[Pages S4580-S4581]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                  Iran

  Mr. President, this Friday, Iran will hold its 13th Presidential 
election, but unlike Presidential elections in the United States or in 
any other legitimate democracy, this process in Iran is more about 
providing the appearance of a democracy than an actual democratic 
process.
  In America, elections are conduits for change. If the American people 
don't like their elected officials or the direction of their 
government, they can change it. In Iran, elections are a sham. The 
candidates are hand selected, the result predetermined, and the 
opportunity for change nonexistent.
  The process for electing the President of Iran is just a few steps 
shy of the fabricated elections in places like Iraq under Saddam 
Hussein. In 2002, Saddam won reelection by 11 million votes--11 million 
to 0--and there was reported to be 100 percent turnout. In fact, there 
weren't any other candidates running. In fact, the question on the 
ballot asked if Saddam should remain in office, check yes or no.
  It reminds me of the story I heard about that time of a reporter 
traveling with a driver whom he had hired to drive him around Iraq to 
report on conditions there. The reporter asked--when he learned that 
there was 100-percent turnout and Saddam Hussein won by 100 percent of 
the votes, he said to this driver: Well, you have been with me; how did 
you vote? And he said: Saddam must have known what was in my heart.
  That, to me, is maybe apocryphal, but a demonstration how even the 
dictators like Saddam Hussein, even the Ayatollah in Iran, still want 
to give the appearance of democracy, even though they deny it to their 
very own people.
  In Iran, the situation isn't much different than the election under 
Saddam Hussein. It is just a larger effort to create the appearance of 
choices.
  While the Iranian people may vote for the eventual winner, there is a 
highly controlled process that selects the pool of candidates, and the 
puppeteer behind the curtain is the Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei.
  Unlike a true democracy, the candidates for President of Iran are not 
selected by the Iranian people. They are selected behind closed doors 
by a powerful group called the Guardian Council. This group, itself, is 
comprised of 12 people. Half are selected by the Supreme Leader and the 
other half are selected by the Parliament.
  But Parliament can't select just anyone for this position. These six 
jurists are chosen from the options presented to the Parliament by the 
Chief Justice, and the Chief Justice--you might have guessed--is 
appointed by the Supreme Leader.
  This contrived election is not the result of a fair and democratic 
process. So the candidates hardly represent the will of the Iranian 
people. Of the 592 registered candidates, only 7 were approved by the 
Guardian Council--5 conservatives and 2 so-called reformists.
  The Guardian Council, in fact, prevented most reformists or moderate 
candidates from even participating in the race, and the candidate pool 
was carefully whittled down to a point that the outcome is virtually a 
known certainty.
  All signs point to the eventual winner being Ebrahim Raisi, the 
favorite of the Supreme Leader and the Iranian Revolutionary Guard 
Corps. It is easy to see why Mr. Raisi is the chosen front man for the 
corrupt leaders of a brutal regime, because his resume is nothing less 
than a long list of atrocities. Mr. Raisi's first step to power came 
after the 1979 Revolution.
  Throughout the 1980s, he gained more power and influence and the 
trust of the Ayatollah. In 1988, he was chosen to be one of the four 
members of the so-called ``death commission'' charged with carrying out 
executions of Iranians' political prisoners. Mr. Raisi played a central 
role in these executions, which took place over the course of 5 months.
  It is difficult for us to be sure how many political prisoners were 
killed, but it is widely known to be in the thousands. Some believe the 
death toll could be as high as 30,000 from these death commissions.
  Mr. Raisi's reign of terror did not stop there. He continued to serve 
in high-ranking positions throughout the government and inflict 
violence on dissidents. He currently serves as the Judiciary Chief, 
where he continues to direct the execution of protesters and ethnic 
minority groups. Once again, this mass murderer is expected to be the 
next President of Iran.
  This election comes at a very precarious time for the regime. Iran 
has experienced major uprisings since the last election in 2017. 
Popular slogans included: ``Death to the dictator'' and ``Our enemy is 
right here; they lie when they say it is America.''
  Iranian citizens place the responsibility for the economic crisis 
that the country is currently experiencing on the regime that controls 
the country. The vast majority of Iranians live below the poverty line, 
and the government's pathetic mishandling of COVID-19 has made already 
harsh circumstances even more unbearable.
  The Iranian people know this election is a sham. Candidates approved 
by the Supreme Leader offer no window for the freedoms and change that 
they desperately want and desperately need.
  The Iranian resistance has called for an all-out boycott of the 
elections, and turnout is expected to be the lowest since the 1979 
Islamic Revolution.
  For the United States and our allies, this changing of the guard 
cannot be just a blip on the radar, because Iran continues to commit 
human rights abuses and back terrorist organizations and authoritarian 
figures, including dictators around the world.
  Currently, two Iranian warships are making their way across the 
Atlantic, and we have reason to believe that these ships are carrying 
missile-equipped fast-attack boats and other military equipment to 
Venezuela.

