[House Hearing, 116 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN TIBET
AND THE INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA
ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
SEPTEMBER 30, 2020
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Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available at www.cecc.gov or www.govinfo.gov
__________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
43-840 PDF WASHINGTON : 2021
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CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA
LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS
House Senate
JAMES P. McGOVERN, Massachusetts, MARCO RUBIO, Florida, Cochair
Chair JAMES LANKFORD, Oklahoma
CHRIS SMITH, New Jersey TOM COTTON, Arkansas
MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio STEVE DAINES, Montana
THOMAS SUOZZI, New York TODD YOUNG, Indiana
TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California
VICKY HARTZLER, Missouri JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon
BEN McADAMS, Utah GARY PETERS, Michigan
BRIAN MAST, Florida ANGUS KING, Maine
EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS
Not yet appointed
Jonathan Stivers, Staff Director
Peter Mattis, Deputy Staff Director
C O N T E N T S
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Statements
Page
Opening Statement of Hon. James P. McGovern, a U.S.
Representative from Massachusetts and Chair, Congressional-
Executive Commission on China.................................. 1
Zeekgyab Rinpoche, Abbot of Tashi Lhunpo Monastery............... 4
Mecacci, Matteo, President, International Campaign for Tibet and
former member of the Italian Parliament........................ 6
Statement of Hon. Marco Rubio, a U.S. Senator from Florida and
Cochair, Congressional-Executive Commission on China........... 8
Dorjee, Tenzin, activist and writer, and Senior Researcher at
Tibet Action Institute......................................... 8
Richardson, Sophie, China Director, Human Rights Watch........... 10
Statement of Hon. Chris Smith, a U.S. Representative from New
Jersey......................................................... 12
Appendix
Prepared Statements
Zeekgyab Rinpoche................................................ 30
Mecacci, Matteo.................................................. 31
Dorjee, Tenzin................................................... 33
Richardson, Sophie............................................... 34
McGovern, Hon. James P........................................... 39
Submissions for the Record
CECC Truth in Testimony Disclosure Statement..................... 42
Witness Biographies.............................................. 43
THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN TIBET AND THE INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE
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WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 2020
Congressional-Executive
Commission on China,
Washington, DC.
The hearing was convened virtually, pursuant to notice, at
10:08 a.m., Representative James P. McGovern, Chair, presiding.
Also present virtually: Senators Rubio, King, Cotton,
Daines, and Peters and Representatives Smith, McAdams,
Hartzler, Levin, and Suozzi.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES P. McGOVERN, A U.S.
REPRESENTATIVE FROM MASSACHUSETTS AND CHAIR, CONGRESSIONAL-
EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA
Chair McGovern. Good morning, and welcome to today's
hearing of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, on
the Human Rights Situation in Tibet and the International
Response.
While the world is rightly focused on the crimes against
humanity and perhaps genocide in Xinjiang, and the dismantling
of Hong Kong's autonomy and rule of law, the human rights
situation in Tibet continues to deteriorate. More than 60 years
have passed since the Dalai Lama escaped into exile, and
Tibetans in China are still struggling to exercise their basic
rights--to speak and teach their language, protect their
culture, control their land and water, travel within and
outside their country, and practice their religion as they
choose.
Religious freedom continues to be severely curtailed,
including through mandatory political education for religious
leaders and arrests of Tibetans who display or even possess a
photo of the Dalai Lama. Several buildings or religious centers
of Tibetan Buddhist learning have been demolished. Religious
practitioners have been expelled from Larung Gar and Yarchen
Gar, which used to be the home of thousands of Tibetan Buddhist
monks and nuns. It has now been 25 years since the 11th Panchen
Lama was abducted and forcibly disappeared, making him one of
the world's longest-detained prisoners of conscience. We
continue to call for his immediate and unconditional release.
This year, ethnic unity regulations were passed that
mandate acceptance and promotion of government ethnic and
religious policy. There has also been a Chinese government-led
effort-- misleadingly referred to as bilingual education--
instituted in minority areas throughout China, that mandates
that schools and teachers shift to Mandarin as the language of
instruction. This violation of linguistic rights in Tibet is
also being implemented in Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia, where
new limits on Mongolian language instruction recently sparked a
large-scale demonstration. In the name of poverty alleviation
and environmental protection, Tibetan herders and nomads are
under pressure to give up their traditional land rights and way
of life, displaced according to the whims of the government and
business.
Make no mistake about it, Chinese authorities are engaged
in a systematic effort to eliminate the distinct religious,
linguistic, and cultural identity of the Tibetan people. They
are in clear violation of China's international obligation to
protect human rights and religious freedom and to respect the
rights of indigenous peoples and tribal and ethnic minorities.
Access to Tibet remains tightly controlled, with journalists
reporting that it is difficult to visit Tibet--it is as
difficult to visit Tibet as it is North Korea. As a result,
human rights abuses and environmental degradation are concealed
from the world.
In 2018, Congress passed the Reciprocal Access to Tibet
Act. And I was heartened to finally see the Trump
Administration implement this legislation by restricting visas
for Chinese officials involved in blocking access to Tibet
areas. However, a special coordinator for Tibetan issues has
still not been appointed, as mandated by law. Every other U.S.
President over the last two decades has made this appointment.
Not doing so sends a signal that the human rights of the
Tibetan people are not a priority for the President or the U.S.
Government.
I am very concerned about recent reports that systematic
and large-scale training and transfer of Tibetan rural surplus
laborers to work in factories is taking place. This program
seems eerily similar to Uyghur forced labor abuses that have
been well documented by this Commission. I am also concerned
about the targeting of the Tibetan diaspora, including such
tactics as allegedly engaging a New York police officer to
gather intelligence for the Chinese government about the New
York Tibetan community.
I look forward to hearing more about these issues from our
witnesses today. In a white paper last year, the Chinese
government restated its claim that it has the sole authority to
control the next reincarnation of the Dalai Lama, in clear
violation of the religious freedom of the Tibetan Buddhist
community. In light of new threats to interfere in the
reincarnation process and the increased human rights
violations, U.S. policy toward Tibet needs to be updated, and
it needs to be strengthened. In January 2020, the House of
Representatives overwhelmingly passed the Tibetan Policy and
Support Act by a vote of 392 to 22. At a time when Democrats
and Republicans can't even agree on what to have for lunch,
this bipartisanship shows overwhelming support for human rights
in Tibet and for the Tibetan people.
This legislation will establish a U.S. policy that the
succession or reincarnation of Tibetan Buddhist leaders--
including a future 15th Dalai Lama--is an exclusively religious
matter that should be decided solely by the Tibetan Buddhist
community; state that Chinese officials who interfere in the
succession or reincarnation process will be subject to targeted
sanctions, including those contained in the Global Magnitsky
Act; strengthen the role of the State Department and the
special coordinator for Tibetan issues by including a mandate
to work multilaterally; mandate that no new Chinese consulate
should be established in the United States until a U.S.
consulate is established in Tibet; direct the State Department
to begin multinational efforts to protect the environment and
water resources of the Tibetan Plateau; and support democratic
government in the Tibetan exile community.
It is long past time for the Senate to act on this
legislation. Frankly, I'm not sure why it has not moved
forward. I hope that my Senate colleagues and all those who
support human rights in Tibet will contact the leadership in
the Senate and ask them to pass this bipartisan legislation as
soon as possible. Our hearing today will examine the current
situation facing Tibetans, both inside China and globally,
explore restrictions on linguistic and religious rights, and
identify diplomatic and multilateral options to address
restrictions on access and the process of religious succession.
[The prepared statement of Chair McGovern appears in the
Appendix.]
And I can't see him--I'm not sure whether Senator Rubio is
on the line or not. I don't see him yet. But we'll go to him.
Let me--before we go to Senator Rubio, let me ask whether any
of my other colleagues would like to say anything? And I see
Senator King. I don't know whether you'd like to make a few
opening remarks.
Senator King. I really don't have any additional comments,
Mr. Chairman. You covered the field well and I'm anxious to
hear from our witnesses today. Thank you.
Chair McGovern. Thank you very much. Is Representative
Chris Smith here?
Staff. Mr. Smith is in the Africa Subcommittee--in the
Africa hearing. But he has remarks that he would like to give
when he returns in a few minutes.
Chair McGovern. OK. All right. I see Mr. Suozzi.
Representative Suozzi. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I'll wait
until the witnesses have a chance to speak and then make a
statement and ask some questions at that time.
Chair McGovern. Senator Cotton or Senator Daines,
Representative Hartzler?
Representative Hartzler. No, I'll withhold my comments till
later. You've covered a lot already, Mr. Chairman. Thank you.
Chair McGovern. OK. Thank you. And Andy Levin?
Representative Levin. If you will wait, Mr. Chairman. I'm
looking forward to asking questions.
Chair McGovern. And I see Senator Peters.
Senator Peters. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I'll also defer
until after the witnesses have a chance to make their
presentation.
Chair McGovern. All right. So everybody's deferring. All
right. So I'll now go to the panel. I'm proud to introduce our
esteemed panel of expert witnesses this morning. The panel
includes Zeekgyab Rinpoche, who was recognized by the Dalai
Lama as a reincarnated lama. His lineage has close connections
to Tashi Lhunpo Monastery and the Panchen Lama. Rinpoche has
completed over three decades of Buddhist studies at key centers
of learning in India. He was appointed Abbot of the Tashi
Lhunpo Monastery in South India by the Dalai Lama.
Matteo Mecacci serves as the president at the International
Campaign for Tibet. He previously served in the Italian
Parliament as a member of the Italian Chamber of Deputies,
during which time he served as chairperson of the Italian
parliamentary group for Tibet. He also served as an elected
official of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly.
Tenzin Dorjee is a Tibetan activist, writer, and senior
researcher and strategist at Tibet Action Institute, graduated
from the Tibetan Refugee School System in India, and immigrated
to the United States under the Tibetan Resettlement Project's
family reunification program. He's the former director of
Students for a Free Tibet.
And last, but certainly not least, Sophie Richardson. She's
the China Director at Human Rights Watch. Dr. Richardson is the
author of numerous articles on domestic Chinese political
reform, democratization, and human rights in Cambodia, China,
Indonesia, Hong Kong, the Philippines, and Vietnam. She's
testified before the European Parliament and the United States
Senate and House of Representatives on many occasions.
I want to thank you for all being here today, and we look
forward to hearing your testimony. And we will begin with
Zeekgyab Rinpoche. And just make sure you unmute, OK?
STATEMENT OF ZEEKGYAB RINPOCHE,
ABBOT OF TASHI LHUNPO MONASTERY
[Note: Zeekgyab Rinpoche's remarks were made through an
interpreter.]
Zeekgyab Rinpoche. Chairman McGovern, Chairman Rubio,
respected members of the Commission, thank you for organizing
this very important hearing and for the opportunity to speak
today. I am the abbot of Tashi Lhunpo Monastery. My monastery
was founded by the first Dalai Lama, and for 500 years has
served as the seat of the Panchen Lama, one of the most
important figures in Tibetan Buddhism, with spiritual authority
second only to the Dalai Lama.
The Panchen Lama is of immense significance to my
monastery, to the 6 million Tibetans in Tibet, and to the
millions of Buddhists worldwide. In 1995, His Holiness the
Dalai Lama recognized a 6-year-old boy, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima,
as the 11th Panchen Lama. Three days later, the Chinese
government abducted this boy, making him the world's youngest
prisoner at the time. Twenty-five years have passed since the
Panchen Lama's abduction. Despite persistent appeals from
concerned governments, UN bodies, rights groups, and
sympathetic individuals across the world, the Chinese
government to this day refuses to provide verifiable
information about the Panchen Lama's whereabouts, his well-
being, or evidence to prove that he is even alive today.
Instead, China has propped up another boy as the Panchen
Lama, a false reincarnation whom we Tibetan Buddhists do not
accept. China's glaring lack of accountability over the
kidnapping of such an important religious figure, and a child
at that, is an outrageous and unprincipled act. This violates
the very basic right that Tibetan Buddhists should have to
choose our own spiritual leaders. This raises the question, why
did the Chinese government kidnap a 6-year-old boy, the genuine
reincarnate, and prop up a false Panchen Lama? In Tibetan
history, the unique relationship of the Dalai Lama and the
Panchen Lama is well known. The popular saying is: As the sun
and the moon are in the sky, so are the Dalai Lama and the
Panchen Lama on Earth.
Since the 17th century, the Panchen Lamas and the Dalai
Lamas have played key roles in recognizing and teaching each
other's reincarnations. In the past century, the 9th Panchen
Lama helped identify His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, who in
turn recognized the 10th and 11th Panchen Lamas. Given this
traditional practice, the Chinese government will surely use
its false Panchen Lama to interfere in the selection of the
next Dalai Lama and other high reincarnates. Therefore, all of
us Tibetan Buddhists the world over, and supporters of
religious freedom, should be deeply concerned. It is clear that
the Chinese policy over Tibet is a deliberate attempt to remove
from the face of the Earth our racial and cultural identity.
This is clearly seen in the way the Chinese government
interferes and intervenes in the functioning of the monastic
education system, by imposing restrictions on our monks and
nuns. Even in our schools, we see this malign design to wipe
out our unique identity in the form of restructuring the
curriculum and banning the learning of the Tibetan language. In
short, there is a continuous and systematic destruction of our
culture, religion, language, and environment in Tibet.
Therefore, to safeguard the rights of Tibetan Buddhists
worldwide, to choose our spiritual leaders without interference
by the Chinese government, and to secure the release of the
Panchen Lama, I respectfully offer three suggestions to this
Commission.
First, on the crucial issue of the selection of the next
Dalai Lama, the entire matter should be left to the total
discretion and vision of the Dalai Lama--without any
interference and imposition from the CCP. Please do devise a
coordinated strategy in unity with allies and present a strong
collective stance to challenge the CCP's authoritarian regime's
ominous moves on this matter.
Second, please work toward establishing similar contact
networks with the many Tibetan parliamentarians, support
groups, and caucuses that exist around the world. These contact
groups could facilitate the sharing of model resolutions and
legislation, such as the Tibet Policy and Support Act, among
its members.
Third, I call upon sympathetic governments, NGOs, and Tibet
support groups to investigate the whereabouts of the Panchen
Lama, and those abducted with him, so that we have clear and
accurate information on their whereabouts, including current
photos of the Panchen Lama, his family members, and Jhadrel
Rinpoche. We simply cannot keep urging transparency from China,
which has shown no intention of transparency on this matter and
other human rights issues. Lastly, I request the U.S. Senate to
approve the Tibet Policy and Support Act. If passed, this
legislation will bring much-needed hope to the Tibetan people
as they struggle to survive during this dark period of
persecution and illegal occupation by China.
Thank you for the honor of testifying before you. And thank
you for your ongoing support of human rights and religious
freedom of the Tibetan people.
[The prepared statement of Zeekgyab Rinpoche appears in the
Appendix.]
Chair McGovern. Thank you very, very much.
We'll now turn to Matteo Mecacci.
STATEMENT OF MATTEO MECACCI, PRESIDENT, INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN
FOR TIBET AND FORMER MEMBER OF THE ITALIAN PARLIAMENT
Mr. Mecacci. Chairman McGovern, Chairman Rubio, members of
the Commission, thank you for inviting me to testify today.
Tomorrow is the 71st anniversary of the establishment of the
People's Republic of China. And while every nation is entitled
to celebrate its founding, no government should lose sight of
the fact that its first and main responsibility is to serve and
protect all its citizens by respecting their fundamental
rights. Since the People's Republic of China invaded Tibet
almost 70 years ago, it has kept very tight control on all
aspects of Tibetan life. The deterioration of human rights in
Tibet today continues to be very serious. Over the last four
years, Freedom House has consistently ranked Tibet as the
second-least-free region of the world--behind only Syria.
Tibetans can be persecuted for their beliefs. And to ensure
government surveillance on Tibetan monks and nuns, police
stations have been opened inside or next to monasteries.
Tibetans can be arrested simply for owning photographs of the
Dalai Lama or celebrating his birthday, or for watching videos
of his teachings. China is also trying to control the Tibetan
reincarnation system, as we've just heard from Zeekgyab
Rinpoche. After abducting the Panchen Lama and his family when
he was just six years old in 1995, the Chinese Communist Party
now plans to select the next Dalai Lama--an absurd claim that
the international community needs to challenge decisively. And
there are encouraging signs from European governments and the
United Nations, in addition to the State Department.
At the end of August, Xi Jinping presided over the Seventh
Tibet Work Forum held in Beijing. The meeting's proceedings
indicate that the Chinese leadership will continue its policy
of control and assimilation in Tibet. Worryingly, Xi Jinping
called for the patriotic reeducation of the younger generation
of Tibetans, and asked officials to--(inaudible)--and I quote,
``strengthen ideological and political education in schools,
put the spirit of patriotism throughout the entire process of
school education at all levels and types, and plant the seeds
of loving China in the depths of the hearts of every
teenager.''
In a report released on September 22nd, scholar Adrian Zenz
documented the large-scale program established in the Tibet
Autonomous Region that in the first seven months of 2020 pushed
more than half a million rural Tibetans off their land and into
military-style training centers. These are staggering numbers.
After their first training, at least 50,000 of them were sent
to other areas of Tibet and China and pushed into low-wage
factory and construction work. The report highlights the
Chinese authorities' attempts to eliminate Tibetans'
traditional lifestyle, their unique identity, and their way of
thinking. It also highlights disturbing similarities with the
system of coercion, vocational training, and labor transfer
established in Xinjiang over the last few years.
In the wake of this new report, more than 60
parliamentarians from 16 countries from the Inter-Parliamentary
Alliance on China have issued a statement demanding urgent
action to confront such policies. As we discuss how the United
States and the international community should shape and adjust
its Tibet policy, it must be noted that under the leadership of
Chairmen McGovern and Rubio, at the end of 2018 the U.S.
Congress passed the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act--the first
legislation to apply the principle of reciprocity in U.S.-China
relations. As documented by the State Department in its latest
report, the Chinese government continues to keep Tibet under
lockdown. And as a result of this legislation, last July the
State Department, for the first time, banned from the United
States the Chinese officials who are responsible for blocking
Americans' access to Tibet.
This call for reciprocal access to Tibet has also been
endorsed by MPs around the world in an op-ed published last
June by over 50 European MPs, following a report by my
organization. There is a growing awareness in European capitals
and in Asia of the challenge posed by the authoritarian model
of development promoted by Beijing. Calling for reciprocity,
not only on economic and financial issues, but also for civil
liberties and human rights, is an effective way to challenge
China's narrative. But it should be done in a strategic, well-
coordinated, and international fashion--which is still not the
case.
Last January the House of Representatives, as mentioned by
Chairman McGovern, passed the Tibetan Policy and Support Act.
This is now before the Senate. And we call on Senators to pass
it before the end of the year. Tibetan Americans, ICT members,
and Tibet supporters sent several thousand petitions to Senate
offices urging support for the TPSA. This will be a powerful
message of hope to the Tibetan people, who are otherwise faced
with the daily oppressive policies of the Chinese authorities.
The legislation affirms that it's only up to Tibetan Buddhists
to select the next Dalai Lama, without any government
interference. It acknowledges, also, the fragility of Tibet's
environment and the key role Tibetans play in its preservation.
The TPSA also expands the mandate of the special
coordinator for Tibetan issues--a senior position at the State
Department which, unfortunately, has never been filled during
the last four years. The absence of a special coordinator could
be one reason why there hasn't been much movement on the
Tibetan dialogue process from the Administration side. With
only a few months left in the current term of the
Administration to do anything meaningful, the next
Administration, whether it's Republican or Democratic, should
quickly appoint a special coordinator for Tibetan issues at the
undersecretary level, not at the lower-level position, because
doing that will send the wrong political message of diminished
U.S. support for Tibet both to the Chinese government and to
the Tibetan people.
While talking about the post-election Administration, we
have launched a Tibet 2020 campaign, so that the Presidential
candidates of both parties are apprised of the American
people's strong desire for Tibet to be a high priority. We look
forward to working with the White House and Congress in our
common objective of supporting the people of Tibet to regain
their rights and dignity. Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Matteo Macacci appears in the
Appendix.]
Chair McGovern. Thank you very much. Before we go to our
next witness I'm going to yield to our cochair Senator Rubio
for anything he would like to say.
STATEMENT OF HON. MARCO RUBIO, A U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA AND
COCHAIR, CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA
Senator Rubio. I'll be very brief. I'm sorry I'm late. It's
been pretty crazy here. And I haven't even left the house yet.
So I appreciate your holding this hearing, Chairman. And
obviously this is a very important issue. I hope that we can
act legislatively on it. We have to continue to talk about,
clearly, the outrages we've seen with the Uyghur population in
Xinjiang. It's something we need to continue to focus on. But
the ongoing abuse of the Tibetan people, the effort to strip
them of their ethnic and religious identity, is an outrage
that's been documented for a long time, but one that we cannot
lose focus on, and one that we need to continue to update--as I
just heard the previous witness say--update our foreign policy
to continue to reflect forward.
So thank you for holding this hearing. I'm late, so I don't
want to take up any more time. I know everybody's running
around with different things going on. So I appreciate it. And
thanks for holding this hearing.
Chair McGovern. Thank you very much.
I now yield to Tenzin Dorjee.
STATEMENT OF TENZIN DORJEE, ACTIVIST AND WRITER, AND SENIOR
RESEARCHER AT THE TIBET ACTION INSTITUTE
Mr. Dorjee. Thank you, Chairman McGovern, Cochair Mr.
Rubio, and members of the Commission for allowing me to testify
on behalf of the Tibetan people.
Over the course of seven decades the Chinese government has
waged an unrelenting campaign of violence and coercion aimed at
eradicating the Tibetan people's faith, identity, and way of
life. As China becomes a global power, the threat it poses to
freedom and human rights goes far beyond Tibet. Beijing's
surveillance and influence operations are undermining the
liberty and security of those living in America. China uses a
sophisticated set of tools, tactics, and strategies to conduct
what I would call repression without borders.
One strategy is the weaponization of access--access to
markets, to family, to funding. By carefully controlling
access, China buys the silence of American individuals and
corporations, even Hollywood and the NBA. Of special relevance
to Tibetans is China's visa-as-bait strategy. The Chinese
government weaponizes access to family in order to coerce
exiled Tibetans into silence and political impotence. They do
this through a visa policy that is blatantly racist against
Tibetans.
Let's say you are a Tibetan American applying for a visa at
the Chinese consulate. There is a main window where everyone
checks in, but you can't use that window because you are
Tibetan. You are taken to a separate area where a liaison
officer interviews you. You have to write a personal statement
in which you narrate your whole life history, name all the
groups you've ever joined, and state whether you've ever
participated in a protest. Each piece of information is a data
point that the consulate might use against you later.
Most importantly, you have to provide the names and IDs of
your relatives in Tibet, so the Chinese government knows who
you are and knows who your relatives are. Now the fate of your
relatives is somehow your responsibility. They are the hostage;
you are the target. Then the consulate makes you wait,
sometimes for up to a year. Eventually the liaison officer
calls you in for a longer interview. He'll ask you again: Have
you ever participated in pro-Tibet activities? When you say no,
he shows you a photo. It's a photo of you attending a teaching
by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. That settles it. Beijing has
your data and you have no visa.
In one disturbing case, the liaison officer knew things he
had no business knowing. He knew that the Tibetan visa
applicant had a dog, he knew what breed the dog was, he even
knew the dog's name. His message was clear: We are watching
you. This insidious campaign to control exiled Tibetans in
order to divide the community and kill the movement is
bolstered by the rise of WeChat. While ordinary apps are
platforms for expression and communication, WeChat is the
ultimate platform of censorship and state surveillance. It
facilitates the transnational repression that Beijing employs
to silence overseas dissidents and activists.
The same regime that threatens the lives of Tibetans,
Uyghurs, and Hong Kong citizens on the other side of the world
is threatening the rights of American citizens here. I urge
Congress to ensure that Chinese consulates abolish their racist
visa policies and stop the surveillance and intimidation of
American citizens.
Since 2009, over 166 Tibetans have self-immolated to
protest Chinese rule. Today Tibetans in Tibet are using the
tiny amount of space they have to wage small but important
campaigns to defend their language and to protect the
environment. My colleagues have documented 71 such incidents
between 2015 and 2019.
Tibetans fight for human rights, the freedom to use their
language, and the freedom to worship freely. These rights are
tied together by a deeper yearning for political freedom.
Beijing wants to de-politicize the Tibet issue. I urge you to
re-politicize it. Tibetan freedom is a truly bipartisan cause
that brings Democrats and Republicans together. I humbly ask
you now to lend your moral and political authority to initiate
a multilateral and coordinated effort to support Tibet's right
to self-determination.
One concrete action Congress can take is to recognize
Tibet's historical status as an independent nation and its
current status as a disputed territory. That in itself would
change facts on the ground. Language has the power of action.
And Congress has the power to set precedents. After all these
years, the Chinese government has lost the battle for the
hearts and minds of the Tibetan people. And its insecurity is
making it increasingly bellicose. But the Tibetan people
continue to resist with courage and patience. They know that
freedom struggles take time. They also know that freedom often
comes when it's least expected. Tibetans have never given up on
their struggle for freedom, and neither should we. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Tenzin Dorjee appears in the
Appendix.]
Chair McGovern. Thank you very much. And finally, I want to
yield to Sophie Richardson.
STATEMENT OF SOPHIE RICHARDSON,
CHINA DIRECTOR, HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH
Ms. Richardson. Good morning, Chairman McGovern and
Chairman Rubio, members of the Commission. It's always a
privilege to be with you.
Following the 2016 detention of Tibetan language rights
activist Tashi Wangchuk, a spate of protests about language
across the Tibetan Plateau, and concerns articulated by people
inside and outside Tibetan areas, Human Rights Watch documented
this year Chinese government policies and practices related to
mother-tongue education for Tibetans. What did we find? First,
that the Chinese government's use of the term is deeply
misleading. It is not the case that students across Tibetan
areas are being taught equally in both languages. State
policies are, in fact, leading to the gradual replacement of
Tibetan by Chinese as the medium of instruction, except for in
a single Tibetan language class.
Second, that while this trend has been visible at urban
secondary schools, we're now seeing so-called bilingual
education increasingly in primary schools and even in
kindergartens, and increasingly across rural areas. Third, some
of the tactics that we detailed include indirect pressure on
primary schools, including the employment of only Chinese-
speaking teachers, while at the same time requiring all Tibetan
teachers to be fluent in Chinese. Regional policies promote
what are referred to as mixed classes or concentrated
schooling--mixing together Tibetan- and Chinese-speaking
children--which is fine--to justify the use of only Chinese in
the classroom--which is not.
The third tactic we looked at was the lack of and/or
diminished use of Tibetan language texts or other materials,
such that relevant materials are really now very difficult to
find, let alone use. In sum, it's an approach to schools and
schoolchildren that appears to be eroding the Tibetan language
skills of children and forcing them to consume political
ideology and ideas contrary to those of their parents and their
community. Chinese authorities claim that this approach is
improving education and employment opportunities, but the
imperatives are clearly highly politicized and assimilationist.
Global evidence shows that children's educational
development is adversely affected, particularly in the case of
minority and indigenous children, when they are not taught in
their mother tongue in the early years of education. The broad
policy justifications, including ethnic mingling and poverty
alleviation, seek to integrate Tibetans with a Han majority,
into the mainland economy, and into Communist Party ideology,
at the expense of Tibetans' rights to culture, livelihood, and
religion.
It's worth pointing out that Human Rights Watch's in-house
experts on children's rights and education, who work globally,
were truly taken aback at the extent of patriotic education for
children as young as three or four. The outcome, I think, is
painfully obvious. Cultural and linguistic erasure for
Tibetans, further protests, and parents who actually clearly
want a genuine bilingual education, deeply alienated. And
increasingly, I think we have to be concerned as we watch these
issues play out, not just as we have in Hong Kong or in
Xinjiang, but now increasingly, as Mr. McGovern mentioned, for
communities of Mongolian speakers and now even Korean speakers.
A quick word on what human rights law has to say. China's
2001 law on regional national autonomy actually sets out
protections for mother-tongue education, especially at the
kindergarten level. The Convention on the Rights of the Child,
to which China is a party, and the ICCPR, to which China is a
signatory but has not yet ratified, guarantee children the
right to use their own language. And the UN Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples--which China has endorsed, sets
out not just rights to indigenous language education, but the
right of indigenous communities to make decisions for
themselves about education and what language ought to be
offered.
UN experts first started critiquing Chinese government
policies on these issues in 1996, so they are well established
and deeply problematic. Mr. Mecacci mentioned earlier Xi
Jinping's comments at the Seventh Tibet Work Forum in late
August, doubling down particularly on education issues. Clearly
this is a vector of control that the government and the Party
care about.
What can be done? A few quick thoughts: I think there's
room for the U.S. Government to support any and all mother-
tongue language education efforts, including preserving and
developing Tibetan language materials, such as textbooks. There
are also Tibetans who don't speak Tibetan. Those language
rights need to be respected as well. There's room to support
robust scrutiny of the Chinese government's forthcoming UN
treaty body reviews, and mounting evidence of similar tactics
across China urging Chinese officials to allow ethnic
communities to use their own languages when and how they see
fit, particularly in education.
I also want very much to encourage commissioners to find a
way to support the call by 50 UN human rights experts,
published in late July, for heightened scrutiny of China at the
Human Rights Council. It is time to end Beijing's sense of
impunity for a host of gross human rights violations. Thank
you.
[The prepared statement of Sophie Richardson appears in the
Appendix.]
Chair McGovern. Thank you very much. I appreciate
everybody's testimony. I'm going to ask questions at the end.
And I think Senator Rubio just had to step out. So this is the
order that I'm going to yield to people: Smith, King, Suozzi,
Cotton, Hartzler, Peters, McAdams, Daines, and Levin. I'm not
sure everybody's here, but I'm told that they may be. So let me
at this point yield to Congressman Chris Smith.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS SMITH,
A U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM NEW JERSEY
Representative Smith. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you for pulling this hearing together. The witnesses
were extraordinary. I am ranking on Africa and we have a
hearing going on, so I'm going back and forth. I apologize that
I missed the opening. I do have a statement I'd like to make
part of the record, without objection. An opening statement.
Just a couple of points. I thought, Dr. Richardson, your
points about the mother tongue and the language issues, the
education issues--you know, this has been a full-court press
for seven years--to displace the Tibetan Buddhists from their
own country and deprive them of their own culture and faith.
I'm wondering if there's--it's 70 years of genocide. We're all
talking about, as we should, the genocide that's being
committed--Xi Jinping's genocide against the Uyghurs--the
Muslim Uyghurs. But just because this has gone on for decades
doesn't make it any less egregious. And I'm wondering if
there's movement--and I agree with the UN Human Rights Council
that there needs to be--you know, some very bad actors help
control their agenda. And China has been disproportionately
effective in mitigating any kind of scrutiny that is really
serious.
As ranking member on this Commission and former chairman,
I'm happy to be the Republican cosponsor of the Tibetan Policy
and Support Act, and I want to thank, again, the Chairman for
introducing it. Hopefully, the Senate will take it up soon. But
this is an ongoing genocide. And perhaps some of you could
speak to what the Dalai Lama himself has written about, and
that is the Han Chinese population transfer, where they
systematically bring people in to displace the indigenous
Tibetans over time. And how poorly or well has that worked?
Unfortunately, probably all too well.
And finally, on the whole sinicization of religion in all
states in China, I and other--all of us are concerned about how
Xi Jinping has made it a matter of absolute dogma that all
faiths have to comport with his principles. We see,
unfortunately, a lot of kowtowing going on. You know, some
church bodies are doing it. Some are doing it very reluctantly.
But with the Tibetans it's been 70 years of this. And I'm
wondering if you can speak to how we can push back on that
further because, again, these are violations of internationally
recognized human rights.
So if you could speak to some of that, the 70-year
genocide--it's time we called it that. I mean, you just read
the genocide convention and no matter who's a party to it or
not, there needs to be, I think, a focus on the horrific things
they've done. And do we think the Panchen Lama is still living?
I mean, we're all concerned about that as well. And I thank
you, Chairman. I yield back.
Chair McGovern. Thank you. Do you want anyone in particular
to answer those questions?
Representative Smith. Dr. Richardson, maybe, might want to
speak to that and particularly on the UN and the whole idea of
genocide, and any others who would like to jump in. Sophie,
good to see you.
Ms. Richardson. Thanks, Mr. Smith. (Laughs.) It's a huge
question. And maybe what I can suggest is that the--we have a
very long conversation about whether the high threshold that's
set out for genocide claims is met, but that's an enormous
conversation in and of itself. Equally important I think, and
hopefully most salient to members of this Commission, is how
you go about getting to or creating a competent court that
could hear this. You know, there are many roadblocks in the
path to accountability, particularly for China.
You mentioned the challenges at the UN's Human Rights
Council. Those exist. But there are other ways of getting to
that point. You know, the secretary-general, the high
commissioner can, you know, appoint a standing committee to
look at these issues and report back to the council. There are
other mechanisms through the formation of ad hoc tribunals. And
I think that's as much of a challenge--a political and
diplomatic challenge--as the legal discussion about the
thresholds of genocide. So I'm happy to try to elaborate on it,
if that's helpful. I don't think I can answer the eight other
questions I just counted you asking right now. Unless you want
me to. I can try. (Laughs.)
Mr. Dorjee. Mr. Chairman, can I add a quick point to
Sophie's answer? Thank you very much.
I would like to say I think the slow-moving genocide of the
Tibetan people by the Chinese government is a real phenomenon.
And even as recently as 2014 and '15, a judge in the Spanish
High Court examined the evidence and concluded that what the
Chinese government perpetrated against the Tibetan people was a
crime against humanity and genocide. And one thing that we've
got to keep in mind that's very important is that one genocide
begets another. And what we are seeing right now in Xinjiang,
which the Uyghurs call East Turkestan, absolutely looks very
much like the beginnings of genocide.
And one huge reason why this is happening right now, why
the Chinese government even in a supposedly anti-colonial era,
even in the 21st century--in the beginning of the 21st century,
is able to recklessly do this operation in Xinjiang, is because
they were emboldened by the silence of the world when the
genocide was happening in Tibet. If the world had been more
actively and proactively opposed to the Chinese genocide in
Tibet, they would not be able to do this to the Uyghur people
right now. So these incidents--what's happening in Tibet,
what's happening in Xinjiang, what's happening in Hong Kong,
these are all connected.
When we come up with solutions to each of these problems,
we have to absolutely keep the bigger historical picture in
mind and come up with solutions to the entire scenario. I think
that's really important. Thank you.
Representative Smith. Thank you so much.
Chair McGovern. Are we all set, Mr. Smith, do you think?
Representative Smith. I think so.
Chair McGovern. Thank you. Thank you very much. I will now
yield to Senator King.
Senator King. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I guess I'd like to start with a question to Mr. Dorjee or
Mr. Mecacci. Why? Why is China doing this? China's a massive
country. Why are they wasting all this time and energy on a
country of six million people on the very edge of their sphere
of influence? What's this all about?
Mr. Mecacci. Yes, I can take that. I would say Tibet is of
strategic importance to China for many reasons. I mean, Tibet
itself, if you look at the map of the Tibetan Plateau, is
almost as big as Western Europe. And for centuries that region
has served also as a buffer zone with India and with other
regions in Asia. So the decision of the Communist Party 70
years ago, immediately after the revolution took over, they
decided to invade Tibet, as a plan really to consolidate their
rule and protect themselves from external influence. You know,
there had been influence in Tibet for the British; India had
the special relationship also with the region. So there are
geopolitical reasons why Tibet is important.
Also, Tibet is an area of immense natural resources. Eight
of the major rivers in Asia originate in Tibet--from the Mekong
River, to Brahmaputra, and other places. And as many analysts
say, it's possible that the next wars will not be about oil but
about water because of global warming and the scarcity of water
in the region. And we have seen recent articles in which there
have been reports in which the Chinese government has used the
dozens of dams that they have built on the rivers in Tibet to
slow the flow of water to downstream countries. Last year there
was a drought in Cambodia and Vietnam on the Mekong, while
apparently in the northern part of the river there was a lot of
water.
Then there is the recent--as you have seen--the recent
skirmishes and fighting at the border with India. That is
mostly about the border that previously was with Tibet. And in
military terms, if you control the plateau, you are at an
advantage from the military point of view.
Then there is another issue. I think it's a cultural issue.
Every authoritarian government has an inclination to try to
control spiritual power. We see that. Many conflicts in the
world are connected to religion and the need to control
religion. The Tibetan identity's strictly connected to Tibetan
Buddhism. So for them, for the Chinese Communist Party, first
of all, it was an ideological struggle to try to destroy
religion, as part of their ideology. Then when they realized
that the Tibetan connection with religion is so deep, now they
have moved to the idea of trying to have total control of
religion and use religion as a way to legitimize their power.
Their problem is that the Dalai Lama is the most respected
Buddhist leader for the Tibetan people and for Tibetan
Buddhists, not only all over the world but still inside Tibet.
So they lack legitimacy. And so the call for dialogue with the
Dalai Lama, the call for a political solution, actually would
be in Chinese interests if they really want to try to stabilize
the situation. But unfortunately, what we have seen even at the
last Tibet Work Forum is that the Chinese government continues
to try to pursue assimilation and total control, to maintain
their political power.
Mr. Dorjee. And if I could add very quickly to Matteo's
answer--that's exactly the reason why China is throwing caution
to the wind and going all out in Tibet and in East Turkestan.
And legitimacy is at the heart of it. The Chinese government
knows that it has no legitimacy in Tibet and Xinjiang. And
because of that problem, it makes them very insecure. And it's
Beijing's fundamental insecurity that makes the Chinese
government pursue these genocidal policies, because at the end
of the day their goal is to destroy the Tibetan people and the
Uyghur people as an ethnic group or as a religious group,
because they want Xinjiang without Uyghurs and a Tibet without
Tibetans.
Senator King. It was interesting. You used the word
``insecure.'' That was the exact word I was thinking of. It's
an insecure regime that has so much power, and so many people,
and so much economic power that it can't tolerate the slightest
deviation. That's an indication of insecurity.
Let me ask--and I don't know if any of you know the answer
to this--but 20 years ago, a little more than 20 years ago,
China was admitted to the WTO. The assumption was that
integrating China into the world economic community would lead
to a liberalization, a kind of opening up of a market society,
which would lead then to some level of democratization.
Manifestly that hasn't worked. And the only real--we can't
intervene directly in the internal affairs of another country
or how they are relating to their neighbors. On the other hand,
trade is certainly an important part of this message.
How much of China's economy, if anyone knows, is dependent
upon exports to the rest of the world--to America, or the rest
of the world? Does anyone have a guess or knowledge of that?
What I'm getting at is it strikes me that the one real power
the rest of the world has is economic. And if China's
substantially dependent upon exports, the rest of the world can
say, we're not going to buy any more until you start acting
like a mature, responsible, and secure country. And, you know,
if you had a store in your town that was discriminating
terribly against its employees and was doing all kinds of human
rights abuses, people in town wouldn't buy from them anymore.
And then if they wanted to stay in business they'd have to
clean up their act.
Any thoughts on that? Because that strikes me. And we can
do sanctions, and we can do resolutions and such, but the power
of the economy, it seems to me, is the most substantial power.
And it shouldn't be just America. It should be a worldwide
program. If we do it alone, then it's--then it loses its
strength, it seems. Any thoughts from our witnesses?
Mr. Dorjee. I would only say that the power of economic
sanctions against a regime like China would have worked
effectively in the '80s or the '90s. Today I think we have to
think larger than economic sanctions alone, if it is to work.
And Ai Weiwei in an interview this past week said it is too
late to curb or contain the Chinese regime's power. And I think
it is actually too soon to give up. And because America and the
liberal democratic order in the West was partly responsible for
bringing the genocidal regime of China into the global
community of nations back in the day, I think we also have a
fundamental responsibility right now to make sure that this
regime changes its behavior. And in order to do that, I think
economic sanctions are a great place to start, if and only if
we think beyond that and start thinking about the moral,
political, and cultural isolation of this regime, the way we
did with the dictatorial regime in South Africa during
Apartheid. I think we have to reach back into history and look
for some of these more expansive measures for isolating the
regime.
Senator King. Thank you. Very, very helpful. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
Chair McGovern. Thank you. Mr. Suozzi.
Representative Suozzi. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The work of
this Commission is so important. This is--as everybody's
spoken, the Chinese Communist Party has a 70-year head start.
And taking all the information as to what's going on and
getting it through this Commission and out to the public is so
important, considering that this has been going on for such a
long time. Sixty-one years ago the Dalai Lama was exiled from
his own country. Twenty-five years since the Panchen Lama was
abducted. So similar to what Angus talked about, the WTO, ever
since Nixon went to China, we've thought the more they were
exposed to us, and the more they were exposed to the rest of
the world and democracy, and the world economy, the more they'd
become like that. That simply has not happened.
And we see it has been testified to so many times. We had
our hearing on the Uyghurs and we heard language--crimes
against humanity, forced sterilization, forcing people to eat
pork when it's against their religion, forcing people to eat
when they're supposed to be fasting. I mean, it's--we see it
with the Hong Kong students and the protesting that's going on.
We see it certainly with the Tibetans. And there was an article
dated September 21st from Reuters. The first line is, ``China
is pushing growing numbers of Tibetan rural workers off the
land and into recently built military-style training centers,
where they are turned into factory workers, mirroring a program
in the western Xinjiang region that rights workers have branded
coercive labor.''
So I mean, the Chinese Communist Party has an overwhelming,
sophisticated plan to dominate the world economically,
militarily, in space, and on land. And Senator King referred to
Tibet being the edge of their sphere of influence. Well, with
the Belt and Road Initiative, we know their sphere of influence
is much, much bigger than that. And they want to influence the
whole world. And we see how they treat their own people. So I
think it's important for us to constantly educate Americans as
to what the Chinese are up to.
And I don't even know if my colleagues are aware . . . it
was referenced briefly by some of the folks here, but I think
it was just last week that a New York City police officer was
arrested because he was working for the Chinese Communist Party
to spy on the Tibetans. They actually have a recording of him
talking to Chinese officials saying, Go--the same center you
and I, Chairman McGovern, did our hearing at--they said: Make
sure you go to this Tibetan center, and you watch what's going
on there, so you can see who's trying to undermine the Chinese
efforts.
In Elmhurst, Queens, just outside my district, in Grace
Meng's district, we had a rally in February of this year where
we talked about the Elmhurst Library. It was showing historical
propaganda from the Chinese Communist Party about the history
of China that was completely misleading. Didn't talk about the
Tibetans. So the Tibetans rallied against it, and they got them
to take that down at the Elmhurst Library. And we hear about
the Confucius Centers on a regular basis.
So I want to ask, you know, the Chinese have a
sophisticated, well-organized economic propaganda plan, not
only in their own country but to export what they're doing in
their country to other parts of the world. So I want to just
ask the witnesses, can you give any other examples of things we
should be conscious of that the Chinese are doing beyond their
borders, you know, that we should be--especially in the United
States. I talked about the police officer that was arrested for
spying, the Confucius Centers, the propaganda at the Elmhurst
Library. Give us--what else are they up to that we need to be
conscious of? We know about the Uyghurs, we know about the Hong
Kong students, we know about the Tibetans. What do we need to
be conscious of?
Mr. Mecacci. If I may take that? Congressman, good to see
you.
Representative Suozzi. Thank you, Matteo.
Mr. Mecacci. I think one issue that we should pay attention
to is the plan of Chinese state media to expand operations
worldwide. Over the last four years, both the state news agency
and Chinese state TV have been expanded to thousands of
languages all over the world. So they basically take advantage
of their entrance into the WTO, and they have free access to
the markets in the world, and they're promoting--they use these
tools for propaganda. At the same time, they do not open the
huge Chinese market to anyone for media to be able to broadcast
in China, even the New York Times Chinese website is not
available in China.
So this goes back to the question of reciprocity, and also
to the question that Senator King asked before. Certainly
export is a huge part, you know, of the Chinese economy. But
what China has been able to do is take advantage of the
economic opportunities outside, usually with its strategic goal
of expanding their influence, while at the same time
restricting access for foreign companies in China, especially
when it comes to media; as you know, social networks, Google--
they're not allowed access to the Chinese markets. So I think
many businesspeople now realize that this is not sustainable,
that you cannot allow Chinese companies to have their own
internal sort of monopoly, and then have free access to the
markets all over the world. How can you compete with that? So I
think that the question of rebalancing and calling for
reciprocity and stopping those activities that are not
reciprocated by China in the U.S., I think it's a sound
approach to try to----
Representative Suozzi. Thank you, Matteo.
And if everybody could just give me one brief thing that
they think we should be aware of. Maybe Tenzin Dorjee, if you
could give me one example?
Mr. Dorjee. Hi, Representative Suozzi. Good to see you.
Thank you.
I think there are plenty of examples. Just this past week,
I think we should also be paying attention to things that are
happening inside the U.S., as well as outside the U.S. And a
couple years ago, people might remember, there was a Tibetan--
actually a Chinese agent who was ethnically Tibetan in Sweden--
who was arrested in Sweden. And just this past week, the
Swedish court decided to deport this Chinese agent working for
the CCP. He was spying on the Tibetan community in Sweden. And
I think that's--you know, it may be happening in Sweden. It's a
small country. But I think we've got to--it's a very good
indicator of what the Chinese government is doing because----
Representative Suozzi. Well, it's happening in New York
City.
Mr. Dorjee. Yes, yes, absolutely.
Representative Suozzi. I mean, it's happening right outside
my district.
Mr. Dorjee. Absolutely. There is a very, very small Tibetan
community in Sweden. And even in a small community, less than
100 people, even in a small community like that the Chinese
government is investing tons of resources spying on that
community. And the new case is exactly the same. In many ways,
the Tibetan community--among the Tibetan community we have
suspected for a long time that the Chinese government was
sending agents, informers.
And their main goal--you know, they have a twofold goal of
doing this. And the first goal is, of course, to collect
information and data from the local Tibetan community. And the
other is to influence the community, actually. And this
particular Chinese agent who was arrested last year--a couple
of weeks ago, it became very clear that what he was trying to
do was influence the Tibetan community not to engage in
political activities. And he was wearing an NYPD uniform. And
in the Tibetan community, there is respect for--high respect
for law enforcement. And he knows that.
And I think the Chinese government's main goal in this case
is to divide the Tibetan community in order to destroy the
Tibetan movement. Because they are really fully aware that the
global Tibetan community--especially in the West, especially in
America--has been extremely successful in inflicting a huge PR
cost to the Chinese government. They've played a huge role,
alongside our supporters, in exposing the brutality of the
Chinese government. And that's why several years ago the
Chinese government decided that they were not only going to
crush the Tibetan people inside Tibet, but they were actually
going to start paying attention to crushing the Tibetan
movement globally. And this is part of their master plan. And
what happened in New York is basically the tip of the iceberg.
Representative Suozzi. OK. Thank you.
I don't know if I have time left, but Dr. Richardson, just
briefly.
Ms. Richardson. Yes. Mr. Suozzi, if I can make this even a
little bit bleaker, because the problem is that you don't even
just have to be Tibetan or Chinese to be experiencing these
problems. About three weeks ago Human Rights Watch led on a
global civil society sign-on letter, directed at--essentially
at accountability for China at the Human Rights Council. And
groups from Vietnam, and Venezuela, and Azerbaijan signed on.
We had two groups in the United States that do not specifically
do work inside China decline to sign, even anonymously, because
they were afraid that it would be known they had joined and
that it would compromise their ability to get ECOSOC status to
be able to carry out advocacy at the United Nations. That's a
serious problem.
Representative Suozzi. Very serious. All right. Thanks,
everybody. Well, thank you very much, everybody. Thanks for
your good work. And I know a lot of people are really working
hard. And we just want you to know that we support you. And
this Commission will continue to try to provide a voice for
people who are really voiceless on this issue. Thank you so
much.
Chair McGovern. Thank you very much.
Senator Cotton? OK. Representative Hartzler. Senator
Peters. Representative McAdams. Senator Daines. Representative
Levin.
Representative Levin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I'm here and
I'm happy to go. I know other people are running around with
all our continuing activities. But there's none more important
than this one. And I'm really honored that you allowed me to
participate in today's hearing. And I've got a lot of things
I'd like to ask about. So let me jump right into it with this
amazing panel of witnesses.
We've heard about numerous reports of the Chinese
government tracking and harassing the Uyghur diaspora through
WeChat, through its embassies, through malware. And these
instances include coercing Uyghurs to refrain from activism and
return home, possibly to be jailed--by threatening their family
members in Xinjiang. And this has come up this morning. Let me
ask you, Mr. Mecacci, it's great to see you, a couple questions
about this. Talk about how the Chinese government may be
subjecting the Tibetan diaspora to extraterritorial coercion
and harassment. You know, what is going on here? It's very
troubling.
Mr. Mecacci. Yes. I think Tenzin has already mentioned one
clear example of pressure that is put on the Tibetan diaspora
everywhere in the world. I mean, we are talking about people
who have either escaped from Tibet because of the repression or
who are now the second generation of Tibetans abroad. And many
of these people have a very strong connection with Tibet. Many
of them have families. So the idea of being able to keep in
contact and travel there, it's a very important issue for every
diaspora community, because the goal in the end is to be able
to go back to your land.
And so China basically has weaponized the question of
access to Tibet. And as it came up here from the indictment of
the FBI that has been published on the Chinese by New York, the
Chinese consulate is using pressure--whether providing visa
access to Tibet as a way to try to either recruit new spies by
offering that opportunity for people to go back, or denying
access to those who, you know, participate in Tibet freedom
movement activities. And this is very concerning, because this
is a way also to create suspicion in a community, because if
people start thinking, you know, who got a visa to be able to
go to Tibet? . . . and how did they get it? So I think it's
very important that law enforcement look into that.
And, for example, for former political prisoners, there are
people who have escaped from Tibet. If they testify, if they do
activities, their families are in danger. Their families
continue to receive calls and they get visits from Tibetan
officials and Chinese officials in Tibet. And so this kind of
intimidation is really affecting the Tibetan diaspora. And
Chinese influence all over the country, all over the world, is
increasing. So these actions are only going to continue to
increase.
Representative Levin. Thank you. And I thought Tenzin's
written testimony and what you said this morning was really
powerful.
Let's talk a little bit about the New York Police
Department officer who was charged with spying. What kind of
information is China hoping to glean from agents like this? And
is there a reason to believe that there's a larger campaign
underway to spy on Tibetans in the U.S.? You've talked about
this some, but I'm particularly interested in this kind of,
actually using people in a police department or other official
positions like that. And what should the U.S. do? What can we
do to prevent this kind of horrific thing from happening?
Mr. Dorjee. Thank you, Representative Levin.
I would just like to add very quickly the part about the
identity of the agent who was arrested in New York. In many of
the media stories, he was identified as an ethnic Tibetan
working for the Chinese Communist Party. And one thing about
his identity--while there was no doubt that he was a spy
working for the CCP, there was actually a great deal of doubt
surrounding his identity. Many of the Tibetan people in the
community, including the community board leaders and others who
actually met him in person, do not think that he's actually
Tibetan. And there were a couple of reasons for that.
When he first met them, he could not understand the Tibetan
language. He could not communicate in the Tibetan language at
all. And he said he was Tibetan, but people who spoke with him
said that he could not speak the central Tibetan dialect--the
mainstream, standard dialect. He could not speak the Amdo
dialect. He could not speak the Kham dialect. And of course,
there are Tibetans who have good reason not to be able to speak
Tibetan, but not if you are from Tibet.
And the other thing is, he mentioned to some people that he
was from this place called Garong, in far eastern Tibet. And
the thing about Garong is if you were really from Garong you
have a good excuse not to be able to speak the standard Tibetan
dialect, because in Garong you speak a different dialect of
Tibetan. But in that case, there would have to be somebody from
the Garong community who could verify that this guy is somebody
from their village and they know him. There is no such person
in the entire community who has verified that they knew this
guy from back home. So that's very suspect.
Mr. Levin. So who do you think he might be? Who do you
think he might be?
Mr. Dorjee. The thing that we know about him is that his
parents--both of his parents work in the Chinese Communist
Party. They work for the CCP, which makes it extremely unlikely
that he was actually persecuted in Tibet or in China. While his
story to the United States court while applying for political
asylum--he's somebody who came here, then applied for political
asylum saying that he was persecuted back home by the Chinese
government. So he was clearly lying in his entire story. That
means we don't know what else he's lying about. So I just want
to put that out there.
And it seems that there are two things that these agents
from the Chinese government usually try to do. One is, they
want to infiltrate the community so that they can get as much
information as possible. And one goal of this information is to
link people who are in exile to people who are in Tibet. And
once you make that link between exile and inside Tibet, then
the Chinese government is able to use that relationship in
order to execute their repression.
There are multiple stories of Tibetans who are able to go
to Tibet, and at the end of their meeting with the United Front
Work Department or the Chinese security people who come to see
them, they tell Tibetan Americans, or Tibetan French, or
Tibetan Europeans, with Western passports--they are told by the
Chinese agents that you--you know, you have a foreign passport,
but always remember that your family here do not. And it's a
very clear, thinly veiled kind of threat. And that's one
purpose that they use this information for.
The other purpose is to de-politicize the Tibetan
community. Like Matteo said, they want to create doubt and
suspicion within the community. And that's an age-old, time-
tested tactic of the Chinese government through the United
Front Work Department. Professor Anne-Marie Brady has called
these things--these tactics--China's magic weapons. And the
Chinese government purposefully uses these kinds of weapons.
And they do this for the Tibetan community as well. They try to
sow doubt, to make people suspect each other. And once you have
created that kind of doubt within the community, then people
don't actually need to be real spies or informers. You just
divide the community and destroy the movement. And that's what
China's trying to do to the Tibetan community.
Representative Levin. Mr. Chairman, I have more questions,
but I don't--I don't see a clock, so I don't want to abuse my
time.
Chair McGovern. Yes. I'm so used to the Rules Committee
where there's no clock, that sometimes I let things go on
forever.
Representative Levin. OK.
Chair McGovern. Thank you. Before I ask my question, I want
to make sure everybody's been--Senator Daines and Senator
Cotton? I just want to make sure, because I see them up here.
But I just want to make sure that we don't overlook them.
All right, Well, let me--let me ask a series of questions
here at the end. And this is for Zeekgyab Rinpoche. You know,
as Abbot of the Tashi Lhunpo Monastery you preside over the
traditional seat of the Panchen Lama. Can you talk about what
the Panchen Lama means to you, and the monks in your monastery?
After 25 years of his enforced disappearance, what does he mean
to Tibetans more generally? Do you think he's still alive?
Zeekgyab Rinpoche. Thank you very much for the question on
the Panchen Lama. The Panchen Lama, his importance, and what he
means to our monastery at the Tashi Lhunpo and to the Tibetan
people, and Buddhists all over--it means so much to us. His
release would be a tremendous thing for us. It would mean the
world to us. We miss his presence in our midst. And we are
truly saddened. So with the release of the Panchen Lama, the
monastery and Tibetan Buddhists everywhere, they would be--
surely be overjoyed.
And so in a nutshell, the Panchen Lama, his release would
mean that, firstly, this fact would reestablish the unique
relationship of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, in terms
of their teacher-student relationship and in recognizing each
other's reincarnations, you know, from lifetime to life. So
this is an important and crucial point for us. And then if you
look historically, Tashi Lhunpo Monastery has had an
international base, even when Tibet was free. So scholars from
different countries, neighboring countries, would come to Tashi
Lhunpo for study, and scholars from Tashi Lhunpo would go to
different parts of the Himalayan region and to India for the
same purpose of scholarship, and learning, and dialogue.
So today also currently in our monastery, the composition
of the student body is from different parts of India. We have
students here right now from different parts of India, from the
neighboring countries, and not just Tibetan students. So with
the presence of the Panchen Lama, with his serenity, Tashi
Lhunpo Monastery would really flourish as an international
center for learning. And at the same time, with him in our
midst and with his presence, the lineage of the Panchen Lamas
will flower. And this will be of tremendous benefit to millions
of Buddhists all over the world.
And then finally, with his release, the Panchen Lama will
have the opportunity to complete his religious mission and
spiritual practices, in line with the vision and coordination
of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Thank you.
Chair McGovern. Thank you. Just one other thing. And I just
now see Senator Daines. So I'm going to ask this and then I'm
going to yield to Senator Daines. Are there any plans or
initiatives on the Panchen Lama issue that you want the
Commission to know about?
Zeekgyab Rinpoche. Yes. We have a host of plans and
initiatives. And CECC's help in these matters will go a long
way in the success of our plans and initiatives. So please do
support and help us.
First, we have a book about the Panchen Lama which will be
released on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the Panchen
Lama's abduction by the CCP. And then we plan to distribute and
share this book with interested people across the world to
create awareness and present the tragic situation of the
Panchen Lama. In our travels to different places, we want to
distribute this book and meet different leaders and people, and
to seek support from more quarters.
And at the same time, we have an initiative and plan of
visiting different countries in Asia, Europe, Canada, and the
USA, especially D.C., in 2021. The basic initiative of this
type of plan is to spread awareness of the Panchen Lama's life,
his contributions both spiritually and politically, and the
struggles that he went through. And so basically we have this
initiative of travel to seek his release at the earliest
possible date.
And then finally we're also planning for an in-person
hearing regarding the Panchen Lama's release in 2021 during our
travels. So your support and guidance will be of tremendous
help in all our plans and in--(inaudible). Thank you.
Chair McGovern. Thank you very much.
I see Senator Daines. I'll yield to you, if you have any
comments or questions.
Senator Daines. Great. Thank you, Congressman McGovern.
Much appreciated. And I want to thank you all for coming before
this Commission and providing your perspective and expertise on
this very important topic. Human rights, religious freedom, and
travel restrictions to and within Tibet, are of keen interest
to me and this Commission.
Mr. Mecacci, following the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act
becoming law in December 2018, the State Department has issued
two annual reports summarizing the level of access to Tibet and
other Tibetan areas. Could you describe the impact that the
passage of that Act has had on U.S. policy and advocacy
organizations' work on Tibetan issues?
Mr. Mecacci. Thank you, Senator Daines, for the question.
I think the passage of the legislation has had a deep
impact on U.S. policy but also has encouraged advocacy
organizations to continue to pursue that. You know, the
campaign for that deal started in 2014. And at the time, there
was not much discussion about reciprocity between the United
States and China. Now today we see that reciprocity is a key
element to try to rebalance U.S.-China relations--not only on
economic and financial issues, on which, you know, the Trump
Administration has been quite active, but also on questions
related to freedom of movement, freedom of information, and
freedom of expression, and access to the Chinese market.
So when Congress passed the legislation, it now has
mandated that the State Department issue these reports. And
these are very important because they make an objective
assessment of the level of access granted to Americans. And the
line--the initial line of the report is that the Chinese
government systematically prevents access to Tibet for American
citizens. This is clear discrimination against American
citizens. And the reaction from the State Department to ban
Chinese officials who are responsible for it is measured and
appropriate.
Senator Daines. This issue of reciprocity . . . what steps
do you believe other countries might take to push the Chinese
government on reciprocal access to Tibet and related issues?
Mr. Mecacci. This issue has been at the center, also, of
the recent discussion at the EU-China Summit. You know, the EU
leaders have started to talk about reciprocity--not
specifically when it comes to access to Tibet, but in general
with relations with China. And we have seen members of the
European Parliament and other European parliaments--national
parliaments--endorsing these campaigns and these principles,
calling for access to Tibet.
One point I would like to make--for this strategy to be
effective, it needs to be an international strategy. It cannot
be the U.S. alone, because China has too much weight and too
much influence on many other countries, and they would not be
able to face that pressure unless there is a sound and solid
coalition of like-minded countries working on this, to put
pressure on China.
Senator Daines. Thank you. A question for Mr. Dorjee. Mr.
Dorjee, as you know, the United States is not the only country
to have recently imposed restrictions on Chinese apps. In fact,
in June India banned the use of the mobile communication
platform WeChat. Could you discuss how this will affect the
two-way flow of information into and out of Tibet?
Mr. Dorjee. I think the flow of information between Tibet
and the world outside, there has been a lot of debate about it.
And I fully understand that there are some people who have also
argued that WeChat as an app may have a lot of problems, but it
does have the bright side of creating more exchange and
communication between outside and inside, between Chinese
people inside China and the Chinese diaspora, between Tibetan
people inside Tibet and the Tibetan diaspora.
But one thing that I would like to highlight here is that
WeChat--while other digital apps are built for communication
and expression, WeChat as an app is designed for censorship,
self-censorship, and state surveillance. As a result, right now
we can say that there is more communication between people
inside Tibet and outside Tibet than ever before in history--
through WeChat, let's say.
But the problem is, as Adrian Zenz pointed out in a
breaking story in Jamestown Foundation, what the Chinese
government is doing in Tibet right now, especially in the TAR.
They are moving half a million--close to half a million
Tibetans into forced labor camps. This kind of project that the
Chinese government is running in Tibet right now, it took us
half a year to find out that this was happening. And I think
this is a very strong indication that more communication and
more exchange doesn't always translate into more understanding,
more awareness of what's happening inside Tibet.
And that's why I think that while banning apps in general
belongs in the arsenal of illiberal regimes--it may seem like
an illiberal tactic--while that's the case, an app like WeChat,
which is meant to surveil people and keep people behind a
firewall, there is a very, very strong case not to use those
apps. And that's why I think India is doing the right thing by
banning those apps. And I think the U.S. also has to consider
very strongly the weight, the argument for banning apps that
fundamentally create censorship and self-censorship.
Senator Daines. Thank you very much for that thoughtful
answer.
I have a question for Dr. Richardson. You recently wrote
about the revival of a Mao-era policing technique which
establishes police stations even in very small villages,
turning neighbors on neighbors to watch each other. Could you
describe how this is being applied and its impact in Tibet?
Ms. Richardson. Thank you, Senator Daines, for the
question.
We wrote recently about what are known as Fengqiao-style
police posts, which is a reference to an approach to policing
that was used in the Cultural Revolution. And it really has
very little to do with actual policing or providing security.
It is effectively a network for surveilling people and
reporting back on their political views. And our concern is
about the expansion of the state's capacity to do that, but
also the use of that label and the connotations that it brings,
to hearken back to a decade of appalling human rights
violations, and to resurrect it, as if that were sort of a
positive reference point.
Senator Daines. Thank you, Dr. Richardson, for that. And
thanks for your writing.
I have a question for the group. I know I'm running out of
time. But I want to open to the broader group here. It's
regarding the U.S. Consulate closing in Chengdu in July and
what effect that might have on nongovernmental organizations'
work in Tibetan areas. And then what does that mean for
Tibetans' access to the outside world?
Mr. Mecacci. If I may take that one. I mean, the Chengdu
consulate was a vantage point for all information about the
situation in Tibet. But it must be said that the level of
access granted to the U.S. diplomats there was very, very
limited. You know the Chengdu consulate is outside of the TAR,
so they could operate more or less freely in the other Tibetan
regions. But access to the TAR was very, very much limited. So
I think what is important for the State Department to do now is
come up with a strategy to address that issue, probably by
establishing a separate Tibet section, centrally in Beijing,
that would deal--and Chengdu closing will also affect Xinjiang;
you know, Xinjiang was covered from Beijing. But I think a
strategy needs to be adopted to try to address that. You know,
centralize, and maybe even upgrade the capacity of the embassy
in Beijing to operate and--you know, and have access to
information. But it's a loss in terms of access to information
there, for sure.
Senator Daines. Thank you. If anybody else has a thought,
I'm happy to turn--does somebody else have a thought on that
question?
Mr. Dorjee. If I could add very quickly, Senator Daines, to
that question of access for Tibetan people inside Tibet. There
was a very perverted mirror image of what's happening out here
as well as what's happening inside there, which is: The Chinese
government does not allow Tibetan people inside to have
passports. And it's very--it's often overlooked, and it's not
often talked about very much, but Tibetans in Tibet, by and
large, do not and cannot get passports. And even those few
Tibetans who were privileged enough and able to get passports
in the past that they were able to use for travel outside the
country, today do not have those passports. Those passports
have been forfeited by the government. They've been taken away
from them. And they are basically adults who are being
infantilized and kept under lockdown, and not able to travel
anywhere.
So Tibetans inside Tibet do not have the freedom of
movement to travel beyond China. And they also do not often
have the freedom of movement to travel within Tibet. Tibetans
from eastern Tibet are not often able to go to visit a place
like Lhasa. That's like denying Muslims the right to go to
Mecca. And I think this is very important to keep in mind,
which is related to how the Chinese government controls the
movement of Tibetan Americans out here from traveling into
Tibet.
Senator Daines. Thank you. Thanks for your very thoughtful
answers. I'll turn it back over to Congressman McGovern. Thank
you, Congressman McGovern.
Chair McGovern. Thank you very much, Senator.
Let me--I have one question and then we'll close up here.
Chen Quanguo, now the party secretary of the Xinjiang Uyghur
Autonomous Region, was until 2016 party secretary of the Tibet
Autonomous Region. What does his former tenure in Tibet and his
current position in Xinjiang suggest for the future trajectory
of repressive policies in Tibet? Are policies currently in use
in Xinjiang--including mass internment centers and the
extensive use of coerced labor and mass labor transfers--are
they being reproduced in Tibet? And what lessons can the
international community draw from how the ongoing rights abuses
in Xinjiang have been handled? And I will open that up to
whoever wants to take it. Sophie.
Ms. Richardson. Yes. Mr. McGovern, if I could jump in and
try to also answer one of Mr. Smith's earlier questions. While
I think the kinds of human rights violations that we're seeing
in the two regions are somewhat different, they are both grave
and serious. And to fail to hold Chen Quanguo and other senior
Chinese government officials accountable, in the legal sense,
for these violations is to continue to encourage them.
And I do want to go back to the point about Mr. Smith's
question about sinicization, because we talked about that with
respect to ethnic minority and religious communities forcing a
kind of political loyalty. But let's not forget that the
Chinese Communist Party is carrying out similar campaigns and
surveillance of ordinary people all across the mainland to
create a model citizen. And let's be clear that if we saw
violations of this scope and scale taking place in other parts
of the world, I think we would be well underway to a kind of
independent international investigation that would lead to some
kind of accountability proceedings. And it is high time to move
in that direction. Thanks.
Chair McGovern. You know, as I mentioned in my opening
statement, I'm really concerned about the reports of mass labor
transfers and training programs in Tibet. What do you think
about the accuracy of these reports? Anybody?
Ms. Richardson. I think the preliminary information that we
have is a bit different about the number of people who have
actually been registered versus trained, what that training is
like, what it means. But I think the underlying pathologies are
no less serious. I think the agenda in Tibet is to move
enormous numbers of people out of farming, off the plateau,
into physical communities and kinds of work that make them
easily legible to the state, that make their political and
religious views and activities known, and to essentially leach
away a distinct identity and way of life and to offer only one
that involves being subordinate to the party's political
demands.
Chair McGovern. Anybody else have any final words before we
close the hearing?
Mr. Dorjee. I just would like to thank Chairman McGovern,
and Cochair Rubio, and the entire Commission for your
consistent support of the Tibetan people. The Tibetan people,
both inside Tibet and outside, are very much aware of your
commitment and dedication. And we truly appreciate the fact
that you champion this cause.
Chair McGovern. Thank you. Let me just close by saying I
appreciate all the testimony. And I appreciate the
participation of my colleagues. I joked at the beginning of the
hearing that in the current political climate here, it's hard
to get Democrats and Republicans to agree on what to have for
lunch, right? But this is an issue that has brought us all
together. Speaker Pelosi reminds us all the time that if we
don't speak out against human rights abuses in China, then we
have no moral authority to speak about human rights abuses
anywhere else in the world. It is so glaring, the abuses that
are going on, so clear.
And what is really tragic is that it just seems like it's
getting worse. And working with Congressman Smith and others we
have probably legislated more on human rights issues in China,
and on Tibet, than at any other time in our history. And we're
going to continue to do that. We're going to continue to call
attention to what's happening, because I think the Chinese
government is under this illusion that they can wear us all
down. That the attention span of many of us is about 48 hours,
and then we're on to another topic, that somehow this will just
go away. Or when the Dalai Lama is no longer with us, then we
will no longer care about Tibet.
That is a huge miscalculation. None of us are going
anywhere. We are going to continue to focus on this issue. And,
for the record, Democrats and Republicans, liberals and
conservatives, have high regard for the Dalai Lama. We revere
him. He's a man of peace and justice and nonviolence. Why, as
Senator King asked in the beginning, why a country as big and
as powerful as China is paranoid and frightened of this
peaceful monk is beyond comprehension. But they are. And they
continue to be determined to try to wipe out the Tibetan
culture, the language, the traditions. And the Tibetan people
have suffered greatly. And I hope the people who are still
there, who are under great oppression, know that we're going to
continue to be their voice.
So this was a very powerful hearing. And I don't know--I
just saw Zeekgyab Rinpoche come on the screen. I don't know if
you have anything that you want to say . . . or have you said
everything?
Zeekgyab Rinpoche. Thank you so much.
Chair McGovern. Well, thank you. So everybody, thank you.
This brings this hearing to a close. We appreciate your
responsiveness to the questions. And please everybody, be safe.
The hearing comes to a close. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 11:52 a.m., the hearing was concluded.]
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A P P E N D I X
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Prepared Statements
----------
Prepared Statement of Zeekgyab Rinpoche
Chairman McGovern, Chairman Rubio, respected members of the
Commission. Thank you for organizing this very important hearing and
the opportunity to speak today.
I am the abbot of Tashi Lhunpo Monastery. My monastery was founded
by the First Dalai Lama, and for 500 years, has served as the seat of
the Panchen Lama, one of the most important figures in Tibetan
Buddhism, with spiritual authority second only to the Dalai Lama. The
Panchen Lama is of immense significance to my monastery, to the six
million Tibetans in Tibet, and to the millions of Buddhists worldwide,
including here in the United States.
In 1995, His Holiness the Dalai Lama recognized a six-year-old boy,
Gedhun Choekyi Nyima as the 11th Panchen Lama. Three days later, the
Chinese government abducted this boy, making him the world's youngest
prisoner at the time. Also abducted along with him were members of his
family and the leader of his search party, Jhadrel Rinpoche.
Twenty-five years have passed since the Panchen Lama's abduction.
Despite persistent appeals from concerned governments, UN bodies,
rights groups, and sympathetic individuals across the world, the
Chinese government, to this day, refuses to provide verifiable
information about the Panchen Lama's whereabouts, his well-being, or
evidence to prove that he is even alive.
Instead, China has propped up another boy as the Panchen Lama, a
false reincarnation whom we Tibetan Buddhists do not accept. This has
done incalculable damage to our precious 500-year old religious
lineage. China's glaring lack of accountability over the kidnapping of
such an important religious figure--and a child at that--is an
outrageous and unprincipled act. This violates the very basic rights
that Tibetan Buddhists should get to choose our own spiritual leaders.
It raises the question: Why did the Chinese government kidnap a
six-year-old boy--the genuine reincarnate--and prop up a false Panchen
Lama? A glance at the deep historical and spiritual relationship
between the lineages of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama reveals the
answer. In Tibetan history, the unique relationship of the Dalai Lama
and the Panchen Lama is well known. The popular saying is: As the Sun
and the Moon are in the sky, so are the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama
on earth. Since the early 17th century, the Panchen Lamas and the Dalai
Lamas have played key roles in recognizing and teaching each other's
reincarnations. In the past century, the 9th Panchen Lama helped
identify His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, who in turn recognized the
10th and 11th Panchen Lamas.
Given this traditional practice, the Chinese government will surely
use its false Panchen Lama to interfere in the selection of the next
Dalai Lama and other high reincarnates. Therefore, all of us--Tibetan
Buddhists the world over and supporters of religious freedom--should be
deeply concerned.
It is clear that the Chinese policy over Tibet is a deliberate
attempt to remove from the face of the earth our racial and cultural
identity. This is clearly seen in the way the Chinese government
interferes and intervenes in the functioning of the monastic education
system by imposing restrictions on our monks and nuns. Even in schools
we see this malign design to wipe out our unique identity in the form
of restructuring the curriculum and banning the learning of the Tibetan
language. At the environmental level, there is utter disregard and
irreverence for the life and ecology of Tibet. In short, there is
continuous and systematic destruction of culture, religion, language,
and environment in Tibet.
Therefore, to safeguard the right of Tibetan Buddhists worldwide to
choose our spiritual leaders without interference by the Chinese
government, and to secure the release of the Panchen Lama, I
respectfully offer three suggestions to this commission:
First, on the crucial issue of the selection of the next Dalai
Lama, the entire matter should be left to the total discretion and
vision of the Dalai Lama without any interference and imposition from
the CCP. Please do devise a coordinated strategy in unity with allies
and present a strong and collective stance to challenge the CCP's
authoritarian regime's malevolent motivations on this matter.
Second, please work toward establishing a similar contact group
with the many Tibet parliamentary support groups and caucuses that
exist around the world. These contact groups could facilitate the
sharing of model resolutions and legislation, such as the Tibet Policy
and Support Act, among its members.
Third, I call upon sympathetic governments, NGOs, and Tibet support
groups to investigate the whereabouts of the Panchen Lama and those
abducted with him so that we have clear and accurate information on
their whereabouts, including current photos of the Panchen Lama, his
family members and Jhadrel Rinpoche. We cannot simply keep urging
transparency from China, which has shown no intention of being
transparent on this, and other human rights issues.
Lastly, I request the U.S. Senate to approve the Tibet Policy and
Support Act. If passed this legislation will bring much needed hope to
the Tibetan people as they struggle to survive during this dark period
of persecution and illegal occupation by China.
Thank you for the honor of testifying before you. And thank you for
your ongoing support of human rights and religious freedom for the
Tibetan people.
______
Prepared Statement of Matteo Mecacci
Congressman McGovern, Senator Rubio, and members of the Commission,
thank you for inviting me to testify today.
Tomorrow is the 70th anniversary of the establishment of the
People's Republic of China, and while every nation is entitled to
celebrate its founding, no government should lose sight of the fact
that its first and main responsibility is to serve and protect all its
citizens by respecting their fundamental rights. The condition of the
Tibetan people in China is a reminder of how much work still needs to
be done to achieve that goal.
repression of fundamental rights and freedoms in tibet
Since the People's Republic of China invaded Tibet almost seventy
years ago, it has kept a very tight control on all aspects of Tibetan
life. The deterioration of human rights in Tibet today continues to be
very serious. Over the last four years, Freedom House has consistently
ranked Tibet as the second least free region of the world, only behind
Syria.
Tibetans can be persecuted for their beliefs. China has adopted an
official plan to ``Sinicize'' Tibetan Buddhism--to bring it under the
control of the Chinese Communist Party.
To ensure government surveillance of Tibetan monks and nuns, police
stations have even been opened inside or next to monasteries. Tibetans
can be arrested simply for owning photographs of the Dalai Lama or
celebrating his birthday, or for watching videos of his teachings.
China is also trying to control the Tibetan reincarnation system.
After abducting the Panchen Lama and his family when he was just six
years old in 1995, the Chinese Communist Party now plans to select the
next Dalai Lama--an absurd claim that the international community needs
to challenge decisively. UN bodies have persistently called for access
to the ``disappeared'' Panchen Lama, including with a formal
communication issued last August, but the Chinese government continues
to refuse it.
tibet work forum and china's policy
At the end of August, Xi Jinping presided over the seventh Tibet
Work Forum held in Beijing. The meeting's proceedings indicate that the
Chinese leadership will continue its policy of control and assimilation
in Tibet. Xi presented a ``strategy of governing Tibet in the new era''
that includes ``Sinicization'' of Tibetan Buddhism and improving the
ability of the CCP's organizations and members at all levels ``to deal
with major struggles and prevent major risks.'' Worryingly, Xi called
for the patriotic re-education of the younger generation of Tibetans
and asked the officials to look into ``strengthening ideological and
political education in schools, put the spirit of patriotism throughout
the entire process of school education at all levels and types, and
plant the seeds of loving China in the depths of the hearts of every
teenager.''
Subsequently, this month several senior Chinese leaders have been
visiting Tibetan areas to ask Tibetans to study and implement the
spirit of Xi Jinping's ``important speech at the Seventh Central Tibet
Work Forum.''
new evidence of coercive labor in tibet
and parallel with chen quanguo in tibet and xinjiang
In a report released on Sept. 22, 2020, scholar Adrian Zenz
documented a large-scale program established in the Tibet Autonomous
Region that in the first seven months of 2020 pushed more than half a
million rural Tibetans off their land and into military-style training
centers. These are staggering numbers. After their coerced training, at
least 50,000 of them were sent to other areas of Tibet and China and
pushed into low-wage factory and construction work. The report
highlights the Chinese authorities' attempts to eliminate Tibetans'
traditional lifestyle, their unique identity, and their way of
thinking. It also highlights disturbing similarities with the system of
coercive vocational training and labor transfer established in Xinjiang
over the last few years.
In the wake of this new report, more than 60 parliamentarians from
16 countries have issued a statement demanding urgent action to
confront such actions; ``We call upon our governments to take immediate
action to condemn these atrocities and to prevent further human rights
abuses,'' say the MPs, who are members of the Inter-Parliamentary
Alliance on China, which works to reform how democratic countries deal
with China.
u.s. policy and legislative initiatives
As we discuss how the United States and the international community
should shape and adjust its Tibet policy, it is worth looking at some
of the recent initiatives that have been undertaken by this body.
Under the leadership of Chairmen McGovern and Rubio, at the end of
2018 the U.S. Congress passed the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act, the
first legislation to apply the principle of reciprocity in U.S.-China
relations, namely, to challenge Beijing's policies on access to Tibet.
As documented by the State Department in its latest report under the
Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act, the Chinese government continues to
keep Tibet under lockdown, both limiting the freedom of movement of
Tibetans and blocking the free access of foreigners. As a result of
this legislation, last July, the State Department, for the first time,
banned from the United States the Chinese officials responsible for
blocking Americans' access to Tibet.
This call for reciprocal access to Tibet has also been endorsed by
MPs throughout the world in an op-ed published last June and signed by
over 50 European MPs, following a report by my organization on the lack
of access to Tibet for EU citizens, and the recent appeal of the
International Parliamentary Alliance on China.
There is growing awareness in European capitals and in Asia of the
challenge posed by the authoritarian model of development promoted by
Beijing. Calling for reciprocity not only on economic and financial
issues, but also for civil liberties and human rights, is an effective
way to challenge China's narrative, but it should be done in a
strategic, well-coordinated, and international fashion, which is still
not the case.
Last January, the House of Representatives overwhelmingly passed
the Tibetan Policy and Support Act. This bipartisan legislation--again
introduced by Chairmen McGovern and Rubio--is now before the Senate,
and we call on Senators to pass it before the end of the year. Tibetan
Americans, ICT members, and Tibet supporters have sent several thousand
petitions to Senate offices urging support for the TPSA. In the past
several months, we have been encouraged by our interactions with Senate
offices and believe that efforts are on to have the TPSA passed at the
earliest. This will be a powerful message of hope to the Tibetan people
who are otherwise faced with daily oppressive policies by the Chinese
authorities. The TPSA will strengthen U.S. policy on Tibet in several
areas, recognizing the strategic importance of the Tibetan plateau for
U.S. interests in the region.
The legislation affirms that it is only up to Tibetan Buddhists to
select the next Dalai Lama, without any government interference. It
acknowledges the fragility of Tibet's environment, the key role
Tibetans play in its preservation, and that the rivers and water
resources originating from its glaciers that serve over a billion
people, including in India and Southeast Asia, are of international
concern and should therefore be protected by the international
community, demanding full transparency from Beijing.
TPSA also expands the mandate of the Special Coordinator for
Tibetan Issues, a senior position at the State Department, which
unfortunately has never been appointed during the last four years. The
absence of the Special Coordinator could be one reason why there has
not been much movement on the Tibetan dialogue process from the
Administration's side. With only a few months left in the current term
of this Administration to do anything meaningful, the next
Administration, whether it is Republican or Democratic, should
quickly appoint the Special Coordinator for Tibetan issues at the
undersecretary level, not at a lower level position, because doing that
will send the wrong political message--of diminished U.S. support for
Tibet--both to the Chinese government and to the Tibetan people. While
talking about a post-election Administration, we have launched a Tibet
2020 campaign so that the presidential candidates of both parties are
apprised of the American people's strong desire for Tibet to be a high
priority. We look forward to working with the White House and Congress
in our common objective of supporting the people of Tibet to regain
their rights and dignity.
______
Prepared Statement of Tenzin Dorjee
It is my great honor to testify today on behalf of the Tibetan
people. Over the course of seven decades, the Chinese government has
executed a range of colonial policies aimed at eradicating Tibetan
language, culture, and religion. The Jamestown Foundation report last
week about the extensive labor camps in Tibet is the most recent
example.
But the threat that the Chinese government poses to freedom and
human rights goes beyond Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong. China's
surveillance and influence operations have become transnational in
nature and global in implications. Beijing's actions seek to undermine
the fundamental rights of those living in the United States, as
demonstrated by the arrest of the Chinese agent who infiltrated the
NYPD to spy on the Tibetan community.
China's repression without borders uses a broad set of tools and
tactics guided by sophisticated strategies. Chief among these
strategies is the weaponization of access --access to markets, access
to family, access to funding, access to research sites. By controlling
access, China has managed to constrain the free speech rights of
American academics, corporations and industries, from Hollywood to the
NBA to the ivory tower.
One strategy with particular relevance to Tibetans is the ``visa as
bait'' strategy. Under this strategy, China weaponizes access to family
in order to coerce exiled Tibetans into silence and political
impotence. Most Tibetans in exile have families back home. Many have
aging parents. So it is understandable that many naturalized Americans
of Tibetan origin want to visit their family.
But here's the problem. The Chinese government has a visa policy
that is based on blatant racial discrimination against Tibetan
Americans. Let me share what a typical visa application process looks
like if you're a Tibetan American. You are at the Chinese consulate in
New York or DC. There is a visa application window where everyone
checks in, but you can't go to that window because you're Tibetan.
You're taken to a separate area where a liaison officer makes you write
down a detailed personal statement. You have to share your life
history, name all the organizations you've been affiliated with, and
state whether you've ever participated in a Tibet protest. You also
have to provide the names and IDs of your relatives in Tibet.
Now the Chinese government knows who you are, who your relatives
are, and where they live. The situation is ripe for long-distance
relational repression. Your relatives are the hostage, you're the
target. Each piece of information you provide is a data point for the
Consulate; each data point is an invisible shackle that restrains your
freedom of expression.
The Consulate starts processing your application. It takes several
months, sometimes a full year. In the meantime, they hold on to your
passport. This puts you in limbo--you cannot travel to any other
country during this entire period. This practice violates the
fundamental rights of American citizens, because it obstructs freedom
of movement.
One day, the liaison officer calls you in for a more serious
interview--it's more like an interrogation. You hear the same questions
again. ``Have you ever participated in pro-Tibet activities?'' When you
say no, he shows you a photo from the past--it's a photo of you at a
rally outside the Chinese consulate, or it could be a photo of you
attending a teaching by the Dalai Lama. End of story. You have no visa;
Beijing has your data.
In one disturbing case, the liaison officer knew things he
shouldn't have known about the applicant's private life. He knew that
the visa applicant had a dog, he knew what breed the dog was, he even
knew the dog's name. His intention was clear: he wanted the applicant
to know that they were under watch.
This insidious campaign to surveil and control Tibetans in exile
has been bolstered by the growing dominance of WeChat among diaspora
populations. Now all social media apps have their problems, sure, but
WeChat is no ordinary app. While other apps are largely platforms for
self-expression, WeChat is a platform of self-censorship and state
surveillance.
Some have celebrated the app as ``China's bridge to the world'' and
a ``lifeline'' for diaspora populations. But in reality, WeChat is no
bridge; it's a panopticon. Every hour you spend in the app is an hour
spent in a ``no free speech zone.''
Nor is WeChat a ``lifeline'' for diaspora populations. The app is a
rope that binds the diaspora to a command center in Beijing. This
platform powers the apparatus of transnational repression that Beijing
employs to silence its exile-based dissidents, intimidate overseas
activists, and surveil protesters.
And yet, against all odds, Tibetans around the world continue to
resist China's colonial rule. In Tibet, the dedication of the people
endures despite the repression. Between 2009 and 2019, more than 156
Tibetans self-immolated in Tibet to protest Chinese rule, and 10 more
have done the same in exile. Tibetans are also using other tactics of
resistance. Language rights advocate Tashi Wangchuk and nomad leader
Aya Sengdra are just two examples of people who have engaged in local
or regional campaigns to defend language rights, protect the
environment, or to carve out cultural space.
In the period 2015-2019, my colleagues have documented 71 different
kinds of strategic interventions or campaigns in Tibet which involve an
individual or group engaging in sustained campaign activity or
strategic nonviolent action. The goals of many of these campaigns and
actions have been political freedom along with language rights,
religious freedom, and issues related to the land and environment.
______
Prepared Statement of Sophie Richardson
China's education policy in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) is
significantly reducing the access of ethnic Tibetans to education in
their mother tongue. The government policy, though called ``bilingual
education,'' is in practice leading to the gradual replacement of
Tibetan by Chinese as the medium of instruction in primary schools
throughout the region, except for classes studying Tibetan as a
language. Since the 1960s, Chinese has been the language of instruction
in nearly all middle and high schools in the TAR, where just under half
of Tibetans in China live, but new educational practices introduced by
the government in the TAR are now leading more primary schools and even
kindergartens to use Chinese as the teaching language for Tibetan
students.
The trend toward increased use of Chinese in primary schools in
Tibetan urban areas has been noted for several years, but as detailed
below, there are indications that it is now becoming the norm there and
is spreading to rural areas as well. In interviews that Human Rights
Watch conducted in September 2019, parents with children at rural
primary schools in six different townships in northern TAR said that a
Chinese-medium teaching system had been introduced in their local
primary schools the previous March. There have been no public
announcements of a government policy in the TAR requiring rural primary
schools to teach their classes in Chinese, but an official working on
educational issues in the TAR told Human Rights Watch that he expects
the government to introduce a policy requiring all primary schools in
the TAR to shift to Chinese-medium education.
China formally introduced a policy of ``bilingual education'' in
2010 for schools in all minority areas in China, an approach to
minority education considered appropriate internationally when it
promotes competency in both the local and the national language. The
official position of the TAR authorities is that both Tibetan and
Chinese languages should be ``promoted,'' leaving individual schools to
decide which language to prioritize as the teaching medium. However,
Human Rights Watch's research suggests that TAR authorities are using a
strategy of cultivated ambiguity in their public statements while using
indirect pressure to push primary schools, where an increasing number
of ethnic Chinese teachers are teaching, to adopt Chinese-medium
instruction at the expense of Tibetan, such as allocating increasing
numbers of ethnic Chinese teachers who do not speak Tibetan to
positions in Tibetan schools.
chinese-medium instruction in primary schools and kindergartens
There is almost no publicly available data about the medium of
instruction currently used in primary schools or kindergartens in the
TAR or other Tibetan areas. But Human Rights Watch's research found
that local authorities in the TAR began preparations from about the
year 2000 to encourage and facilitate a gradual shift to Chinese-medium
teaching in primary schools in the region. These preparations started
with instructions by the central authorities in Beijing that required
local administrations throughout China to prepare to introduce
bilingual education for communities that are not ethnic Chinese.
What form that policy should take has varied significantly from
province to province, but in 2001, all primary schools in urban areas
of Tibet began to teach Tibetan pupils Chinese language from Grade 1,
instead of Grade 3 as had been the case previously. However, there was
no mention by officials as to which language should be used as the
medium of instruction in Tibetan pre-schools or primary schools.
In 2010, all provincial-level administrations throughout China
introduced formal programs for the implementation of ``bilingual
education.'' Chinese analysts distinguish between ``Model 1''
bilingualism, which emphasizes the use of the local or minority
language in classrooms, and ``Model 2'' bilingualism, which emphasizes
the national language, Chinese. But in its 2010 announcement on
implementation, the TAR authorities once again did not specify whether
Chinese or Tibetan was to be the medium of instruction in primary
schools and have continued to use the term ``bilingual education''
ambiguously, without specifying its meaning. In public reports they
imply that the only requirement is extra classes for Tibetans to learn
Chinese and that individual schools can choose the medium of
instruction. In practice, however, there appears to be considerable
pressure to shift to Chinese and Model 2.
This pressure is strongly reflected in official Chinese media
reports on the benefits of ``bilingual education'' in the TAR. In early
2015, a report by China's official news agency, Xinhua, said that
Chinese-medium instruction had already been introduced, not just into
secondary schools, as was well known, but also into urban primary
schools in the TAR: ``Different from the model widely implemented in
pastoral regions, elementary schools in each of Tibet's prefectures
(and municipalities), some junior middle schools, senior middle
schools, and Tibet classes in the interior adopt a teaching model that
uses Chinese as the teaching language with Tibetan as an addition.'' In
January 2016, an article on Tibetan schools by China's state-run Global
Times confirmed that ``increasingly schools, especially in urban areas,
are using Putonghua [standard Chinese] as the primary language of
instruction, with Tibetan being used only in classes where the Tibetan
language is the topic of the class, if it is taught at all.''
Then, in June 2016, the Lhasa Education Bureau announced that
Chinese was being used as the medium of instruction to teach
mathematics in a majority of primary schools in the counties around
Lhasa, including rural areas outside the region's capital city. This
was the first known direct admission by the government of a shift to
Chinese-medium teaching in some classes within rural TAR primary
schools.
Outside the TAR, the Chinese authorities have already imposed
Chinese-medium instruction in primary schools in at least one Tibetan
area. In the Golok Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, the prefectural
government ordered primary schools to introduce primarily Chinese-
medium instruction in the 2019-2020 school year. A similar plan to
introduce Chinese-medium education was reported from Tsolho prefecture
in Qinghai province in April 2017. Teaching in all schools in Yushu
Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Qinghai is already conducted in
Chinese. There are unconfirmed reports that similar policies will soon
be introduced in other Tibetan prefectures in Qinghai.
Governmental pressure on Tibetan schools to use Chinese is also
evident in the pre-school sector. According to China's official media,
the TAR government plans to ensure that by 2020, 80 percent of children
in the TAR attend two to three years of kindergarten before entering
primary school. \1\ In 2016, TAR authorities announced that all
kindergarten programs have to become ``bilingual.'' According to an
academic paper published in Xizang Jiaoyu (``Tibetan Education''), an
educational journal in the TAR, ``bilingual education'' was ``basically
universalized at preschool level'' by 2017, which means that all of the
81,000 Tibetan children in pre-schools and kindergartens in the TAR
above the age of 3 are already experiencing ``bilingual education.''
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\1\ ``250 bilingual kindergartens to be built in Tibet region,''
Global Times, February 26, 2016, http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/
970539.shtml (accessed December 29, 2019).
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In its January 2016 article on the Tibetan language, the Global
Times explicitly linked the critical decline in the use of the Tibetan
language to the decrease in the use of Tibetan in schools:
``urbanization and the increasing amount of the school day spent
speaking Putonghua has left the Tibetan language in a precarious
situation.'' It added that ``many Tibetan parents have found that their
kids are not learning how to speak their mother-tongue.''
Human Rights Watch found that among ordinary Tibetans, there is
widespread concern about the increasing loss of fluency in Tibetan
among the younger generation as a result of changing school policies
and other factors. As a former part-time teacher from Lhasa told Human
Rights Watch:
In primary school, the Tibetan teachers are very united and have a
strong urgency to teach Tibetan, but the biggest problem is that they
lack method and materials, and a lot of the kids in a way don't like
Tibetan because they think it will be quite useless . . . [Older]
people always complain about the lack of Tibetan, [and] the fact that
their grandkids cannot speak proper Tibetan at home.
pressures on tibetan schools to switch to chinese-medium teaching
While public policy statements by the TAR authorities remain
ambiguous, there are increasing signs that they are using a range of
indirect mechanisms to pressure schools in the TAR to switch to
Chinese-medium teaching. These measures require Tibetan schools to
increase Tibetan children's immersion in Chinese culture and language.
They include ``mixed classes,'' ``concentrated schooling,'' the
transfer of large numbers of Chinese teachers to Tibetan schools,
sending Tibetan teachers for training to provinces where Chinese is the
dominant language, and requiring all Tibetan teachers to be fluent in
Chinese. The measures have indirectly increased pressure on schools in
the TAR to reduce the availability of mother-tongue education for
Tibetan children over the last decade and are accelerating the gradual
shift to Chinese-medium teaching in TAR primary schools.
The number of non-Tibetan-speaking teachers working in Tibetan
schools tripled between 1988 and 2005, and under the current program,
30,000 will be sent to Tibet and the Xinjiang region, in the northwest,
by 2020. None of the non-Tibetan teachers are required to know Tibetan
and they presumably teach in Chinese. While many of them teach in
middle schools and high schools in the TAR, there has been an impact
even at the pre-school level, especially in urban areas: according to a
Chinese study in 2017, 30 percent of teachers in one Lhasa county did
not know Tibetan.
In addition, from at least 2016, hundreds of Tibetan teachers have
been sent for further training in other provinces, and since 2017, all
Tibetan teachers have been required to know Chinese. As early as 2003
the number of primary school teachers using Chinese for instruction in
the TAR had increased threefold over the previous 12 years, from 1,698
in 1991--then 20 percent of total teachers--to 4,228 or 33 percent of
total teachers by 2003. We have not been able to find data showing the
change since then.
Another measure that has contributed to the switch to Chinese-
medium instruction has been the creation of ``mixed classes,'' the
inclusion of non-Tibetan pupils in classes with Tibetan ones. Another
measure, known as ``concentrated schooling,'' involves closing local
schools in rural areas and consolidating them in a nearby town, where
rural students usually have to board. While this brings benefits in
terms of facilities and standards, it also reduces children's contact
with their family and with a Tibetan-speaking environment. These
measures all improve Tibetan children's exposure to Chinese but can
weaken children's access to and familiarity with their own language.
The imposition of teaching practices that encourage the switch to
Chinese-medium instruction in the TAR is the result of increasing moves
by the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP or the ``Party'') since 2014
to shift away from encouragement of cultural diversity, which had been
the official policy toward minorities since the early 1980s, including
respect for the distinctive cultures and languages of minorities. As
detailed in section III of this report, the new policy aims to increase
the assimilation of minorities in China and requires officials to
prioritize ``ethnic mingling'' (minzu jiaorong) of China's
nationalities and ``identification'' (rentong) by the minority
nationalities with ``Chinese culture'' (Zhonghua wenhua). The
government contends that these measures are necessary to achieve not
just economic development for minorities but also ``nationality unity''
and ``national stability'' within China.
Global evidence shows that children's educational development is
adversely affected, particularly in the case of minority and indigenous
children, when they are not taught in their mother tongue in the early
years of education. Mother-tongue policy experts agree that children
who have grasped foundational skills and literacy in their own mother
tongue are better placed to learn in a second or foreign language.
Human Rights Watch supports policies that promote genuine bilingual
education, in particular through the use of mother-tongue instruction
in the early years of education and through curricula sensitive to
indigenous and ethnic minority customs and practices. China's policies
for Tibetan children in the TAR, however, show decreasing respect for
their right to use their mother tongue or learn about and freely
express Tibetan cultural identity and values in schools. Rather, they
embody an approach to schools and schoolchildren that appears to be
eroding the Tibetan language skills of children and forcing them to
consume political ideology and ideas contrary to those of their parents
and community.
justifications for shifting to chinese-medium instruction
Chinese officials usually justify the switch to Chinese-medium
instruction in Tibetan schools by arguing that improved knowledge of
Chinese will help Tibetans gain employment in later life, a claim that
is widely acknowledged in Tibet. However, the justification for
imposing Chinese-language teaching in Tibetan kindergartens is quite
different, at least according to a 2014 report by the Chinese scholar
Yao Jijun, who said the aim of bilingual education at the pre-school
level is to ``better integrate the Chinese language'' into Tibetan
kindergarten children as ``a means of eliminating elements of
instability in Tibetan regions'' (``instability'' is a term used in
China to refer to political unrest). According to Yao, ``Tibet's
stability'' depends on the full development of ``bilingual education''
at the kindergarten level.
Concern with eliminating the risk of future political dissent or
unrest is also explicit in Party justifications for its ``ethnic
mingling'' and ``cultural identification'' policies, which were
endorsed by the central leadership as the new direction of minority
policy in 2014. Children of minorities in kindergartens and primary
schools undergo intensive political indoctrination that asserts the
unquestioned benefits of the Party's policies of ethnic mingling and
its other political objectives. The children have little access to
alternative ideas, since the media reinforce the necessity of
prioritizing the use of Chinese language in education, with little or
no discussion of educational alternatives.
There are no signs of significant popular involvement in the
decision-making process that leads to these policies, particularly when
they involve the minority regions; the policies are designed and
imposed by the Communist Party.
school closures and protests
Human Rights Watch has reported on protests in a number of Tibetan
areas since 2010 against earlier attempts to introduce Chinese-medium
education in Tibetan schools. It has also reported on the closure of
privately run schools in Tibetan areas and has received reports that
three monastery-run schools were closed in Tibetan parts of Sichuan
province in or around June 2018. It notes also an unconfirmed report of
the forced closure of a private kindergarten in the TAR in 2008 for
giving priority to Tibetan language teaching.
Tibetans in China already suffer extensive restrictions on rights
to free speech and opinion, peaceful assembly, movement, and religion
that are more severe than in ethnic Chinese-majority areas of China.
Chinese laws preclude them from open discussion of their history, allow
them little say in policymaking in their own areas, and place extreme
restrictions on their religious practice, access to information, and
foreign travel.
In January 2016, a Tibetan campaigner on language rights, Tashi
Wangchuk, was detained by the authorities and charged with
``jeopardizing state security'' after giving interviews to the New York
Times stating that there was no longer any provision for Tibetan to be
taught as a language, let alone Tibetan-medium education, in Yushu
Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Qinghai. In May 2018, a court
sentenced him to five years in prison for ``incitement to split the
country'' by ``distorting the state of education and cultural
development in Tibetan areas, slandering the government by saying it
restricts the development of minority cultures and eliminates minority
language and culture, undermining ethnic unity and social stability in
Tibetan areas, and national unity,'' according to court documents. \2\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\2\ ``Translated court documents expose China's sham prosecution of
Tibetan language rights advocate Tashi Wangchuk, raise fears about use
of torture,'' Save Tibet, August 29, 2018, https://www.savetibet.org/
translated-court-documents-expose-chinas-sham-prosecution-of-tibetan-
language-rights-advocate-tashi-wangchuk-raise-fears-about-use-of-
torture/ (accessed December 29, 2019).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Despite the risks of speaking out, Tibetan intellectuals continue
to express concerns about China's education policies in Tibetan areas.
In response to the April 2017 announcement of a plan by the Party
committee in Tsolho Prefecture in Qinghai to reduce or replace Tibetan-
medium education in local schools, leading Tibetan scholar and lama
Alak Dorzhi posted this comment online: ``In recent years in Tibetan
areas, self-deluding and arbitrary policy documents in violation of the
national constitution and nationality laws, which do not fully respect
the Party's nationality policies or consult expert or public opinion,
have upset the public time and again. When this happens, the
authorities resort to the use of force, those in authority go after the
public and use the convenient brutality of stability maintenance
measures to try and solve the problem. . . .''
Alak Dorzhi added that this issue ``has not been considered
carefully enough by the authorities.'' Despite his cautious tone, his
comment was quickly deleted from the internet, signaling the increasing
limitations on public debate among Tibetans about language policies in
their schools.
domestic and international law
The transition to Chinese-medium instruction in Tibetan primary
schools is in tension with if not contradictory to some Chinese laws
and policies. This includes the 2001 Law on Regional National Autonomy,
which states that minority schools ``should, if possible, use textbooks
printed in their own languages, and lessons should be taught in those
languages.'' \3\ The law specifies that minority schools should teach
Chinese language only from the early stages of primary education and
does not direct that Chinese language be the language of instruction or
even taught in kindergartens for minority children.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\3\ Law of the People's Republic of China on Regional National
Autonomy, art. 37, http://www.china.org.cn/english/government/
207138.htm (accessed December 29, 2019).
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International human rights law obligates China to provide Tibetan-
language instruction to the ethnic Tibetan population. The United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), which China
ratified in 1992, states that ``a child belonging to a . . . minority .
. . shall not be denied the right . . . to use his or her own
language.'' \4\ The International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (ICCPR), which China has signed but not ratified, contains
similar language. \5\ China also supported the UN Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which both endorses rights to indigenous
language education and the right of indigenous people to control their
educational systems and institutions. \6\
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\4\ Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), adopted November
20, 1989, G.A. Res. 44/25, annex, 44 U.N. GAOR Supp. (No. 49) at 167,
U.N. Doc. A/44/49 (1989), entered into force September 2, 1990, art.
30.
\5\ ICCPR art. 27.
\6\ UN General Assembly, United Nations Declaration on the Rights
of Indigenous Peoples: resolution/adopted by the General Assembly, 2
October 2007, A/RES/61/295, art. 14.
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Three UN human rights expert committees have repeatedly expressed
concern at China's handling of mother-tongue instruction and have
called on the government to ensure that Tibetan children are able to
learn in their own language and to protect those who advocate for
mother-tongue education. In 1996, the Committee on the Rights of the
Child, the international expert body that monitors state compliance
with the Convention on the Rights of the Child, called on Chinese
authorities ``to ensure that children in the Tibet Autonomous Region
and other minority areas are guaranteed full opportunities to develop
knowledge about their own language and culture as well as to learn the
Chinese language.'' \7\ In a subsequent statement in 2013, the
committee called on the government to ``effectively implement the
bilingual language policy to ensure use and promotion of ethnic
minority languages and ensure participation by ethnic minorities,
including Tibetan and Uighur children . . . in the decision-making
process of the education system.'' \8\
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\7\ UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, ``Concluding
observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: China,'' CRC/
C/15/Add.56, para. 40, June 17, 1996, https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/
_layouts/treatybodyexternal/Download.aspx?symbolno=CRC%2fC%2f15%2f
Add.56&Lang=en (accessed December 29, 2019).
\8\ UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, ``Concluding
observations on the combined third and fourth period reports of China,
adopted by the Committee at its sixty-fourth session (16 September-4
October 2013), CRC/C/CHN/CO/3-4, para. 76(c), October 29, 2013, https:/
/tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/treatybodyexternal/
Download.aspx?symbolno=CRC/C/CHN/CO/3-4&Lang=En (accessed December 29,
2019).
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In 2014, the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
(CESCR) expressed concern that ethnic minorities in China continue to
face severe restrictions in the realization of their right to
participate in cultural life, including the right to use and teach
minority languages. The committee specifically noted the restrictions
faced by Tibetans and Uighurs, ``in particular regarding the
restriction of education in the Tibetan and Uighur languages.'' The
committee called on China to ``ensure the use and practice of their
language and culture.'' \9\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\9\ UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,
Concluding observations on the second periodic report of China,
including Hong Kong, China, and Macao, China, June 13, 2014, E/C.12/
CHN/CO/2, para. 36.
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China has failed to comply with several key requirements of the
Convention on the Rights of the Child and the recommendations of its
committee. Instances include not providing adequate numbers of teachers
trained to carry out bilingual education and enough textbooks in
Tibetan, together with culturally appropriate teaching materials. In
2018, the UN Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination (CERD) expressed concern that ``Tibetan language
teaching in schools in the [TAR] has not been placed on an equal
footing in law, policy and practice with Chinese, and that it has been
significantly restricted.'' It called on the government of China to
preserve the language by encouraging its use in education and other
fields. \10\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\10\ UN Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination, ``Concluding observations on the combined fourteenth to
seventeenth periodic reports of China (including Hong Kong, China and
Macao, China),'' CERD/C/CHN/CO/14-17, September 19, 2018, paras. 43 and
44(b).
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recommendations
To Tibet Autonomous Region Officials:
Ensure that all Tibetan children are able to learn and use
Tibetan in schools.
End the forced imposition of ``ethnic mingling'' measures in
Tibetan education such as concentrated schooling and ``mixed classes.''
Unconditionally release Tashi Wangchuk and others prosecuted for
peaceful opposition to state education policies.
End the suppression of any activities or organizations calling
for increased mother-tongue education and reverse the classification of
such activities as ``organized crime.'' Allow all public discussion of
education issues without threat of reprisal.
Publish the regulations used to assess education in privately run
kindergartens and primary and secondary schools in the TAR.
Make it mandatory to provide clear reasons and the factual basis
for closing such schools. Ensure that such regulations do not restrict
or prohibit a school's ability to choose the Tibetan language as a
medium of instruction and that inspectors do not unfairly target or
discriminate against Tibetan-run schools in their decisions to close
schools.
To National Officials:
Reaffirm the established rights of minorities to mother-tongue
instruction in schools.
Revise the bilingual education policy to ensure the use and
promotion of ethnic minority languages in schools, allow mother-tongue
instruction in pre-school and primary school, and ensure voluntary and
consensual implementation of language policy in schools, including by
consulting with and ensuring participation of ethnic minorities during
the revision process.
Ensure that educational objectives and not political objectives
hold priority in the formulation of education policy in minority areas.
Ensure that promotion of ``nationality unity'' does not violate
basic civil and cultural rights and does not restrict public debate
over issues such as education and migration in nationality areas.
End Communist Party political control over schools and their
educational decisions.
Ensure that all teaching and learning materials for pre-school
and primary levels are available in ethnic minority languages and as
feasible for secondary levels, and reflect culturally appropriate
content.
Ensure that teachers who are moved to teach in autonomous
regions, including those enrolled in Aid Tibet programs, are provided
with in-service training in the relevant and appropriate minority
language for the region they are sent to.
End the layoff of teachers from autonomous regions caused by the
current ``bilingual'' policy and ensure that all minority teachers are
provided with in-service training to match requirements for public
school teachers.
Comply with all outstanding recommendations on education from UN
treaty bodies.
______
Prepared Statement of Hon. James P. McGovern
Good morning and welcome to today's hearing of the Congressional-
Executive Commission on China on ``The Human Rights Situation in Tibet
and the International Response.'' While the world has rightly focused
on the crimes against humanity, and perhaps genocide, in Xinjiang, and
the dismantling of Hong Kong's autonomy and rule of law, the human
rights situation in Tibet continues to deteriorate.
More than 60 years have passed since the Dalai Lama escaped into
exile and Tibetans in China are still struggling to exercise their
basic human rights--to speak and teach their language, protect their
culture, control their land and water, travel within and outside their
country, and practice their religion as they choose. Religious freedom
continues to be severely curtailed, including through mandatory
political education for religious leaders and arrests of Tibetans who
display, or even possess, a photo of the Dalai Lama. Several buildings
at religious centers of Tibetan Buddhist learning have been demolished.
Religious practitioners have been expelled from Larung Gar and Yachen
Gar which used to be home to thousands of Tibetan Buddhist monks and
nuns.
It has now been 25 years since the 11th Panchen Lama was abducted
and forcibly disappeared, making him one of the world's longest
detained prisoners of conscience. We continue to call for his immediate
and unconditional release.
This year, ``ethnic unity'' regulations were passed that mandate
acceptance and promotion of government ethnic and religious policy.
There has also been a Chinese government-led effort, misleadingly
referred to as ``bilingual education,'' instituted in minority areas
throughout China, that mandate that schools and teachers shift to
Mandarin as the language of instruction. These violations of linguistic
rights in Tibet are also being implemented in Xinjiang and Inner
Mongolia, where new limits on Mongolian-language instruction recently
sparked large-scale demonstrations. In the name of ``poverty
alleviation'' and environmental protection, Tibetan herders and nomads
are under pressure to give up their traditional land rights and way of
life, displaced according to the whims of government and business.
Make no mistake about it, Chinese authorities are engaged in a
systematic effort to eliminate the distinct religious, linguistic, and
cultural identity of the Tibetan people. They are in clear violation of
China's international obligations to protect human rights and religious
freedom, and to respect the rights of indigenous peoples and tribal and
ethnic minorities. Access to Tibet remains tightly controlled, with
journalists reporting that it is as difficult to visit Tibet as North
Korea. As a result, human rights abuses and environmental degradation
are concealed from the world.
In 2018, Congress passed the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act and I
was heartened to finally see the Trump Administration implement this
legislation by restricting visas for Chinese officials involved in
blocking access to Tibetan areas. However, a Special Coordinator for
Tibetan Issues has still not been appointed, as mandated by law. Every
other U.S. President of the last two decades has made this appointment.
Not doing so sends a signal that the human rights of the Tibetan people
are not a priority for the President or the U.S. Government.
I am very concerned about recent reports that a systematic and
large-scale training and transfer of Tibetan ``rural surplus laborers''
to work in factories is taking place. This program seems eerily similar
to Uyghur forced labor abuses that have been well documented by this
Commission.
I am also concerned about the targeting of the Tibetan diaspora,
including such tactics as allegedly engaging a New York police officer
to gather intelligence for the Chinese government about the New York
Tibetan community. I look forward to hearing more about these issues
from our witnesses today.
In a white paper last year, the Chinese government restated its
claim that it has the sole authority to control the next reincarnation
of the Dalai Lama, in clear violation of the religious freedom of the
Tibetan Buddhist community. In light of new threats to interfere in the
reincarnation process and the increased human rights violations, U.S.
policy toward Tibet needs to be updated and strengthened.
In January 2020, the House of Representatives overwhelmingly passed
the Tibetan Policy and Support Act by a vote of 392-22. At a time when
Democrats and Republicans can't even agree on what to have for lunch,
this bipartisanship shows overwhelming support for the human rights of
Tibetans. This legislation would:
Establish as U.S. policy that the succession or reincarnation of
Tibetan Buddhist leaders, including a future 15th Dalai Lama, is an
exclusively religious matter that should be decided solely by the
Tibetan Buddhist community.
State that Chinese officials who interfere in the succession or
reincarnation process will be subject to targeted sanctions, including
those contained in the Global Magnitsky Act.
Strengthen the role of the State Department Special Coordinator
for Tibetan Issues by including a mandate to work multilaterally.
Mandate that no new Chinese consulates should be established in
the United States until a U.S. consulate is established in Tibet.
Direct the State Department to begin multinational efforts to
protect the environment and water resources of the Tibetan Plateau, and
Support democratic governance in the Tibetan exile community.
It is long past time for the Senate to act on this legislation.
Frankly, I'm not sure why it has not moved forward. I hope my Senate
colleagues, and all supporters of human rights in Tibet, will contact
Republican Leader Mitch McConnell and Foreign Relations Committee
Chairman Jim Risch and ask them to pass this bipartisan legislation as
soon as possible.
Our hearing today will examine the current situation facing
Tibetans, both inside China and globally; explore restrictions on
linguistic and religious rights; and identify diplomatic and
multilateral options to address restrictions on access and the process
of religious succession.
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Witness Biographies
Zeekgyab Rinpoche, Abbot of Tashi Lhunpo Monastery
The 5th Zeekgyab Rinpoche, Jetsun Tenzin Thupten Rabyal Pal Sangpo,
was born in 1982 in a Tibetan refugee settlement in south India. At the
age of two, he was recognized by the 14th Dalai Lama as the
reincarnation of the 4th Zeekgyab Rinpoche--an eminent religious
scholar and Buddhist practitioner. The Zeekgyab lineage stretches back
over a century to eastern Tibet with close connections to Tashi Lhunpo
Monastery and the Panchen Lamas. Rinpoche has undertaken over three
decades of Buddhist education at key centers of learning in India
including Tashi Lhunpo Monastery, Gaden Jangtse Monastery and Gyudmed
Tantric University. Upon completing the full curriculum of Buddhist
philosophic and dialectic studies, Rinpoche received many academic
honors including his Geshe degree (equivalent to a Ph.D.) and his
Kachen degree from Tashi Lhunpo Monastery. Rinpoche studied Mandarin in
Taiwan and opened a Buddhist Study Center in Taipei where he continues
to teach Buddhist philosophy. The 14th Dalai Lama appointed Rinpoche as
Abbot of Tashi Lhunpo Monastery in late 2018.
Matteo Mecacci, President, International Campaign for Tibet and
former member of the Italian Parliament
Matteo Mecacci was born in Florence, Italy, and studied
international law at the University of Firenze (Florence). He is an
expert in international relations, advocacy strategies and
international human rights law. From 2008 to 2013, Matteo served in the
Italian Parliament as a member of the Italian Chamber of Deputies (on
the Foreign Affairs Committee) after being voted in as Deputy for the
Democratic Party, during which time he served as Chairperson of the
Italian Parliamentary Intergroup for Tibet. As an elected official of
the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, he participated in over 20 OSCE
election observation missions and led two of them in 2012, in Serbia
and Belarus. He also served as the Head of Mission of the OSCE/ODIHR
Election Observation Mission for the 2013 Presidential election in
Georgia. Earlier in his career, Matteo represented the international
non-governmental organization No Peace Without Justice at the UN in New
York working on human rights issues. Mr. Matteo Mecacci joined the
International Campaign for Tibet as President in December 2013.
Tenzin Dorjee, Senior Researcher and Strategist at Tibet Action
Institute
Tenzin Dorjee (Tendor) is a Tibetan activist, writer, and Senior
Researcher and Strategist at Tibet Action Institute. He graduated from
the Tibetan refugee school system in India and immigrated to the United
States under the Tibetan Resettlement Project's family reunification
program. He holds a bachelor's degree in international relations from
Brown University and is currently a Ph.D. candidate in political
science at Columbia University. He is the former director of Students
for a Free Tibet and the author of The Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle: A
Strategic and Historical Analysis. His work has been published in the
Washington Post, the Oxford Research Encyclopedia, the CNN Blog, and
the Tibetan Review.
Sophie Richardson, China Director, Human Rights Watch
Sophie Richardson is the China Director at Human Rights Watch. A
graduate of the University of Virginia, the Hopkins-Nanjing Program,
and Oberlin College, Dr. Richardson is the author of numerous articles
on domestic Chinese political reform, democratization, and human rights
in Cambodia, China, Indonesia, Hong Kong, the Philippines, and Vietnam.
She has testified before the European Parliament and the U.S. Senate
and House of Representatives. She has provided commentary to the BBC,
CNN, the Far Eastern Economic Review, Foreign Policy, National Public
Radio, the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and the Washington
Post. Dr. Richardson is the author of ``China, Cambodia, and the Five
Principles of Peaceful Coexistence'' (Columbia University Press, Dec.
2009), an in-depth examination of China's foreign policy since 1954's
Geneva Conference, including rare interviews with policy makers.
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