[House Hearing, 117 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]



 
      DEMOCRATIC VALUES IN THE INDO-PACIFIC IN AN ERA OF STRATEGIC 
                              COMPETITION

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

 SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIA, THE PACIFIC, CENTRAL ASIA, AND NONPROLIFERATION

                                 OF THE

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                        HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION

                               __________

                              JUNE 9, 2021

                               __________

                           Serial No. 117-45

                               __________

        Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
        
        
        
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]        
        
        


       Available:  http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://
                            docs.house.gov, 
                       or http://www.govinfo.gov
                       
                       
                       
                       
                           ______
 
              U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 
 44-807 PDF           WASHINGTON : 2022                        
                       
                       
                       
                       
                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

                  GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York, Chairman

BRAD SHERMAN, California             MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Ranking 
ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey                  Member
GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia         CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida          STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
KAREN BASS, California               SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania
WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts       DARRELL ISSA, California
DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island        ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
AMI BERA, California                 LEE ZELDIN, New York
JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas                ANN WAGNER, Missouri
DINA TITUS, Nevada                   BRIAN MAST, Florida
TED LIEU, California                 BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania             KEN BUCK, Colorado
DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota             TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee
ILHAN OMAR, Minnesota                MARK GREEN, Tennessee
COLIN ALLRED, Texas                  ANDY BARR, Kentucky
ANDY LEVIN, Michigan                 GREG STEUBE, Florida
ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia         DAN MEUSER, Pennsylvania
CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania       AUGUST PFLUGER, Texas
TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey           PETER MEIJER, Michigan
ANDY KIM, New Jersey                 NICOLE MALLIOTAKIS, New York
SARA JACOBS, California              RONNY JACKSON, Texas
KATHY MANNING, North Carolina        YOUNG KIM, California
JIM COSTA, California                MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida
JUAN VARGAS, California              JOE WILSON, South Carolina
VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas              RON WRIGHT, Texas
BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois

                
                                     

                    Sophia Lafargue, Staff Director

               Brendan Shields, Republican Staff Director
                                 ------                                

 Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, Central Asia, and Nonproliferation

                    AMI BERA, California, Chairman,

BRAD SHERMAN, California             STEVE CHABOT, Ohio, Ranking Member
DINA TITUS, Nevada                   SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania
ANDY LEVIN. Michigan                 ANN WAGNER, Missouri
CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania       KEN BUCK, Colorado
ANDY KIM, New Jersey                 TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee
GERALD CONNOLLY, Virginia            MARK GREEN, Tennessee
TED LIEU, California                 ANDY BARR, Kentucky
ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia         YOUNG KIM, California
KATHY MANNING, North Carolina

 
                      Jamie Morgan, Staff Director
                      
                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

                               WITNESSES

Busby, Mr. Scott, Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, 
  U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and 
  Labor..........................................................     7
Thompson, Mr. Dean, Acting Assistant Secretary, U.S. Department 
  of State, Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs............    16
Bencosme, Mr. Francisco, Senior Advisor to the Acting Assistant 
  Secretary, U.S. Department of State, East Asian and Pacific 
  Affairs Bureau.................................................    24
Hart, Mr. Craig, Acting Senior Deputy Assistant Administrator for 
  East Asia and The Pacific, U.S. Agency for International 
  Development....................................................    31

                                APPENDIX

Hearing Notice...................................................    57
Hearing Minutes..................................................    58
Hearing Attendance...............................................    59

                        STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD

Statement for the record from Representtive Connolly.............    60

            RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

Responses to questions submitted for the record..................    62


     DEMOCRATIC VALUES IN THE INDO-PACIFIC IN AN ERA OF STRATEGIC 
                              COMPETITION

                        Wednesday, June 9, 2021

                          House of Representatives,
                 Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific,
                 Central Asia, and Nonproliferation
                      Committee on Foreign Affairs,
                                                    Washington, DC.

    The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:06 a.m., 
via Webex, Hon. Ami Bera (chairman of the subcommittee) 
presiding.
    Mr. Bera. Banging the virtual gavel. The Subcommittee on 
Asia, the Pacific, and Nonproliferation will come to order.
    Without objection, the chair is authorized to declare a 
recess of the committee at any point.
    And all members will have 5 days to submit statements, 
extraneous material, and questions for the record subject to 
the length limitations in the rules. To insert something into 
the record, please have your staff email the previously 
mentioned address or contact full committee staff.
    Please keep your video function on at all times, even when 
you are not recognized by the chair.
    Members are responsible for muting and unmuting themselves. 
And please remember to mute yourself after you finish speaking. 
Consistent with remote committee proceedings of H. Res. 8, 
staff will only mute members and witnesses as appropriate when 
they are not under recognition to eliminate background noise.
    I see that we have a forum and will now recognize myself 
for opening remarks.
    I want to thank my good friend, the ranking member, Mr. 
Chabot, the members of this subcommittee, and our witnesses and 
members of the public for joining us at today's hearing focused 
on the important role of liberal norms and values in U.S. 
foreign policy toward the Indo-Pacific.
    I have been very troubled by the democratic backsliding in 
countries across the world. According to the annual Freedom 
House, Freedom of the World Report, 2020 saw the 15th 
consecutive year of decline in global freedom. Unfortunately, 
some of the most significant declines were in our region in 
Asia.
    Having traveled, pre-pandemic to the region in 2019 and 
early 2020 to both Sri Lanka, Nepal, Malaysia, I was struck by 
the struggles some of these young democracies were 
experiencing, as well as the increasing challenge 
authoritarianism poses for fledgling democratic institutions. 
Civil society organizations, journalists, and human rights 
activists are routinely targeted for supporting liberal norms 
and principals.
    We also saw some countries in the region introduce and 
adopt legislation that discriminates against ethnic minority 
populations and undermines the country's secular identity and 
commitment to pluralism. These worrying trends regrettably 
intensified with the spread of COVID-19, during which we saw 
some governments further back down on freedoms of the press and 
expression in efforts to silence criticism or otherwise exploit 
the health crisis to fortify their power over the opposition.
    From the genocide of leaders in Xinjiang to the military 
coup in Burma to the political crisis in Samoa, it is clear 
U.S. engagement with this consequential region must also 
grapple with the ongoing challenges to democratic norms and 
values.
    I applaud the Biden Administration for the work it has done 
thus far to restore values at the center of U.S. foreign 
policy, such as working with allies and partners to impose 
sanctions on Chinese officials for their human rights abuses in 
Xinjiang, and to promote cooperation on Taiwan, as well as 
issuing the National Security Study Memorandum in combatting 
corruption.
    I fully agree with President Biden's February speech on 
America's place in the world that American leadership must meet 
this new moment of advancing authoritarianism. To do that, we 
must work to strengthen our democratic institutions at home as 
we continue to support human rights, democracy, and freedoms 
internationally. U.S. partners and adversaries alike need to 
know that our commitment to these liberal norms is not a 
bargaining chip, and that commitment will not change just 
because a strategic competition is afoot.
    That is why I am particularly pleased to have our witnesses 
today, who will help us better understand the Biden 
Administration's strategy for pushing back authoritarianism and 
the role that democratic values play in our approach. Questions 
like, how should the United States better help struggling 
democracies in the face of spreading authoritarianism? In 
particular, how can the United States better support the next 
generation of young people often seen driving the necessary 
political changes as we have seen with the protests in Hong 
Kong and Thailand, and the civil disobedience movement in 
Burma? How should we hold our adversaries and allies alike 
accountable for undermining democratic norms and values? How 
can we better message our approach in our unique strengths when 
U.S. adversaries are playing by a different rule book that 
attempts to undermine the liberal world order?
    I look forward to our witnesses' testimony in today's 
hearing, and now will yield 5 minutes to my friend from Ohio, 
our ranking member, Representative Steve Chabot, for his 
opening comments.
    Mr. Chabot. I want to thank Chairman Bera for holding this 
important hearing today. And I would also like to thank our 
panel of witnesses for providing their insight on how the Biden 
Administration intends to protect democratic values and advance 
human rights and the rule of law in the Indo-Pacific in an era 
of strategic competition.
    In the 25 years that I served in Congress and on the 
Foreign Affairs Committee, I have always tried to make the 
promotion of human rights a top priority. During that time, we 
have witnessed multiple countries in the Indo-Pacific 
transitioning toward democracy. We have also seen democratic 
backsliding, as the chairman mentioned, often at the hands of 
violent authoritarians with the tacit or explicit support of 
those who wish to see democracy fail.
    Today, however, our support for democratic values in the 
region takes place against the backdrop of great power 
competition that is really an ideological rivalry between two 
competing value systems: that of the United States and our 
fellow democracies and that of the Chinese Communist Party.
    At home, Beijing has shown a blatant disregard for human 
rights and the rule of law, whether it is their dismantling of 
democratic institutions in Hong Kong or they are committing 
genocide against Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities in China.
    Abroad, the CCP's efforts to undermine trust in democratic 
institutions and use political and economic pressure to promote 
their form of authoritarian government are totally at odds with 
our values. For instance, we know that the parties most fervent 
desire is to extinguish the light of democracy in Taiwan. And 
Beijing is attempting to test the strength of other fledgling 
democracies across the globe through corruption, 
disinformation, ruthlessly aggressive economic practices, and 
foreign interference in democratic processes.
    Make no mistake, the CCP will continue to subvert freedom 
and democracy in the Indo-Pacific and beyond until either it 
does or it does not reach its goal of regional and, ultimately, 
global hegemony.
    In this era of strategic competition and in the wake of a 
global pandemic, it is crucial that the United States remain 
actively engaged in the Indo-Pacific to strengthen democratic 
institutions and provide countries with a model of governance 
that protects the rights of its people and promotes 
transparency and accountability.
    Finding the right approach to addressing human rights' 
abuses while competing with the PRC, however, is critically 
important. We do not want to push countries into the PRC's 
arms, nor can we sacrifice our values. It is this 
administration's task, therefore, to advance both our interests 
and our values without compromising either.
    That said, now is not the time to tread lightly. Doing so 
would put vulnerable countries at greater risk. In particular, 
I would like to highlight Cambodian and Burma, which--Cambodia 
and Burma, which have witnessed alarming democratic backsliding 
in recent years.
    As co-chairman of the congressional Cambodia Caucus, along 
with my Democratic colleague, Alan Lowenthal, we have 
consistently denounced Prime Minister Hun Sen's increasingly 
repressive campaign to stamp out democracy in Cambodia, and 
will continue to do so. Human rights and the protection of 
fundamental democratic freedoms are integral to our bilateral 
relationship. So far, international condemnation of visa 
sanctions have not compelled Hun Sen to respect the rule of 
law, and so we must do much more in Cambodia.
    And I want to commend Congressman Lowenthal for his 
determination in this area. And it has been a pleasure to work 
with him.
    In Burma, we have witnessed the disintegration of democracy 
in real time. On February 1, the Burmese military seized 
control and detained top political leaders. Since then, several 
hundred innocent people have been callously murdered and 
thousands more have been arbitrarily detained, including 
Americans. This brutal coup is a blatant violation of the 
rights of the Burmese people who, to their credit, have been 
courageously and peacefully protesting these heinous crimes.
    These recent events only add to the atrocities carried out 
by the Burmese military against the Rohingya, which have left 
over a million people displaced. We must continue to stand with 
the people of Burma in their struggle for democracy. That is 
why Congressman Levin and I sponsored a resolution condemning 
Burma's military for their assault against democracy, and why I 
sponsored a resolution in 2018 that called the atrocities 
against the Rohingya what they were, genocide. Both resolutions 
passed the House with overwhelming bipartisan support, 
demonstrating our commitment to human rights in Burma.
    While there is still much work to be done in the Indo-
Pacific to protect and promote freedom, the rule of law, I 
still believe democracy will prevail. I look forward to hearing 
from our panel of witnesses on how the Biden Administration 
intends to achieve these important goals.
    Thank you for holding this hearing, Mr. Chairman, and I 
yield back.
    Mr. Bera. Thank you to the ranking member, Mr. Chabot.
    Let me now introduce our witnesses. We have Mr. Scott 
Busby, the acting principal deputy assistant secretary for the 
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. Mr. Dean Thompson 
is the acting assistant secretary for the Bureau of South and 
Central Asian Affairs. Mr. Francisco Bencosme is the senior 
advisor to the acting assistant secretary for East Asia and 
Pacific Affairs Bureau. And last is Mr. Craig Hart, the acting 
senior deputy assistant administrator for East Asia and the 
Pacific for USAID.
    I thank all the witnesses for being here today, and will 
now recognize each witness for 5 minutes. Without objection, 
your prepared written statements will be made part of the 
record.
    I will now invite Mr. Busby for his testimony.

  STATEMENT OF SCOTT BUSBY, ACTING PRINCIPAL DEPUTY ASSISTANT 
SECRETARY, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN 
                        RIGHTS AND LABOR

    Mr. Busby. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member Chabot 
and the others of the committee who are here today. We 
appreciate the opportunity you have given me and my colleagues 
to appear before you today to testify on the very important and 
timely issue of democratic values in the Indo-Pacific region in 
an era of strategic competition.
    I would also like to thank the committee for its continued 
leadership in advancing U.S. values and interests and 
supporting our engagement in this region.
    The administration is committed to putting democratic 
values at the center of U.S. foreign policy because doing so 
holds the key to achieving our interest. The United States 
recognizes that our own prosperity and security are 
inextricably tied to the Indo-Pacific region, and so the region 
is a leading U.S. foreign policy priority. We seek to maintain 
strong ties with the peoples of the region by amplifying the 
role of civil society in protecting and promoting human rights 
and fundamental freedoms, including through our innovative 
democracy and human rights programming.
    While democracy expanded across the Indo-Pacific after the 
cold war, more recently we have seen backsliding. Some 
governments have sought to increase control over their 
populations, triggering an erosion of respect for human rights, 
fundamental freedoms, and democratic processes
    [inaudible].
    In addition, the Indo-Pacific region is increasingly 
troubled by provocations, economic coercion, authoritarianism, 
and malign influence. Information manipulation, whether it is 
through media capture, censorship, or disinformation campaigns, 
is a global problem.
    China actively seeks political, economic, and strategic 
advantage, including to the spread of propaganda and 
disinformation and silencing critical voices. Disinformation 
has profoundly changed how people vote, obtain healthcare, and 
treat vulnerable members of minority groups. Responsible 
governments must not suppress factual information, nor permit 
their officials to contribute to the spread of misinformation.
    The PRC government is increasingly pressuring nations 
throughout the region to subordinate their freedom and autonomy 
to a quote, ``common destiny,'' close quote, under a PRCsphere 
of influence.
    Beijing has invested heavily in efforts to degrade U.S. 
strengths and prevent us from promoting and defending our 
values and our interests and upholding the international rules-
based order. The PRC continues to refine its brand of techno-
authoritarianism and deploys and proliferates technologies, 
both old and new, to this end. We continue to support the PRC's 
neighbors and commercial partners in defending their rights and 
autonomy.
    To address these challenges, democratic partners and allies 
remain an important strategic asset, and expanding our 
engagement with them is central to achieving our human rights 
and democratic governance goals in the Indo-Pacific. This was 
evidenced by the President's decision to hold his first 
bilateral summit meetings with Japan and the Republic of Korea, 
where our joint commitments to democracy, good governance, and 
human rights were reinforced.
    We are also increasing our engagement through the Quad, 
ASEAN, the Pacific Islands Forum, and, of course, the United 
Nations.
    Our early reengagement with the U.N. Human Rights Council
    [inaudible] Recently rejoining the Council's core group on 
Sri Lanka and helping to advance the Sri Lanka and Burma 
resolutions demonstrates our renewed commitment to joint 
action.
    We have also increased our coordination with like-minded 
allies in imposing costs on those responsible for human rights 
abuses and undermining democratic values in the region. This is 
reflected in the sanctions we and others have imposed on senior 
Burmese military officials responsible for the coup and the 
entities that support them, as well as the parallel sanctions 
implemented on March 22 by the U.S., EU, U.K., and Canada 
against PRC officials and entities responsible for the 
egregious human rights violations in Xinjiang.
    In an effort to buttress democratic governance globally, 
President Biden has committed to convening a global summit for 
democracy to ensure broad cooperation among allies and partners 
on the values we hold most dear. The summit will be an 
acknowledgment that all countries have different challenges on 
the path of democratization, and we all, including the United 
States, must institute reforms and recommit ourselves to these 
universal values.
    From the PRC's genocide and crimes against humanity in 
Xinjiang, dismantling of Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy, 
to recent backsliding on democratic governance in Sri Lanka, 
the military coup in Burma, and the ongoing pervasive 
repression in North Korea, we are grappling with a wide array 
of human rights challenges in the Indo-Pacific region. We 
describe with greater specificity in our testimoneys these 
challenges and how we are seeking to address them.
    Mr. Chair, promoting democracy, human rights, and the rule 
of law in the Indo-Pacific region is not just the right thing 
to do, it also advances our strategic interests by building 
more stable and a prosperous society. It supports our economic 
goals, it empowers citizens to hold their governments 
accountable, and it aligns American leadership with the 
aspirations of everyday people in the region, strengthening 
bonds that we hope will last for generations.
    With continued U.S. engagement, backed by congressional 
support, we will continue to emphasize that the promotion of 
democracy, human rights, and the rule of law benefit the Indo-
Pacific region. We will continue to consult closely with you on 
our path forward and are pleased to answer any questions you 
may have.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Busby follows:]
    
 [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]   

      
    Mr. Bera. Thank you, Mr. Busby.
    I now invite Mr. Thompson to give his testimony.

 STATEMENT OF DEAN THOMPSON, ACTING ASSISTANT SECRETARY, U.S. 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, BUREAU OF SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIAN AFFAIRS

    Mr. Thompson. Thank you, Chairman Bera, Ranking Member 
Chabot, and distinguished members of the subcommittee. Thank 
you for inviting me to testify on democratic values in the 
Indo-Pacific in an era of strategic competition. I am honored 
to be here today alongside my colleagues.
    From the world's largest democracy in India to one of its 
smallest in Maldives, the democratic tradition remains strong 
in South Asia. That said, homegrown challenges centered around 
constraints to freedom of expression, association, and religion 
threaten those traditions. A threat that is compounded by the 
malign influence of governments such as China and Russia. This 
makes the work we do to bolster these governments and citizens' 
abilities to recognize and combat this malign influence that 
much more important.
    Sri Lanka is Asia's oldest democracy, and its elections are 
largely free, fair, and nonviolent, despite a troubled history. 
While we have pledged to work with Sri Lanka's democratically 
elected leaders, we take seriously the challenges posed by the 
increased militarization of government functions and diminished 
space for civil society.
    Nepal is a young Federal democratic republic that has made 
admirable progress in its democratic journey. Observers have 
characterized elections as generally well-conducted. At the 
same time, President Bhandari dissolved parliament for the 
second time in 5 months on May 22. While the past year has seen 
continuous political inflating, it has remained within the 
confines of the law and disputes have been settled through the 
course.
    Bhutan is a democratic success story in South Asia. It has 
helped three elections since its King abdicated absolute power 
in 2008. The most recent election in 2018 was widely viewed as 
free and fair, and the reins of government passed peacefully 
from one political party to another.
    In Maldives, we have seen a clear expression of the 
Maldivian people's commitment to democracy with nearly 90 
percent of eligible voters casting ballots in the 2018 
Presidential election.
    India remains the world's largest democracy with a strong 
rule of law and independent judiciary and enjoys a strong and 
growing strategic partnership with the United States. However, 
some of the Indian Government's actions have raised concerns 
and are inconsistent with India's democratic values. This 
includes increasing restriction on freedom of expression and 
the detention of human rights activists and journalists. The 
United States regularly engages India on these issues, 
including the important work of civil society.
    As is the case around the world, the PRC government uses a 
combination of economic levers and soft power to pressure South 
Asian countries to align with its interests, and smaller 
countries are especially vulnerable to this pressure.
    Common issues among South Asian countries include strong 
ties between local political elites and PRC economic interests, 
widespread political and economic corruption, and a lack of 
ready alternatives to PRC financing, creating a climate of 
dependency. These conditions limit the flexibility and 
independence of many countries in their bilateral relationship 
with the PRC and can weaken their institutions and rule of law.
    To assist these countries in facing these challenges, the 
United States employs a number of strategic programs aimed at 
helping them increase their national resilience by 
strengthening their core democratic values. In Fiscal Year 
2020, State and USAID bilateral assistance for democracy to 
South Asia totaled almost $69 million or 14 percent of our 
South Asia total.
    In Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, SCA 
supports these objectives through the $14 million South Asia 
Governance Fund, our small grants program run in partnership 
with the Asia Foundation. Projects supported by this fund seek 
to strengthen civic participation and democratic norms, enable 
citizen access to credible information, build trust and 
participatory governance, and increase communities' resilience 
to foreign and malign influence and corruption.
    Public diplomacy plays an outside role in supporting and 
strengthening efforts to mitigate malign influence. Every 
speaker program, American space event, cultural collaboration, 
media interviews, social media posts, or exchange program is 
part of a sustained long-term campaign to build core democratic 
values, empower local voices, and build networks that can 
challenge foreign malign influence.
    Mr. Chairman, thank you, and the other members of this 
committee, for your continued support of these vital efforts. 
Our ability to invest our time and resources on these critical 
issues in South Asia remains in our national interest. Our 
support for democratic values and human rights helps build a 
more free and open Indo-Pacific region, enhances good 
governance, improving security and facilitating human 
development.
    Thank you for the opportunity to testify. I look forward to 
your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Thompson follows:]
    
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]    

        
    Mr. Bera. Thank you, Mr. Thompson.
    I now invite Mr. Bencosme to give his testimony. And I hope 
I am pronouncing your name correctly.

 STATEMENT OF FRANCISCO BENCOSME, SENIOR ADVISOR TO THE ACTING 
 ASSISTANT SECRETARY, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, EAST ASIAN AND 
                     PACIFIC AFFAIRS BUREAU

    Mr. Bencosme. You are, Chairman. Thank you so much.
    Chairman Bera, Ranking Member Chabot, and distinguished 
members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to 
testify alongside colleagues and to share our views on 
democracy and human rights issues in East Asia and the Pacific.
    There is no question that trend lines on human rights 
continue to move in the wrong direction. We see it in the 
genocide and crimes against humanity being committed against 
predominantly Muslim Uyghurs and other members of ethnic and 
religious minority groups in Xinjiang, and in the repression of 
Tibetans' distinct language, religion, and culture, and the 
ongoing repression of human rights and fundamental freedoms 
across China. The people of Hong Kong see the reduction of 
their freedoms every day. The coup in Burma is another example 
of this discouraging trend. Governments in the region are 
increasingly considering laws and regulations that would 
restrict the activities of NGO's or enhance government 
monitoring of them, and have increasingly diminished freedoms 
online in places like Vietnam and Indonesia. We see it in the 
attacks on the imprisonment of opposition politicians, 
anticorruption activists, human rights defenders, lawyers, and 
journalists.
    I would summarize our strategy in promoting democracy and 
human rights in two ways. The first part is ensuring that 
democracies deliver both here in the U.S. and in the Indo-
Pacific. And the second is helping promote accountability for 
serious human rights violations in the region.
    On their first overseas trip to the region, Secretary 
Blinken and Secretary Austin Stated: It is strongly in our 
interest for the Indo-Pacific region to be free and open, 
anchored by respect for human rights, democracy, and the rule 
of law. This is a goal that Japan, South Korea, and the U.S. 
share, and we will work together closely to achieve it.
    In the first few months of the Biden-Harris administration, 
we have hosted historic summits with both of those key allies 
and with the Quad. In these engagements, we have not only made 
countering the two human rights crisis in Burma a key facet of 
our diplomacy, but sought to ensure that democracies like 
Japan, Korea, and Australia can deliver for their people. That 
means whether it comes to issues like vaccine, diplomacy, 
climate financing, or inclusive economic growth, delivering and 
ensuring U.S. leadership is present are vital to countering 
growing authoritarianism.
    As Secretary Blinken has made clear, the test America and 
others' democracies face is to analyze the challenges we face 
and make changes to more effectively deliver for our citizens, 
because failing to do so only gives rhetorical ammunition to 
autocracies like China.
    Second, we have worked hard to promote accountability in 
the region, to deter abusers from acting with impunity. Just 
last week, we issued an executive order that will prohibit U.S. 
transactions relating to Chinese companies that export Chinese 
surveillance technology to facilitate human rights repression 
abroad. We condemn steps by the Hong Kong government to ban 
Tiananmen commemorations and called for the immediate release 
of those who are arrested. We have sanctioned multiple PRC and 
Hong Kong officials and are leading an international coalition 
that will stand up to Beijing's ongoing genocide, crimes 
against humanity, and forced labor abuses in Xinjiang, as well 
as human rights abuses elsewhere.
    On Burma, we have condemned the coup and horrific violence 
in the strongest possible terms, and will continue to lead the 
international community in taking concrete action to promote 
accountability for the military's junta actions both before and 
after the coup. We have sanctioned coup leaders and military 
businesses, and will continue to look for ways to deny sources 
of revenue that support the regime's repressive, undemocratic 
measures.
    Moreover, the coup has brought further volatility to a 
country already facing a humanitarian crisis for members of 
ethnic and religious minority groups, especially the Rohingya.
    Our alliance with the Philippines is our oldest in East 
Asia, forged in shared defense of freedom and critical to a 
free and open Indo-Pacific. We continue to promote democracy 
through sustained constructive engagement and have both 
publicly and privately raised concerns and pushed for further 
progress. We have continuously urged Philippine counterparts to 
investigate allegations of human rights violations and promote 
accountability for those responsible.
    On Cambodia, we are deeply concerned about the ongoing 
politically motivated trials of opposition members, 
journalists, and activists there. During her recent meeting 
with Prime Minister Hun Sen, Deputy Secretary of State Sherman 
underscored the importance of human rights and the protection 
of fundamental freedoms as integral to our bilateral 
relationship. She urged the Cambodian Government to abide by 
its international and domestic human rights commitments and to 
ensure the protection of worker rights. We will continue to 
press the government to reopen civic and political space in 
advance of the 2022 commune and 2023 national elections. We 
will also work with like-minded partners to press for reforms 
in Cambodia.
    I have seen firsthand how Congress' partnership in this 
area has made a substantial impact on U.S. human rights policy 
in East Asia. And I want to take this moment to thank Congress 
for their steadfast support for democracy and human rights in 
the region.
    Thank you for inviting me to testify today. I look forward 
to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Bencosme follows:]
    
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]    

        Mr. Bera. Thank you, Mr. Bencosme.
    I now invite Mr. Hart to give his testimony.

    STATEMENT OF CRAIG HART, ACTING SENIOR DEPUTY ASSISTANT 
 ADMINISTRATOR FOR EAST ASIA AND THE PACIFIC, U.S. AGENCY FOR 
                   INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

    Mr. Hart. Chairman Bera, Ranking Member Chabot, 
distinguished subcommittee members, thank you very much for 
inviting me to testify on USAID's vital role in the Indo-
Pacific in defending and promoting democratic norms in 
institutions.
    We know that societies that respect and defend human rights 
and protect fundamental freedoms are more stable, prosperous, 
and secure; make strong trade partners; and are better equipped 
to confront global challenges. Yet throughout the Indo-Pacific, 
we face significant challenges for democracy assistance in a 
dramatically altered development environment.
    During a time when democracy was already under a threat, 
the COVID-19 pandemic has, in many countries, accelerated 
democratic backsliding and allowed autocrats to further 
consolidate power. While we shift significant resources to much 
needed medical, humanitarian, and economic responses to COVID-
19, we must not lose sight of the need for robust democracy, 
human rights, and governance support.
    USAID is committed to integrating democratic programming 
throughout our long-term sustainable development approach, 
which is grounded in a strong understanding of the local 
context. This includes efforts to promote human rights, 
increase access to justice, foster accountable and transparent 
governance, enable an independent and active civil society, and 
safeguard political integrity.
    In collaboration with like-minded allies and partners, we 
are focused on countering aggressive efforts by authoritarian 
leaders and strategic competitors to undermine democratic 
institutions and sow internal discord that drives polarization.
    In Sri Lanka, following the Easter 2019 attacks, USAID 
trained youth from disparate ethnicities to counter divisive 
hate speech and disinformation on social media through 
networking and content that promotes pluralism and peace-
building.
    In Cambodia, we support the development and launch of the 
country's first fact-checking website that has since increased 
the national conversation about fake news.
    And USAID is prioritizing its accountable governance work, 
including public administration, public financial management 
and oversight, transparency and the accountability mechanisms 
at all levels of government.
    In Nepal, for example, as the country continues to solidify 
its historic devolution of powers, we are helping foster 
greater accountability and transparency in the planning and 
management of public funds. At the subnational level, USAID 
trained local and provincial officials to use the country's 
Federal level public financial management system, which 
provides a safeguard against public corruption and misuse of 
funds.
    In the Pacific Islands, USAID is working with the election 
commissions of Fiji, Papua New Guinea, and the Solomon Islands 
as they seek to conduct safe elections in the midst of the 
pandemic. In the absence of international observers due to the 
travel restrictions, we helped safely mobilize local observers 
for elections last August in Papua New Guinea.
    USAID is also expanding our support for human rights rule 
of law and citizen empowerment, with an emphasis on addressing 
discrimination, inequity, and marginalization in all of its 
forms. So in Burma, following the February 1 military coup, 
USAID immediately redirected $42 million of assistance away 
from the work that could have benefited the junta-controlled 
government. We instead directed the assistance to civil 
society, independent media, on lifesaving activities that 
directly benefit the people of Burma.
    Across Asia, USAID has helped reduce the violence, 
discrimination, and stigma faced by LGBTQI+ people by 
supporting the development of 23 inclusive laws and policies 
over the past 6 years.
    We are enhancing equal access to justice for all. For 
example, in Indonesia, USAID has helped 10 legal aid partners 
increase the number of people they serve by more than 1,000 
percent since 2017. And in Laos, USAID is helping the 
government to substantially increase its provision of free 
legal services by more than tripling its number of legal aid 
offices.
    In closing, countries with democratic processes and 
institutions are more just, peaceful, and stable, enabling 
citizens to pursue and fulfill their potential. Yet in the 
Indo-Pacific, significant deficits in citizen response of 
governance and respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms 
and democratic norms and institutions compromise stability and 
prosperity in a region which is home to more than half the 
world's population.
    While USAID has been adapting to meet these challenges, we 
also recognize that much more needs to be done, and we are 
looking forward to doing it in alignment with this 
administration's priorities and in consultation with the U.S. 
Congress.
    Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Hart follows:]
    
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]    

       
    Mr. Bera. Thank you, Mr. Hart.
    And thank you all for your testimony.
    I will now recognize members for 5 minutes each. And 
pursuant to House rules, all time yielded is for the purposes 
of questioning our witnesses.
    Because of the virtual format of this hearing, I will 
recognize members by committee seniority, alternating between 
Democrats and Republicans. If you miss your turn, please let 
our staff know and we will circle back to you. If you seek 
recognition, you must unmute your microphone and address the 
chair verbally.
    I will start by recognizing myself for 5 minutes of 
questioning.
    And maybe this is a question for Mr. Thompson, initially. 
As chair, when I think about my travel schedule pre-pandemic, 
we have made it a point to visit some of these smaller 
countries that are younger democracies, whether that is Sri 
Lanka, we went to Malaysia, we went to Nepal, also the 
Philippines, and had a chance to meet with some of the USAID 
workers as well as the NGO's on the ground helping these young 
democracies.
    Mr. Thompson, my sense is, in Malaysia--and in your opening 
testimony you touched on it--that that young parliament, has 
struggled and has backslid; same in Nepal; and, what the 
Rajapaksa government looked like, certainly it was 
democratically elected, it does look like they are putting in 
place some rules in passing through parliament, some rules 
that, could be considered antidemocratic.
    If you could give us an update on that region, go into a 
little bit more with those three countries in specific, that 
would be great.
    Mr. Thompson. Sure, Mr. Chairman. Thanks for the question. 
And it was actually-- I am covering South and Central Asian 
affairs now. I was in Malaysia at the time of your visit, and 
it was great to welcome you there and have you come through.
    I will talk a little bit about Sri Lanka and Nepal and the 
situation in my region, and then perhaps if there is a minute, 
Francisco can talk about Malaysia, specifically, since EAP 
covers that part of the world. But I think you are absolutely 
right, this is an area of concern that we watch very carefully.
    You notice that in Sri Lanka, in October 2020, the 
President used his coalition super majority to pass 
constitutional amendment that consolidated power and reinStated 
a lot of powers that had been in the hands of the President 
previously but had been devolved out under prior 
administration.
    So, it is always a concern when you see this kind of 
centralization of power. But as you rightfully noted, our work 
with civil society, our work with democracy building in these 
areas can be very effective and very important in helping these 
countries start to, push back on what may be a consolidation of 
power in one particular area.
    In Nepal, you very rightfully noted that the last couple of 
years has seen quite a lot of churn, I would say, in their 
democratic system. The President just for the second time in as 
many years, I believe, dissolved parliament. However, I would 
say everything there has continued to proceed in a legal and 
democratic fashion. And so we continue to work with the 
governments there to see how we can--how we can promote where 
they are headed on that front.
    With that, I will stop if you have more, or if you want to 
hear from Francisco.
    Sir, you are muted.
    Mr. Bera. Mr. Bencosme, if you want to give us an update on 
Malaysia.
    Mr. Bencosme. Yes. No, similarly, we have seen a couple of 
areas where there was really abrupt transition of power in 
Malaysia. We have seen attack on human rights activists and 
sort of an uptick in discrimination and pushback of refugees, 
particularly the Rohingya, in places like Malaysia; all really 
concerning trends.
    And so our embassy at every level has been trying to push 
and urge the government to respect and honor their obligation, 
international obligations of human rights. But it is also the 
work that USAID and civil society, as you mentioned, do in sort 
of working in sort of local, populations to really support sort 
of a culture, support refugees who are trying to find, sort of 
a basic income inside their countries and also foster an area 
of sort of a respect for human rights within the public 
population.
    Mr. Bera. Great.
    And in the last 30 seconds that I have, maybe for Mr. Hart, 
what are some of our most effective tools that we can use to 
strengthen some of these civil society organizations and help, 
these young democracies survive and thrive?
    Mr. Hart. Chairman Bera, thank you for the question. I 
think that in terms of our approach toward civil society, one, 
we are not alone. And so we are working with like-minded 
partners to support civil society, but also media, parliament. 
Looking specifically at Sri Lanka, we are looking across the 
spectrum to make sure that there is complementarity between the 
systems. And so we are working with the courts, for example, to 
increase their effectiveness of the judiciary, establishing 
model courts that demonstrate greater efficiency and 
transparency.
    We are also very much working with the use across the 
board, but also in civil society organizations, so much of the 
energy is there as well. And so looking for ways in which we 
can engage there, as well as with the media and enhancing the 
media's ability to report on a live-time basis, do fact-
checking, have those conversations with the civil society 
members that we are also supporting, all of those things come 
together.
    Mr. Bera. Great. Thank you.
    And I notice my time has expired. So let me go ahead and 
turn to the ranking member, Mr. Chabot, for his 5 minutes of 
questions.
    Mr. Chabot. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will not direct my 
questions at any particular witness. I will let the panel 
decide which one--and just one, if you would, because I have 
got a number of questions.
    Past U.S. administrations have attempted to steer China 
toward behavior that is more respectful of human rights and the 
rule of law and democracy. Using a range of policy tools, 
including U.S. assistance for rule of law programs and Chinese 
civil society, bilateral human rights dialogs, sanctions, open 
criticism sometime, and various forms of engagement; nothing, 
quite frankly, seems to have worked very well.
    What options are there that this administration is 
considering for U.S. multilateral action on human rights that 
might have some chance of making some progress there?
    Mr. Busby. Well, thank you, Ranking Member Chabot. Scott 
Busby here. We are looking to partner with like-minded allies 
in speaking out about the abuses in China and taking action 
against them. We are looking to do so in the Human Rights 
Council, for instance, as well as the General Assembly and 
other U.N. Institutions.
    But as I note in my testimony, and as the chair also noted, 
we are looking at taking tougher action as well, including the 
sanctions that we jointly announced with the EU, Canada, and 
the U.K. And I would note that those jointly announced 
sanctions sparked a significant reaction from the PRC, which, 
to our mind, demonstrates their effectiveness in getting the 
PRC's attention. So it is that type of joint action among like-
minded allies that we are primarily focused on.
    Mr. Chabot. Thank you. Well, there is no question that we 
do need to be tougher, because their behavior, virtually across 
the board, has been abhorrent. And I know the previous 
administration tried a whole range of things; some things 
worked, some things did not. And I would strongly encourage 
this administration to move forward on that.
    By many accounts, the U.S. and India, as the world's two 
largest democracies, are uniquely poised to join forces in 
promoting democratic values in the Indo-Pacific and beyond, and 
I am assuming that this administration would agree with that. 
If so, what initiatives does this administration intend to 
pursue to take advantage of that unique relationship, which, 
really, the U.S. and India have as the two largest democracies?
    Mr. Thompson. Mr. Ranking Member, Dean Thompson here with 
SCA. Thank you for the question. I think it is a timely one and 
an important issue to consider. We are, right now, through our 
global comprehensive strategic partnership with India, looking 
at areas where we can work together to strengthen across the 
region the effects of--or the ability of countries to push back 
on malign influence. And through the Quad initiative, where we 
have brought in Japan and Australia as well, we have a 
tremendous opportunity to work together with four like-minded 
countries, all democracies, that are looking at ways we can 
help deliver tremendous relief in the wake of COVID-19; that 
can look at how we set standards and work together on critical 
technologies and diversifying supply chains; and, finally, can 
fight climate change and work on improving the environmental 
situation across the region.
    So it is a particularly exciting time on those fronts, and 
we look forward to continuing our work with India and our other 
partners. Thank you.
    Mr. Chabot. Thank you. I think I have got time to squeeze 
in one more question. And I want to encourage you to continue 
in the Quad relationship. I think that is--the chairman, Mr. 
Bera, and I, have been involved in that and have met with the 
players in that, and I think there is tremendous opportunity 
there. So we should take advantage of that.
    I want to conclude on Cambodia and kind of get the 
Administration's view there. Congressman Lowenthal and I worked 
on this for many years, it is out of the Cambodia Caucus. And 
Hun Sen continues, obviously, to crack down on the opposition 
party and civil society. What more can we do to actually make 
some progress in Cambodia? Whoever wants to answer that 
briefly.
    Mr. Busby. Francisco, why do not you take that one.
    Mr. Bencosme. I am happy to.
    This is Francisco from East Asian and Pacific Bureau. So as 
I mentioned in my opening statement, Deputy Secretary Sherman 
was just in Cambodia, met with civil society, including 
opposition leader Kem Sokha, during her visit. And I think one 
of the important things we will be looking at is the upcoming 
elections in Cambodia, as well as broadening the international 
community pressure, working with partners and allies to push 
forward human rights issues in Cambodia as we sort of look 
toward the next couple of months and years out.
    Mr. Chabot. Thank you. My time has expired.
    Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
    Mr. Bera. Thank you.
    Let me go and recognize the gentleman from California, Mr. 
Sherman.
    Mr. Sherman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    We are seeing an era of what could be called 
authoritarianism and imperialism with Chinese characteristics. 
There is so much for us to respond to in the Indo-Pacific 
region. And to start, I want to focus a bit on the Rohingya.
    Our hearts naturally go out to the pro-democracy forces in 
Burma-Myanmar. And yet even those forces have been less than 
forthright in recognizing the rights of the Rohingya people. 
There has been some vacillation.
    Is it clear that this new government council that has been 
organized is on record explicitly to give full citizenship and 
full citizenship documents to the Rohingya people, and not just 
some of them, but all of those who were born either in the 
camps or who were born in Burma-Myanmar?
    Mr. Busby. Thank you, Congressman, for the question. Let me 
start, and then I can turn to Francisco for details. I am not 
aware of a commitment to provide citizenship, but, indeed, the 
opposition has expressly recognized the rights of ethnic 
minorities, including the Rohingya, and indicated an intent to 
govern the country's----
    Mr. Sherman. That is the weasel--if I can interject here. 
Those are the weasel words that have upset me so much. People 
asking for our help in the name of democracy who then make 
statements like, oh, well, we will follow the rules of Burma-
Myanmar. Those existing laws are racist and discriminatory and 
set the foundation for ethnic cleansing.
    Now that--and I realize that this question could go to and 
probably should go to Mr. Bencosme, perhaps he can tell us, are 
we demanding in return for the help that we are offering full 
citizenship and citizenship documents for the Rohingya or are 
we just going to let them skate by with vague statements about 
loving minorities?
    And I want to interject. Their position, the position of 
some is they love all the ethnic groups and minorities of 
Burma-Myanmar. But the Rohingya, they are not Burmese, they are 
not counted, they are not citizenships, and, therefore, they do 
not get citizenship papers. And so they can make statements 
about how they love minorities of Burma-Myanmar and at the same 
time be in favor of ethnic cleansing, genocide, whatever, of 
the Rohingya people.
    How tough are we being on those who tell us that they share 
our values?
    Mr. Bencosme. Thank you, Congressman Sherman, for that 
question. We have been in touch with the National Unity 
Government as well as other civil society groups. We have 
raised the issue of the Rohingya through our communication. I 
will note that their recent statements, as you absolutely 
Stated, is not what the entirety of what we would like to see; 
does talk about repealing and revising the 1982 citizenship law 
that talks about examining issues of citizenship with respect 
to the Rohingya and actually made a huge declaration, which we 
see as a step in the right direction.
    But as you completely, lay out, we want to see more, and we 
think that the pressure that Congress and the executive branch 
have put has been helpful toward reaching that goal.
    Mr. Sherman. Okay. And then, Mr. Stone, what are we doing 
to highlight in Muslim countries how we are fighting to 
protect, not only the Rohingya, but also the Uyghurs, while 
many Muslim countries are deporting Uyghurs back to China for 
torture and death?
    Mr. Busby. Did you mean to direct that, Congressman, to 
Dean Thompson, to the SCA region?
    Mr. Sherman. To the South and Central Asian Affairs region, 
but any of the government witnesses can respond.
    Mr. Busby. Go ahead, Dean, please.
    Mr. Thompson. Yes. Apologies. No, absolutely, we raised at 
every opportunity with the government,particularly those with 
Muslim majorities, our concerns about what is happening with 
the Uyghurs; urge them to be vocal, urge them to stand up and 
stand united and be heard on this particular issue. We are, 
very concerned. We are pleased that some have been supportive 
of the Uyghurs, but we are very concerned about those cases 
where a recurral may happen and want to make sure we avoid 
that. Thank you.
    Mr. Sherman. If I can just interject. We have a very strong 
case to make to the Muslim world that we are fighting for the 
Rohingya, we are fighting for the Uyghurs. And in both cases, 
we are doing far more than many Muslim majority countries, and 
yet we are attacked as being anti-Muslim, which is outrageous.
    I yield back.
    Mr. Bera. Okay. Thank you.
    Let me go now recognize the gentlelady from Missouri, Mrs. 
Wagner.
    Mrs. Wagner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for organizing the 
hearing. And I thank our witnesses for their time in service.
    The Indo-Pacific is home to some of the world's largest 
democracies and fastest growing economies. Yet the People's 
Republic of China and its dictatorial partner States are 
exploiting prices and instability to consolidate power, sow 
discord, and erode faith in democratic institutions. It is 
essential that we work with our democratic partners and allies 
in the region to restore respect for universal human rights and 
prevent the CCP from fostering a resurgence in 
authoritarianism.
    The United States must engage with this strategically, 
critical region to secure a future in which the rule of law, 
free and fair trade, and strong democratic institutions 
underpin relations among Indo-Pacific States.
    Deputy Assistant Secretary Busby, I am deeply worried 
about--and my friend Mr. Sherman touched on this--deeply 
worried about China's genocidal efforts to destroy the cultural 
identity of Uyghurs, Tibetans, and Mongolians. Are CCP efforts 
to repress and brainwash dissenters and ethnic minorities 
inspiring copycat programs elsewhere in the region? And how can 
the United States deter or punish implementation of these 
policies?
    Mr. Busby. Thank you, Congresswoman, for that very good 
question. I do not think we have observed this elsewhere in the 
region. As Congressman Sherman indicated, yes, the Burmese 
Government has repressed and excluded the Rohingya. That has 
gone on for many, many years, and even predated the Chinese 
Government's current posture toward the Uyghurs.
    So we haven't seen replication in the region. That said, we 
are steadfast in trying to push back on what the PRC is doing 
toward the Uyghurs. As I mentioned through statements, through 
sanctions, I should also note that through our engagement with 
business, we are seeking to try to demonstrate that U.S. 
business, international business should not benefit from 
engagement with any Chinese corporations implicated in the 
persecution of Uyghurs. And for that reason, we are precluding 
the import of goods made with forced labor in Xinjiang, and we 
are also precluding both the export of goods from U.S. 
companies to companies involved in Xinjiang as well as 
investment in those companies, as was made clear in the 
executive order that President Biden issued last week.
    Mrs. Wagner. Thank you.
    Acting Assistant Secretary Thompson, how has China's Belt 
and Road Initiative been used to export authoritarianism or 
road resistance to authoritarianism abroad, and how will the 
United States protect democracy in Belt and Road countries?
    Mr. Thompson. Thanks for the question, Congresswoman. It is 
a very good point that one of the things that China is looking 
for through its Belt and Road Initiative is the kind of 
influence that would, promulgate their system or their ideas. 
And so we spend a lot of time working with countries to help 
them see the real malign influence that comes from being too 
closely aligned or engaged in this process.
    We absolutely look to call out and identify any efforts, to 
draw these countries into, a debt trap relationship, to, to 
change their governing structures, anything like that. We also 
like to work with our civil society counterparts to make sure 
that they can help us spread that message, which can be more 
credible often coming from within inside a country than 
externally.
    Mrs. Wagner. I have brief time. I thank you for that 
answer.
    We have a national interest in sustaining U.S. leadership 
in Southeast Asia and promoting respect for democratic freedoms 
and articulating our strategic priorities, I think. This is why 
I introduced the Southeast Asia Strategy Act, which ensures 
that the United States engages proactively and meaningfully in 
this dynamic region. I am happy to say that the House has 
unanimously passed this legislation, and I am hopeful that the 
Senate will take swift action.
    Deputy Assistant Secretary Busby, can you assess the health 
of democracy in Southeast Asia, and what is the U.S. plan to 
prevent democratic backsliding in our Southeastern Asian 
partners?
    Mr. Busby. Thanks for the question, Congresswoman. Well, as 
I noted in my testimony, and my colleagues did as well, 
unfortunately, there has been democratic backsliding throughout 
the region, much like as we have seen throughout the world. And 
we are trying to push back on that by, first of all, 
demonstrating to the people and the governments in the region 
what the benefits of democracy are, and that is part of the 
reason President Biden has committed to holding a summit for 
democracies to show that democracies can deliver.
    We are also trying to bolster the role of civil society 
throughout these countries, because we believe that independent 
civil society can call attention to human rights abuses, to 
corruption, can help hold governments accountable when they 
aren't addressing the needs of their people.
    Mrs. Wagner. Thank you.
    I am way over my time. I appreciate the chair's indulgence, 
and I yield back. Thank you.
    Mr. Bera. Thank you.
    Let me go and recognize the gentlelady from Nevada, Ms. 
Titus.
    Ms. Titus. Yes. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to the 
witnesses.
    Just changing the subject a little bit, the unrest in Burma 
does not seem to be subsiding anytime soon, and regional 
diplomacy, I believe, is going to be crucial to bringing some 
resolution to the current conflict. And some countries in ASEAN 
have been very outspoken against the coup, but others and the 
association in general have offered more tepid responses or 
rebukes.
    Now, I understand that the Five-Point Consensus Agreement 
from the Summit in April was a good start, but it is very 
vague, and it does not have any details about how ASEAN could 
enforce it. And you saw evidence of this earlier in the week 
when the Junta ignored the pleas from the ASEAN members to 
release the prisoners and they wouldn't engage in any dialog to 
bring peace to the country.
    I wonder what our government, our State Department, is 
doing to sure up ASEAN or pressure some of those countries to 
be sure we are all working in concert and are committed to the 
efforts to bring some resolution to this conflict.
    Mr. Busby. Francisco, why do not you take this one.
    Mr. Bencosme. Congresswoman thank you very much for the 
question.
    Part of Deputy Secretary Sherman's recent visit to 
Southeast Asia was in part to signify U.S. leadership on making 
sure that ASEAN played a very constructive role in resolving 
the human rights crisis in Burma. Whether it was in Bangkok or 
in Cambodia or Indonesia, she raised the need for both 
bilaterally and collectively as an institution for ASEAN to be 
firm and sort of holding up their fight consensus plan, as well 
as releasing prisoners like Aung San Suu Kyi and others.
    I think that we agree with your assessment in terms of some 
of the challenges we have seen on sort of building that 
diplomatic pressure, but at the same time also think that the 
consensus was an important opportunity to show leadership on 
behalf of ASEAN. And I think that there are also countries in 
the region like Japan and Korea who are also stepping up to the 
plate.
    Ms. Titus. Well, I am glad to hear that because as we try 
to reestablish our position internationally, we are going to 
have to work with other organizations and former allies. We 
cannot go it alone. So I think that the new administration 
recognizes that and seems to be taking some steps in that 
direction based on what you said.
    You mentioned--somebody did earlier--backsliding in some of 
these countries, democratic backsliding. We are seeing that 
everywhere, but one country I would like to ask about is 
Mongolia. That is the country we really need to be friends 
with, and they have been good partners. They have been moving 
toward democracy. They are holding Presidential elections now; 
but they are in a very dangerous neighborhood and a precarious 
position both politically and economically.
    I wonder what the State Department and USAID are doing to 
engage Mongolian officials. Are we trying to reinforce 
Democratic resilience? Are we watching that election? Because 
