[House Hearing, 113 Congress] [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] BUILDING A SUSTAINABLE HOUSING FINANCE SYSTEM: EXAMINING REGULATORY IMPEDIMENTS TO PRIVATE INVESTMENT CAPITAL ======================================================================= HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED THIRTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION __________ APRIL 24, 2013 __________ Printed for the use of the Committee on Financial Services Serial No. 113-16 U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 80-882 WASHINGTON : 2013 ----------------------------------------------------------------------- For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; DC area (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402-0001 HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES JEB HENSARLING, Texas, Chairman GARY G. MILLER, California, Vice MAXINE WATERS, California, Ranking Chairman Member SPENCER BACHUS, Alabama, Chairman CAROLYN B. MALONEY, New York Emeritus NYDIA M. VELAZQUEZ, New York PETER T. KING, New York MELVIN L. WATT, North Carolina EDWARD R. ROYCE, California BRAD SHERMAN, California FRANK D. LUCAS, Oklahoma GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York SHELLEY MOORE CAPITO, West Virginia MICHAEL E. CAPUANO, Massachusetts SCOTT GARRETT, New Jersey RUBEN HINOJOSA, Texas RANDY NEUGEBAUER, Texas WM. LACY CLAY, Missouri PATRICK T. McHENRY, North Carolina CAROLYN McCARTHY, New York JOHN CAMPBELL, California STEPHEN F. LYNCH, Massachusetts MICHELE BACHMANN, Minnesota DAVID SCOTT, Georgia KEVIN McCARTHY, California AL GREEN, Texas STEVAN PEARCE, New Mexico EMANUEL CLEAVER, Missouri BILL POSEY, Florida GWEN MOORE, Wisconsin MICHAEL G. FITZPATRICK, KEITH ELLISON, Minnesota Pennsylvania ED PERLMUTTER, Colorado LYNN A. WESTMORELAND, Georgia JAMES A. HIMES, Connecticut BLAINE LUETKEMEYER, Missouri GARY C. PETERS, Michigan BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan JOHN C. CARNEY, Jr., Delaware SEAN P. DUFFY, Wisconsin TERRI A. SEWELL, Alabama ROBERT HURT, Virginia BILL FOSTER, Illinois MICHAEL G. GRIMM, New York DANIEL T. KILDEE, Michigan STEVE STIVERS, Ohio PATRICK MURPHY, Florida STEPHEN LEE FINCHER, Tennessee JOHN K. DELANEY, Maryland MARLIN A. STUTZMAN, Indiana KYRSTEN SINEMA, Arizona MICK MULVANEY, South Carolina JOYCE BEATTY, Ohio RANDY HULTGREN, Illinois DENNY HECK, Washington DENNIS A. ROSS, Florida ROBERT PITTENGER, North Carolina ANN WAGNER, Missouri ANDY BARR, Kentucky TOM COTTON, Arkansas KEITH J. ROTHFUS, Pennsylvania Shannon McGahn, Staff Director James H. Clinger, Chief Counsel C O N T E N T S ---------- Page Hearing held on: April 24, 2013............................................... 1 Appendix: April 24, 2013............................................... 49 WITNESSES Wednesday, April 24, 2013 Hughes, Martin S., Chief Executive Officer, Redwood Trust, Inc... 10 Katopis, Chris J., Executive Director, Association of Mortgage Investors (AMI)................................................ 8 Kling, Arnold, member, Mercatus Center Financial Markets Working Group.......................................................... 13 Millstein, James E., Chief Executive Officer, Millstein & Co..... 11 APPENDIX Prepared statements: Hughes, Martin S............................................. 50 Katopis, Chris J............................................. 61 Kling, Arnold................................................ 80 Millstein, James E........................................... 85 Additional Material Submitted for the Record Foster, Hon. Bill: Written responses to questions submitted to Martin S. Hughes. 113 Written responses to questions submitted to Chris J. Katopis. 114 Written responses to questions submitted to Arnold Kling..... 116 Written responses to questions submitted to James E. Millstein.................................................. 118 Hurt, Hon. Robert: Written statement of the Securities Industry and Financial Markets Association (SIFMA)................................ 120 Stivers, Hon. Steve: Study by Douglas Holtz-Eakin, Cameron Smith, and Andrew Winkler of the American Action Forum entitled, ``Regulatory Reform and Housing Finance: Putting the `Cost' Back in Benefit-Cost,'' dated October 2012......................... 