[[Page S4581]]

  Whether this is a test or a threat or an effort to seek some kind of 
leverage remains to be seen, but what is abundantly clear is that Iran 
has no intention of taking its foot off the gas.
  Over the past 2 months, U.S. military assets in Iraq have been 
attacked by drones laden with explosives, and all signs point to the 
responsibility being on Iranian-backed militias. Just last month, the 
world watched in horror as the conflict between Israel and Palestine 
gave way to more violence and destruction than we have seen in years. 
This was a proxy war waged by Iran against the Jewish State. Hamas--
that proxy--receives significant financial support from Iran, which is 
the No. 1 state sponsor of terrorism in the world.
  Now take these actions over the past few months, and add that to what 
we have seen over the last several years. Iran has arrested and 
continues to detain American citizens. It engages in gross human rights 
abuses. It backs terrorists around the world. We have also watched as 
Iran has blatantly ignored the restrictions on the Joint Comprehensive 
Plan of Action, the so-called JCPOA, which is designed to prevent Iran 
from enriching uranium and building a nuclear weapon.
  During the time that it violated the terms of the JCPOA, Iran was led 
by President Hassan Rouhani, broadly considered to be a moderate when 
compared to his expected successor. Following this election, Iran's 
already extreme President will be replaced by an even more punishing 
leader. The United States cannot simply stand by and enable Iran to 
continue down its current path.
  In recent years, Iran has felt significant pressure from the United 
States and our allies. The Trump administration withdrew from the Iran 
nuclear deal and placed sanctions on hundreds of businesses and 
individuals who helped finance Iran's illicit activities, and there is 
no question that Iran stood the most to lose from the historic Abraham 
peace accords that were brokered this last year. This took a number of 
Arab countries that were nominally adversaries, and they joined 
together to declare their willingness to let Israel live in peace and 
to recognize it as a legitimate state.
  The Biden administration has already loosened the pressure valve on 
Iran. President Biden has made it clear his intent to revive the 
Iranian nuclear deal no matter what the cost. At the same time, the 
administration has rolled back sanctions that would have provided the 
U.S. maximum leverage to bring Iran to the negotiating table.
  By simply signaling his intent, the Biden administration has already 
emboldened and encouraged Iran's malign activities. Iran did not play 
by the rules of the JCPOA the first time around, so there is absolutely 
no reason to believe that this will change when a radical mass murderer 
assumes the Presidency.
  Over the last few days, the leaders of the G7 have reaffirmed the 
need to stop Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. I agree that this 
is one of the most critical responsibilities of our time, but a flawed 
agreement that relieves pressure on Iran, without concessions, with 
regard to its nuclear weapon aspiration will only continue to embolden 
the regime. Iran's belligerence cannot be rewarded with sanctions 
relief, and the administration should not continue to squander our 
leverage.
  The Biden administration needs to resume the maximum pressure 
campaign on Iran, and I would encourage the President to work closely 
with us in Congress to identify an approach that is effective, 
comprehensive, and built on bipartisan foundations. We have to stop 
Iran from ever achieving a nuclear weapons capability.
  I asked the Director of National Intelligence, Avril Haines, during 
her confirmation hearing: Should the United States prevent Iran from 
getting a nuclear weapon? She said: Yes. She didn't hesitate.
  I asked Ambassador Burns, the new CIA Director, the same question: 
Should we let Iran get a nuclear weapon? He said ``no'' without 
hesitation.
  I find that encouraging from these two new members of President 
Biden's Cabinet, but we need to work together, as Republicans and 
Democrats, as Members of Congress, with the administration to ensure 
that our efforts to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons can last 
beyond the term of a single President or Congress.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered