extended, of course, to mainland and to Taiwan and then 
with the visits that I have had to Beijing, to Shanghai, to 
Hong Kong, to visits last year. I had the opportunity to visit 
in Taipei.
    It is inspiring to see the development of the country but 
being held back by the Chinese Communist Party. And just again 
this resolution is one in favor of freedom of independent of 
Taiwan, 23 million people who deserve to have their 
independence. With that, I yield back.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
consideration? Mr. Meeks, ranking member is recognized.
    Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I just want to 
reiterate to Mr. Connolly also. We did say something at the 
beginning of this markup.
    But I cannot help but feel your spirit, Mr. Connolly as I 
look into your eyes all day. And the hurt in your heart about 
what took place of staff members who were just dedicating their 
lives to help. They are just in the office to help other 
constituents, to help people.
    That is what they are there for. And to have someone to 
come in there to commit such a violent act is just 
incomprehensible. And I admire you still being here today 
despite it all to deal with this important amendment. Our 
hearts and our prayers are with you and your staff members.
    I support this measure, and I want to thank Representative 
Connolly for his leadership in introducing this critical piece 
of bipartisan legislation which strengthens the foundation of 
the TAIPEI Act of 2019. Taiwan, a vibrant democracy and a 
valuable friend to the United States, has proven itself to be a 
responsible stakeholder on many accounts. The island has long 
been a force multiplier for good, leveraging its expertise and 
leadership to advance cooperation and sole global challenges 
and contribute to regional stability.
    Unfortunately, the PRC has tried to limit and constrain 
Taiwan's meaningful engagement in the international space 
through coercive measures and disinformation. This bipartisan 
measure will not only counter the PRC's attempt to block 
Taiwan's international participation but bolster ongoing 
efforts to further strengthen our ties with Taiwan and 
encourage other nations around the world to do the same. 
Taiwan's inclusion in the global community not only benefits 
Taiwan's people but at a time of unprecedented global 
challenges advances our shared interest and promotes stability 
and prosperity in the region.
    But voting affirmatively on this legislation today, 
Congress sends an important message that we remain committed to 
enhancing Taiwan's meaningful participation in the global 
community and support its diplomatic overtures. And again, I 
thank Representative Connolly for leading on these efforts. And 
I yield back the balance of my time.
    Chairman McCaul. The gentleman yields. Any further 
discussion on the bill or resolution?
    There being no further discussion, does any member wish to 
offer an amendment?
    There being no amendments, I now move that the committee 
report H.R. 1176 to the House with a favorable recommendation.
    All those in favor, signify by saying aye.
    All those opposed, signify by saying no.
    In the opinion of the chair, the ayes have it. The motion 
is agreed to.
    Without objection, the motion to reconsider is laid on the 
table. Staff is authorized to make any technical and conforming 
changes. We have one vote rolled. So the committee will recess 
for approximately 15 minutes and reconvene to take the one 
vote.
    [Recess.]
    Chairman McCaul. The committee will come to order. Per 
agreement with the chair and ranking member, I ask unanimous 
consent to vacate the recorded vote on reporting H.R. 3203 as 
amended to the House, with a favorable recommendation on which 
the ayes prevailed by voice vote. Without objection, so 
ordered.
    This concludes consideration of the measures noticed by the 
committee for today. And I want to thank all the members for 
participating. There being no further business to transact, the 
committee now stands adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 4:25 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

                                APPENDIX

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        STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY

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           ADDITIONAL MATERIALS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
             
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                            MARK UP SUMMARY

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