there have been some parties within the country that have taken 
actions that might have undermined the democratic process.
    I know the Desert Research Institute here in Nevada has a 
project there with the cloud seeding to deal with the 
snowstorms, and we are working with some of the women's groups 
on cashmere production; but that is just a small piece. What is 
the general policy, if you can address that?
    Mr. Bencosme. I am happy to take that question again, 
Congresswoman.
    We have been very concerned about our recent developments 
in Mongolia. We have reiterated through our embassy that 
healthy major parties on both sides of the upcoming elections 
are important for democracy in Mongolia. At the same time, we 
do believe there is still a strong commitment to democracy and, 
that it is still within the U.S. strategic interest for 
Mongolia to be a stable and viable democracy.
    And we have asked our counterparts to advocate that all 
issues of qualifications of candidates be made in accordance to 
Mongolian law but also international obligations in terms of 
human rights.
    Ms. Titus. It is harder and harder for us to maybe set the 
example for how elections should run. I am surprised some 
people haven't sent folks over here to observe our own, but at 
least we are trying to send the right message. So thank you for 
that.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Bera. Thank you.
    Let me go ahead and recognize the gentleman from Tennessee, 
Dr. Green.
    Mr. Green. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and ranking member for 
holding this hearing today, and I want to thank our witnesses 
for being here.
    I am out in my district, the rural part of my district, and 
so I thought I would take a little bit and share what their 
perspective is on democracy in the region, and it really mostly 
centers around what is going on with China.
    You know, all too often I think we make the mistake that 
the people of China and the Chinese Communist Party or CCP are 
the same, but it is important to remember that the desire for 
freedom and a demand for self-reliance and human rights exists 
throughout much of the population of China. It is not so, of 
course, with the totalitarians of the CCP and, in particular, 
Xi Jinping.
    President Xi has ushered in an unprecedented era of 
authoritarianism not seen since Mao's years, from tearing down 
crosses at churches and erecting his own image in their place, 
the cultural and ethnic genocide against the Uyghurs in 
Xinjiang, Xi has gone beyond even Deng Xiaoping who was only a 
few years removed from Mao.
    Let me take a moment and frame the mindset of the current 
CCP leadership in a historical context. After Tiananmen Square 
where hundreds, potentially thousands of protestors were 
massacred, President Bush sent former Secretary of State 
Kissinger on a secret mission to China. He observed, and I 
quote, ``The Chinese leaders were stunned by the reaction of 
the outside world. They could not understand why the United 
States took umbrage at an event that had injured no American 
material interest,'' end quote. A party official told Kissinger 
again, quote, ``We do not like to hear that others ask us what 
to do. Americans like to ask others do this or do that. The 
Chinese people do not want to yield to others,'' end quote.
    Fast forward to when Nikki Haley was serving as Ambassador 
to the United Nations, confronted the Chinese delegates about 
the Uyghurs in Xinjiang. She essentially said that their 
leaders were shocked. We did not understand that these were 
just terrorists. They seemed to communicate a right to wipe the 
Uyghurs off the map for the acts of a few criminals and the 
world had no right to tell them what to do.
    Now, the current communist emperor in China has made it 
clear they still do not want to be lectured on human rights, 
human dignity, and the value of freedom. But that does not mean 
we do not have options or an obligation to live within our 
values.
    Recall after the holocaust the phrase ``never again''. The 
world can never again sit by and tolerate genocide. We acted in 
Rwanda, and we have an obligation to act now because never 
again is happening again in Xinjiang. The question, of course, 
is, what does that look like? Because while China asserts its 
Westphalian right to have no country medal in its internal 
affairs, the United States has a right, and I said above, an 
obligation, to choose with whom we do business and how we 
support our allies.
    Militarize the manmade islands in the South China Sea 
against the findings of an international court, we have every 
right to navigate those seas. Conduct debt trap and wolf 
warrior diplomacy with our allies, well, we will work to 
reverse the economic freedoms that we granted. Steal the 
intellectual property of our companies, we will continue to sue 
in court and create legislation and agreements which force 
China's hand.
    Hack our defense systems to advance their own military 
buildup so through might they can continue their intimidation, 
well, we will shift forces to the Indo-Pacific, and we will 
build the advanced weapon systems with which no nation in the 
history of man has ever been able to compete. If they were so 
good at it, why would they steal ours.
    The choice is and always has belonged to the leadership of 
the CCP. America worked to grow our relationship with China, 
and as the country opened up and stood up, to use Deng and 
Mao's own words, that improved relationship with us and our 
friends, along with a good bit of intellectual property debt, 
and, to be honest, a lot of hard work by industrious Chinese 
people has created an economic powerhouse. But the termination 
of the grace we gave, in light of the return to an 
authoritarian implementation of socialism and communism, is our 
right as well, and China should not be surprised by our 
response.
    America has a right to choose how we interact with nations, 
behave responsibly and see a flourishing friendship. Wrongfully 
imprison an entire people group and, well, we are going to 
react. Create the lie that a pandemic started in a wet market 
from a pangolin that no one has found yet to hide a likely 
laboratory leak and your own culpability, well, do not be 
surprised when the rest of the world is pissed off and 
expecting some restitution for those losses.
    The people of China should understand the new situation of 
a world standing up to the CCP is a result of their 
authoritarian actions, specifically the totalitarian leader of 
Xi Jinping. We want nothing more than a great relationship with 
the Chinese people. However, Xi's actions are deplorable, and 
they violate the very human right of freedom and self-
determination, and the United States has every right to choose 
our partners based on their conduct and values.
    My only questions of our witnesses today is, can you 
describe how Xi Jinping is different from his predecessors in 
regards to human rights and relations with the West?
    Mr. Bera. And given that your time is expired, if someone 
wants to give a quick response.
    Mr. Green. Thanks Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Busby. Let me respond quickly, Congressman. Thank you 
for that statement and that question.
    We do believe that Xi Jinping has been more repressive than 
his predecessors. He has consolidated power in a way that 
hasn't occurred previously and in recent years and that the 
scale of the abuses has indeed increased under his rule.
    You are absolutely right to point out that there is a 
difference between the Chinese Government, between the PPC--CCP 
rather, and the people of China. And President Biden and 
Secretary Blinken have not shied away from calling out Xi 
Jinping for his abuses against the Uyghurs and against others.
    Mr. Green. Thank you.
    Mr. Bera. Let me go and recognize the gentleman from 
Michigan, Mr. Levin.
    Mr. Levin. Thanks, Mr. Chairman.
    I associate myself with Dr. Green's remarks and having been 
in
    [inaudible] On June 4, 1989, in--[audio malfunction] The 
oppression of the Uyghurs, the Tibetans, and others is just--
all the way to Hong Kong is just horrifying.
    But let me start by talking about
    [audio malfunction] Who was detained on May 24, he is the 
managing editor of the News Outlet from Myanmar. He has been on 
the Reality of Life in Burma after the February 1 military 
coup,
    [audio malfunction] A dangerous yet essential job that 
journalists are doing at unwarranted risk to themselves, but
    [audio malfunction] Secretary Blinken
    [audio malfunction] To bring Danny home, something that has 
just got to happen immediately.
    I understand that folks here today aren't from the State 
Consular Affairs team so may not be able to speak directly
    [inaudible] Related to this case, but I want to use this 
opportunity to share my thanks and to ask you to continue doing 
everything you can to get him home safely as soon as possible.
    Mr. Busby and Mr. Bencosme, can one of you share in 
specific terms what the Administration is doing to address the 
danger journalists are facing in Burma and ensure those who are 
detained are released unconditionally?
    Mr. Busby. Let me start and then turned it over to 
Francisco.
    Mr. Levin. Somebody? My time is ticking.
    Mr. Busby. Yes. Let me being by saying generally we are 
trying to support independent journalists as much as we 
possibly can. The environment right now is a very tough one for 
them, but we have programs that support independent journalism, 
and diplomatically we are also speaking out in defense of 
journalists.
    That said, those who are trying to get out of Burma because 
they think the danger is too great, we are also doing our best 
to protect them.
    Let me turn it over to Francisco for details on the 
particular case of your constituent that you raise, 
Congressman.
    Mr. Bencosme. Thank you, Congressman.
    The welfare and safety of U.S. citizens is one of the 
highest priorities that we have here in the U.S. Government. We 
have both raised consistently at high levels the military 
regimes to release both Daniel Fenster and Nathan Maung and 
other American journalists immediately and will continue to do 
so until they are allowed to return home safely to their 
families.
    As you alluded, consular officers have sought to visit 
Daniel, but have been thus far been unafforded access to him by 
military officials, and so we will continue to ask the Burmese 
military for consular access as required by the Vienna 
Convention on consular wishes without delay.
    Thank you.
    [Audio malfunction.]
    Mr. Bera. Andy, are you still there?
    Mr. Levin. All right. Let me turn to--pardon? Yes. Can you 
hear me?
    Mr. Bera. We can--it seems like you have a bad connection, 
so----
    Mr. Levin. Mr. Chair----
    Mr. Bera. Andy, it seems like we have got a bad connection.
    Mr. Levin. Mr. Chair----
    Mr. Bera. You are going in and out, so try and ask a 
question.
    Mr. Levin. Mr. Chairman?
    Mr. Bera. Andy, can you hear us?
    Mr. Bera. Maybe the staff can work on Mr. Levin's----
    Mr. Levin. All right. You can hear me, though?
    [audio malfunction]
    Mr. Bera. Why do not we have the staff work on Mr. Levin's 
connection, and let's go on to the next member, the gentleman 
from Kentucky, Mr. Barr.
    Mr. Barr. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thanks to our 
witnesses for your testimony today.
    Let me start with Advisor Bencosme. And am I pronouncing 
that right, Mr. Bencosme?
    Mr. Bencosme. You are correct, Congressman.
    Mr. Barr. Thank you very much. And thank you for your 
service and testimony where you rightly point out that the PRC 
continues to undermine Hong Kong's autonomy and civil liberties 
despite its obligations under the joint declaration and 
international law.
    And my question to you is about the Biden Administration's 
policy specifically related to Hong Kong. What is the 
Administration's policy in response to China's violation of 
international law and antidemocratic aggression in Hong Kong? 
You testified that we will examine all available policy tools 
to promote accountability for the Beijing and Hong Kong 
officials responsible.
    Also, the Administration issued a document, the interim 
security strategy guidance, and in that document the Biden 
Administration committed to working alongside allies to, quote, 
stand up for democracy and human rights in Hong Kong. I applaud 
the Administration for those statements, but can you give me 
some more specifics? What is the policy specifically to support 
pro democracy activists in Hong Kong?
    And given Hong Kong's authorities against opposition 
figures and Beijing's tightening control of Hong Kong's 
elective bodies, is Hong Kong a lost cause or what is it we can 
do to respond to Chinese aggression there?
    Mr. Bencosme. Thank you for that question. I will start off 
and then maybe turn to PDAS Busby in case I forgot anything.
    But I think you are absolutely right that our strategy and 
lines of reference includes, one, increasing partners and 
allies condemning the recent actions in sort of degrading the 
autonomy in Hong Kong. That includes getting countries like the 
U.K., European partners, as well as Canada and others to really 
speak out against human rights abuses in Hong Kong.
    And second, it also means imposing costs for abusers, 
whether they be Chinese or Hong Kong officials. So, for 
example, earlier this year we imposed sanctions on individuals 
and making sure that they do not continue to act with impunity.
    And, third, whenever possible, supporting activists and the 
Hong Kong people whether it is through civil society support or 
through those who are trying to flee, through the closet of 
natural security law.
    So I will turn it over to Deputy Busby if he has anything 
to add.
    Mr. Busby. Nothing to add. Francisco, I think you covered 
it well.
    Mr. Barr. Yes. Thanks to both of you. And the sanction 
piece I think is important, supporting civil society. 
Supporting those opposition figures in Hong Kong is important. 
I do hope there is a future for a peaceful political opposition 
in Hong Kong, and I hope it is not a lost cause.
    Let me turn to Taiwan. We do not want what happened in Hong 
Kong and the national security law there to happen to Taiwan. 
The lifting of the restrictions on port imports from the United 
States was seen as a good faith step by the Taiwanese to work 
toward a more comprehensive trade deal with the United States. 
Secretary Blinken confirmed with me yesterday that indeed the 
Biden Administration and trade representative Thai will be 
working toward perhaps a bilateral agreement there. The CCP 
would obviously not want to see a bilateral trade deal between 
the United States and Taiwan.
    Are we seeing the CCP attempting to influence the upcoming 
referendum on the restrictions on port imports, are we seeing 
the CCP attempt to influence that? Are we seeing the CCP 
attempting to undermine the potential for trade talks?
    Mr. Busby. I personally do not know the answer to that, 
Congressman. We will need to get back to you. I can say that 
the CCP definitely sought to influence the recent Presidential 
elections in Taiwan, and we worked closely with the authorities 
in Taiwan to help them push back against that, and they did so 
more successfully than many other governments in the world have 
done.
    Mr. Barr. Thank you.
    And real quick, Dean Thompson, do our export/import bank 
and Development Finance Corporation, do they have access to 
intel to better counter belt and road? Do they have access to 
the intel on countering those investments with investments of 
their own?
    Mr. Thompson. Congressman, thank you for the question.
    I believe they do, and we work very closely with them to 
look at ways to leverage what they can bring to the table, both 
in terms of direct financing, as well as leveraging other 
capital that may be out there.
    Mr. Barr. I think DFC and AXM are important tools in 
countering belts and roads.
    Thank you for your indulgence, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.
    Mr. Bera. Great. Thank you.
    I have a message that Mr. Levin is back. Andy, can you 
check your audio?
    Mr. Levin. Yes. Can you hear me, Ami?
    Mr. Bera. Great. So let's go and give you 2 minutes back if 
you want.
    Mr. Levin. Thanks so much, Mr. Chairman. Very sorry about 
that.
    In Bangladesh, almost 10 years after the Rana Plaza 
disaster, we are seeing challenges to unions. The landmark 
Accord on Fire Safety and Building--Fire and Building safety is 
in danger of unravelling, and U.S. companies never even joined 
it.
    My first trip abroad as a Member of Congress was to 
Bangladesh, where I talked to workers and union organizers 
about the challenges they face, as well as going to the 
Rohingya refugee camps. More than 4.5 million people work in 
4,500 garment facilities, making Bangladesh the second largest 
garment exporter in the world after China. According to the New 
York Times, under the Fire and Safety Building Accord, more 
than 120,000 fire, building, and electrical hazards were fixed. 
Nearly 200 factories with 2 million workers lost their 
contracts because of poor safety standards after more than 
38,000 inspections.
    Mr. Busby and Mr. Thompson, will this administration work 
with me to support Bangladesh workers' freedoms to form unions 
and to extend and expand specifically what is arguably the most 
effective worker safety agreement ever achieved since the dawn 
of the global antisweatshop movement in the 1990's?
    Mr. Busby. Let me start by just saying, Congressman, thank 
you for the question, first of all, and we are absolutely 
committed to working with you to protect and promote worker 
rights in Bangladesh.
    Over to Dean Thompson for more details.
    Mr. Thompson. Thank you.
    Let me just echo, absolutely, we would look forward to that 
and, we are very engaged in working with not just ourselves, 
amongst ourselves at the U.S. Government but with like-minded 
partners in the ILO to work with unions and other forces in 
Bangladesh that are looking to bring change. And we will 
continue to do that and look forward to the opportunity as you 
have described it.
    Mr. Levin. Okay. But I am asking for a specific answer to 
my question on the Accord on Fire and Building Safety, which 
negotiations have been extended. Will the United States commit 
to work with me on that?
    Mr. Thompson. Yes, sir.
    Mr. Busby. Yes, sir, absolutely.
    Mr. Levin. Okay. Thank you.
    Thanks, Mr. Chairman. Sorry for the technical difficulties.
    Mr. Bera. Great. Let me now go ahead and recognize the 
gentlelady from Pennsylvania, Ms. Houlahan.
    Ms. Houlahan. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And thank you all for 
being here today.
    My first question is for Mr. Thompson. In the United States 
and India are the worlds two largest democracies, and as a 
consequence, I believe that we are uniquely poised to join 
forces in promoting a democratic system and democratic values 
in the Indo-Pacific region specifically and probably beyond.
    My question for Mr. Thompson is, would you agree with that? 
And, if so, what kinds of initiatives is the Administration 
intending to pursue or already pursuing to be able to pair 
those two great democracies with one another?
    Mr. Thompson. Thanks, Congresswoman.
    It is a great point and one we absolutely agree with in 
terms of the vast possibilities of our relationship with India. 
As I mentioned earlier, we have a global comprehensive 
strategic partnership with India. We are looking at ways to 
both strengthen India's ability to be a positive player and 
influencer throughout the region, and when you bring in the 
Quad member countries as well, the Quad relationship is 
extremely important because of the ASEAN centrality and the 
vast regional reach that it has for us to be able to bring 
these kind of democratic ideals across the board.
    I would also note that our ability to leverage each other's 
assistance programs and, complement one another where 
relationships may be stronger between us and a country versus 
India and a country, or vice versa, there is a great, 
leveraging opportunity there.
    So I will leave it there. Perhaps Craig or someone else 
might have something.
    Ms. Houlahan. I actually have a little bit of a follow on 
question as well, which is, although, of course, we have two 
great democracies, including ours and India's, they are not 
without their flaws and problems. And I do have a pretty big 
Kashmir population in my community, and there is, of course, 
concern about the treatment of the Kashmir people.
    What is the dialog that is ongoing between the 
Administration and the Indian Government on these human rights 
issues broadly if you could share a little bit there?
    Mr. Thompson. Yes, Congresswoman, happily.
    You know, the Administration routinely raises issues 
related to a vast array of rights and democratic issues with 
India. Kashmir is one area where we have urged them to return 
to normalcy as quickly as possible, including we have seen some 
steps taken in release of prisoners, the restoration of 4G 
internet access, things of that nature. There are other 
electoral steps we would like to see them take and that we have 
encouraged them to do and will continue to do so.
    Ms. Houlahan. Thank you.
    And for the remainder of the of my time, for Mr. Busby, I 
have a question that relates to protests that are, of course, 
ongoing around the world. Whether it is Hong Kong or Thailand 
or Burma, we are seeing a lot of people, particularly young 
people and especially women, leading the charge and pushing for 
reforms in many of these nations.
    What can the United States be doing to help support those 
young people and, particularly, women who are engaged in these 
political movements? And can we do so without feeding into the 
narratives that these movements are facilitated by our foreign 
interference?
    Mr. Busby. Thank you for the question, Congresswoman.
    First of all, you probably heard the Secretary indicate our 
steadfast support for the right of peaceful assembly, and we 
articulate our commitment to that right and that others should 
respect that right whenever these types of protests occur.
    As you rightly note, standing by and supporting the youth 
of these countries is very important. We continue to support 
the YSEALI program in Asia which involves engagement with the 
young people of that region to expose them to America and 
American values. We have a similar program with young African 
leaders. So that is one way of maintaining our engagement and 
support for young people who are engaging in these sorts of 
activities.
    And then as to women, we continue to have women-specific 
programs, programs that are devoted to women's empowerment, as 
well as programs to promote and protect women's rights. And, 
indeed, we continue to have an office specifically devoted to 
women's issues here at the State Department that is focused on 
these issues.
    Ms. Houlahan. And we would love very much in my office to 
work with you on those issues, in particular.
    [inaudible]
    And with that, I appreciate your time, gentlemen, and I 
yield back.
    Mr. Bera. Great. Let me go ahead and recognize the 
gentleman from California, Mr. Lieu.
    Mr. Lieu. Thank you, Chairman Bera, for holding this 
important, hearing and thank you to our witnesses for your 
public service and your time today.
    I would like to followup on Representative Sherman's 
questions about Burma. First of all, what the military did in 
Burma was wrong. They should be removed from power and doing a 
coup is completely unacceptable.
    My questions relate to the relatively newly formed National 
Unity Government in opposition to this military coup. I note 
that prior to this military coup, the Government of Burma was 
essentially doing what the U.N. called having genocidal intent 
in slaughtering the Rohingya, sexual assaults of the Rohingya, 
brutalizing the Rohingya. A number of these very same members 
of that government are now part of the National Unity 
Government. I am disappointed they refuse to recognize the 
citizenship of the Rohingya, but I am also really troubled they 
do not even have a representative of the Rohingya in this 
National Unity Government.
    So my question to Mr. Bencosme is, is the U.S. or has the 
U.S. recognized this National Unity Government yet?
    Mr. Bencosme. Thank you for that question, Congressman 
Lieu.
    The U.S. has met with the National Unity Government as part 
of its outreach to civil society in response to the coup. We 
continue to support, democracy forces inside the country, as 
well as those who are fleeing. But on the question of 
recognition, we have not made a decision.
    Mr. Lieu. I request that we not recognize this National 
Unity Government until they commit to having a representative 
of the Rohingya in their National Unity Government.
    And I just note that this is one of the darkest days of 
despair for them. They are out of power and exiled. They may 
never get back, and even during these very dark days, they 
still cannot manage to say they will give citizenship to the 
Rohingya. They still cannot manage to have a representative of 
Rohingya in their government. Imagine what they are going to do 
if they ever get back in power.
    I am going to tell you what they are going to do. They are 
going to do the same thing they did before, which is slaughter 
the Rohingya with genocidal intent. That is what they did 
before this coup. That is what they are going to do afterwards 
because they have made zero, zero commitments to not do that in 
terms of having citizenship and having a representative of the 
Rohingya.
    So I request the State Department not to recognize them and 
be very forceful in demanding these changes. And as 
Representative Mark Green said, never again. I hope the State 
Department honors that thought.
    My next question is to Secretary Thompson. It is about 
Pakistan. At a prior hearing of House Foreign Affairs 
Committee, there was a hearing on Afghanistan. It was brought 
up how important Pakistan was to the future of Afghanistan. And 
my question to you is, the State Department recognizes that 
Pakistan is a critical ally of the United States. Is that 
correct?
    Mr. Thompson. Yes, sir.
    Mr. Lieu. So I just am curious because I asked this 
question at the prior hearing. I did not get a very good answer 
to it. There was a Climate Summit earlier this year where there 
was a meeting of 40 world leaders. They got exclusive 
invitations, and the leaders of India and Bangladesh were 
invited to this exclusive meeting with the President, and 
Pakistan was not invited to that exclusive meeting, even 
though, according to the Global Climate Change Risk Index, 
Pakistan is fifth in terms of being most vulnerable to climate 
change. And when we look at the list of 40 countries, Pakistan 
was basically bigger than about 35 of those countries that were 
invited to this exclusive meeting with President Biden.
    So I am just wondering, what was the thinking there of 
excluding the leader of Pakistan from that meeting?
    Mr. Thompson. Thanks Congressman.
    I can speak a little bit to this but may have to take the 
question to get you a more fulsome answer if I can. But my 
understanding is the invitations for the summit itself were 
primarily among the largest emitters and that Pakistan did not 
fall into that category but that there was an opportunity then 
for leaders from several other countries to sort of have a 
discussion about the issues as a way of broadening that 
discussion.
    That was sort of the extent I was involved with it. I am 
happy to try and get more information for you.
    Mr. Lieu. Thank you.
    I do not think it is actually true in terms of emitters 
because there were much smaller countries that emitted far less 
that were also invited to this meeting.
    And I just want to close by saying the State Department 
just needs to be sensitive to potential snubs. You cannot just 
sort of invite the leader of India and Bangladesh to a meeting 
with the President but not the leader of Pakistan. They are 
just not going to take it the right way. That is one reason we 
have the State Department so that we do not have these kind of 
snubs happen diplomatically.
    With that, I yield back.
    Mr. Bera. Thank you.
    Let me go and recognize the gentlelady from Virginia, Ms. 
Spanberger.
    Ms. Spanberger. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. To our 
witnesses, thank you for being here. I truly appreciate your 
time.
    My question today is really focused on freedom of the 
press, which is something that we have discussed specific to 
particular journalists so far. But, recognizing that freedom of 
the press is really foundational to the protection of human 
rights and to democracy and since we have seen since COVID and 
the pandemic has begun that there really is an importance of 
objective reporting in public health as an example, and when 
freedom of the press is hampered, so is the ability of everyday 
citizens to separate facts from fiction and navigate an 
increasing presence of misinformation and disinformation.
    But across the world, there are many countries where it 
does remain very dangerous to be a journalist, and this is 
particularly concerning to me as we see the journalists around 
the world are literally facing increasing crackdowns and 
constraints, and we have seen this in South Asia in particular,
    So Mr. Busby, Mr. Thompson, I was wondering, could you 
please provide an assessment of freedom of the press in 
countries such as India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, for example, and 
what threats to journalists, individuals may be facing or 
experiencing there or elsewhere in the region?
    Mr. Busby. Thank you, Congresswoman, for the question.
    We couldn't agree more on the importance of free and 
independent press, and we indeed speak out in favor of free and 
independent press wherever there are threats to freedom of the 
press, and we also have a variety of programs, some of which 
the State Department administers and some of which USAID 
administers, dedicated to freedom of the press.
    I would note that a couple of years ago the U.K. started 
something called the Media Freedom Coalition specifically 
designed to address threats to press freedom, and we are 
working very closely with the U.K. in speaking out in 
individual cases as well as supporting journalists generally 
around the world who are threatened.
    Let me turn it over to Dean now for a specific analysis of 
the South Central Asia region.
    Mr. Thompson. Thanks, Scott, and thank you for the 
question, Congresswoman.
    It remains, as Scott said, an area we watch very closely 
and, in fact, work with many different journalism groups to try 
to continue to promote freedom of the press, freedom of 
expression in all of the countries in the region.
    It is a little hard to give you one answer because each 
country has some different issues. Certainly we have been 
concerned in Pakistan and Bangladesh with regard to some of the 
restrictions on journalists that have been there. Similarly, at 
times that has happened in India, though I think India we can 
say has a very vibrant press overall that reports very freely 
on its government.
    But just getting back to the specifics of what we do, I 
think that, with our colleagues from USAID, with our colleagues 
from DRL, we are always looking for ways to build the capacity 
and ability of journalists to report and broaden the knowledge 
base, if you will, of the citizenry.
    As you rightfully noted, COVID has been a tremendous 
example of where information is critically important and access 
to information has to be protected.
    Ms. Spanberger. And challenges that may or may not be 
impacting the press, do you see any particular problems that 
those present for you all as it relates predominantly to 
diplomacy in communicating our message, our values, our purpose 
in engaging? Are there any challenges that, from an American 
perspective, facing out you may see in terms of issues related 
to a free press overseas?
    Mr. Thompson. Scott, if it is OK, maybe I will start that.
    I would say that it can be an issue, of course, if you are 
dealing with a country that has a restrictive press 
environment, and in which case we will look for alternate ways 
to get our message across and a broad number of ways.
    So, there may be government outlets. There may be private 
outlets. There may be social media opportunities. We are quite 
interested in looking at where are the people looking for news 
and where are they getting their information and how can we 
take that to them in a number of different ways, whatever the 
media might be.
    Ms. Spanberger. Thank you very much. And I am almost out of 
time, so I appreciate your last comment.
    Certainly in our other subcommittees we have heard from 
journalists in other parts of the world, in other regions where 
people do really get creative in how they disseminate 
information and ensure that good quality information is out 
there in other places as well.
    So thank you for your answers.
    Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
    Mr. Bera. Great. Thank you for that.
    And I know--I think we lost Mr. Chabot to technical issues. 
So with that, I am going to go ahead and make some closing 
remarks.
    And, again, want to thank the witnesses for, your public 
service and your continued work to uphold our democratic values 
in the region. And, I think this subcommittee, as well as 
Members of Congress as you have heard today, want to work in a 
bipartisan way with the Administration to strengthen those 
values.
    And I know when I think about the region and think about 
the great power competition of China, I often think about it in 
terms of, obviously, there is an economic competition, 
influence competition, but there is a competition of values. 
And the more we can do to strengthen our relationship with 
like-minded allies and like-valued allies, such as some of the 
initiatives with the Quad and some of the conversations taking 
place, to set the rules of norms, there is a competition of 
those values here in the 2lst century. And I think it is 
pertinent to the people of the world that democratic values, 
free market values, the human rights that come with that 
actually win the day.
    So, again, thank you for your work in these areas. We look 
forward to working with each of you as we move those values 
forward.
    And with that, I will bring this hearing to a close, and 
the meeting is adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 12:44 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

                                APPENDIX
                                
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]                                
                                


         STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY
         
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]         
         


            RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
            
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]