130 BUILDING A SUSTAINABLE HOUSING FINANCE SYSTEM: EXAMINING REGULATORY IMPEDIMENTS TO PRIVATE INVESTMENT CAPITAL ---------- Wednesday, April 24, 2013 U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Financial Services, Washington, D.C. The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m., in room 2128, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Jeb Hensarling [chairman of the committee] presiding. Members present: Representatives Hensarling, Royce, Capito, Garrett, Neugebauer, McHenry, Campbell, Pearce, Posey, Fitzpatrick, Luetkemeyer, Huizenga, Duffy, Hurt, Grimm, Stivers, Fincher, Stutzman, Mulvaney, Hultgren, Ross, Pittenger, Wagner, Barr, Cotton, Rothfus; Waters, Maloney, Velazquez, Watt, Sherman, Meeks, Capuano, Clay, Scott, Green, Cleaver, Himes, Peters, Carney, Sewell, Foster, Kildee, Murphy, Delaney, Sinema, Beatty, and Heck. Chairman Hensarling. The committee will come to order. Without objection, the Chair is authorized to declare a recess of the committee at any time. Before we begin our hearing, I would like to take a moment to introduce the newest member of our committee. Keith Rothfus is a freshman Member representing the 12th District of Pennsylvania. He is an attorney with a law degree from the Notre Dame Law School, and a background in business law. He worked for the Department of Homeland Security from 2006 to 2007, and earned his BA from SUNY Buffalo. We are very happy to have him officially join our committee today. And I am sorry you won't get recognized today to speak at your first hearing. We will now turn to opening remarks. The Chair will recognize himself for 4\1/2\ minutes. This is the 7th full or subcommittee hearing that we have had on the topic of forging a new sustainable housing policy for America, one that is sustainable for homeowners, taxpayers, and our economy. Clearly, all Americans want a healthier economy. They want a fair opportunity for all Americans to be able to buy a home that they can actually afford to keep. It is clearly time to displace the false hopes and broken dreams which have arisen from a system of misdirected government policies that regrettably incented, browbeat or mandated financial institutions to loan money to people to buy homes that all too often they could not afford to keep. Regrettably, on this topic there have recently been a couple of disturbing press reports concerning actions of the Administration. On April 2nd, The Washington Post had the headline, ``Obama Administration Pushes Banks to Make Home Loans to People With Weaker Credit.'' Had the story been posted on April 1st, I might have thought it was an April Fool's joke. I ask the question, have we as a Nation learned nothing? The article went on to say that the Obama Housing officials were urging Obama Justice officials to offer banks the equivalent of get-out-of-jail-free cards if they would lend money to folks with weaker credit. Ed Pinto, the former top Fannie Mae executive and a recent witness before our committee, said in response, ``That would open the floodgates to highly excessive risk and would send us right back on the same path we are just trying to recover from.'' The other disturbing headlines came from the L.A. Times and many other major publications on April 10th. The L.A. Times headline was, ``Obama budget projects $943-million bailout for key housing agency.'' Regrettably, the President's budget does indeed call for a bailout of FHA. That institution has abandoned its historical mission, endangered the future of the agency, and regrettably put taxpayers at risk. Many of us believe that there are three steps to a sustainable housing policy for our Nation: one, to gradually reduce and eventually eliminate the government guarantee of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac; two, to reform the FHA so that its mission is explicit, targeted, and paid for; and three, to remove the artificial barriers to private capital coming into the market, which is the subject of today's hearing. Now, it may be a challenge for members of this committee to come to agreement on all the provisions of the first two steps, but surely, surely, we can find some way to come together on the third, and that is removing barriers to entry of private capital coming into this market. After all, the Administration has clearly been on the record urging us to do just that. This is a quote from the Administration's housing White Paper: ``We need to scale back the role of government in the mortgage market and promote the return of private capital to a healthier, more robust mortgage market.'' Again, that was in the Administration's White Paper, which regrettably has been left to gather dust for about 2 years. Then-Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary Geithner, on behalf of the Administration, said, ``The administration is committed to a system in which the private market, subject to strong oversight and strong consumer investor protections, is the primary source of mortgage credit. We are committed to a system in which the private market, not American taxpayers, bears the burden for losses.'' HUD Secretary Donovan, ``As we have made clear, this administration believes that private capital needs to come back and that the government's footprint in the housing market needs to be much smaller. In order to do this, some provisions of the Dodd-Frank Act, particularly QM and QRM, will have to be carefully examined given their potential impact on the mortgage market.'' I know that many of my friends on the other side of the aisle have much invested in the Dodd-Frank Act and its brand, and I respect this, but if you agree that private capital and not taxpayer capital should be the foundation of our housing finance system, then I hope you will have open minds that perhaps some limited number of provisions of the Dodd-Frank law perhaps could be refined and improved upon at this time. At this time, I yield to the ranking member for 5 minutes. Ms. Waters. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this hearing. Today, we are examining regulatory impediments to private capital coming back to the housing markets, even as we have very fresh memories of a largely unregulated shadow mortgage industry selling billions of dollars of toxic securities to investors and devastating millions of American families. Interestingly, we are not examining the private sector impediments to private capital returning. For example, how many investors have confidence that the institution selling new mortgage-backed securities won't try to swindle them again? Have banks fixed their servicing practices that harmed both borrowers and investors, and do we really think investors have forgotten that? According to the GAO, the financial crisis reduced the wealth of Americans by $9 trillion. This is not to say that I think that our current predicament in which the taxpayer is backstopping 90 percent of all mortgages is sustainable. Nearly everyone on both sides of the aisle agrees that we must reduce the taxpayers' current exposure. However, it was FHA, Fannie Mae, and Freddie Mac that stepped up to ensure housing finance continued when the private market disappeared. Congress passed the Dodd-Frank Act to help restore investor confidence in the housing finance markets by providing clear rules of the road. To name a few, the Act provides legal certainty to banks only when underwriting safe and sound mortgages. Congress also requires issuers to have skin in the game by retaining some of the risks, thus aligning their incentives with investors. To provide investors with better information, Dodd-Frank improves securities disclosures, including requiring better data on the underlying assets as well as reforming and imposing liability on the credit rating agencies when analyzing those securities. Even if these changes are implemented, we are still a long way from restoring the level of investor confidence necessary to restart the private label security markets. I continue to support proposals, including aspects of Mr. Garrett's securitization bill from last year that recognized the government's role in encouraging further standardization in these markets. I also think the government can work with the private sector in other areas, like helping to establish a model purchase and sale agreement, eliminating the conflicts of interest some banks have that service first liens while also owning the second lien on the same property or transferring servicing generally to institutions that have much higher levels of personal contact with borrowers. But if we are really looking for impediments to bringing back private capital, we need look no further than this committee. While the GSEs are incrementally taking steps to reduce their market presence, it is Congress that must pass comprehensive housing finance legislation to bring about real reform. This legislation will only be successful if it ensures a continuance of stable products such as the 30-year fixed-rate mortgage, provides all eligible borrowers with access to credit, and supports affordable rental housing options. Two weeks ago, I hosted a roundtable of experts, the first in a series to discuss housing finance reform and a path forward. I think participants found the forum conducive to digging deeper into the issues to understand policy choices. One conclusion from this roundtable, for example, was that the objectives I just outlined must be met or can be met only if the government backstops some level of credit risk. I am told that there are now over a dozen different comprehensive proposals to reform our housing finance system, many with bipartisan support. I find it disappointing that while we have convened more than 20 hearings on FHA and the GSEs over the last 3 years, we have not considered any of these ideas. I hope that our witnesses will explain to my colleagues the need as well as the opportunity we have to build a stable mortgage market for generations to come. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back. Chairman Hensarling. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Texas, Mr. Neugebauer, for 2 minutes. Mr. Neugebauer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I appreciate you holding this hearing as we examine the regulatory impediments to private capital returning to the housing market. One of the things we know is that sometimes what government does when they are trying to fix one problem is they create another one, and a lot of the legislation that was passed in the last few years was to try to address what happened in 2008, but basically, what we have done in trying to ``fix'' the mortgage market in this country is we have nationalized the mortgage market in this country. As the chairman mentioned, 9 out of every 10 mortgages in this country have some Federal backing, FHA and the GSEs continue to dominate the markets, and while there is some private activity, it is a very nominal amount of private activity, and the other thing that we have done is, I think most people who are investors in those securities, debt securities are interested in credit risk, identifying what is the credit risk, what is the interest rate risk, but what we have done with some of the new regulations is we created a new category of risk called regulatory risk. And as we talk to a lot of the market participants, they are having a difficult time trying to price what this regulatory risk is because there is so much uncertainty and so many unanswered questions because, as we speak, rules continue to change, rules continue to come out, and so I am looking forward to hearing today about some ways that we can remove some of the impediments, bring private capital back in because the big beneficiary will, if we have a robust housing finance market, everybody wins, but more importantly, the American taxpayers have already put $200 billion into the mortgage finance entities. And our ultimate goal is to have a robust market but also to make sure that we get the taxpayers out of the business of guaranteeing their neighbors' home loan in the future. And with that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back. Chairman Hensarling. The Chair now recognizes the gentlelady from New York, Mrs. Maloney, for 2 minutes. Mrs. Maloney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Madam Ranking Member. I welcome all the panelists, particularly those from the district which I am honored to represent: Mr. Chris Katopis, who is also a leader in the Greek-American community; and Mr. James Millstein, who successfully restructured AIG into a form which was making a profit. The current homeownership rate in the United States is 65 percent, and for every percentage point that drops, another 3 million Americans exit the homeownership market, and I believe, going forward, we have to look at answers that help the middle class have access to financing and homeownership. The Wall Street Journal 2 days ago wrote that existing home sales are down as inventories tighten. So getting the housing finance structure right is tremendously important to our economy going forward. Some economists estimate that it is as much as 25 percent. So it is very, very important. And with Fannie and Freddie still in conservatorship and the Federal Government guaranteeing 90 percent of the mortgage originations, I think we all agree that changes are needed. But with $6.5 trillion of the $10 trillion guaranteed by the government, in my opinion, we need a transition period, and we need to be very careful how we move forward. We need the private sector to play more of a role, but at the same time, we need the middle class to have access to credit, the 30-year mortgage, and others that have built the stability in our economy. My main question today is, how do we protect the taxpayers from bearing the risk of housing finance in the future? None of us want to see another government bailout, and I am also interested how any changes would impact homeownership and interest rates as we move forward in the future. I look forward to the testimony today. Thank you for being here. Chairman Hensarling. The Chair now recognizes the gentlelady from West Virginia, Mrs. Capito, for 2 minutes. Mrs. Capito. Thank you. I would like to thank the chairman and the ranking member for holding this morning's hearing as we continue to look to the future of housing finance. As you can tell from our opening statements, I think we have a lot of consensus here. As our Nation's housing finance system slowly recovers, the current imbalance between private sector and government in our markets remains clear. While we might have consensus and it sounds fixable, it is not as easy as it sounds. We know this from the many hearings that we have had. Although what a suitable mortgage market will look like remains unknown, there is an agreement that the current environment of government dominance is not reasonable nor is it a long-term solution, so I would encourage that we work toward a sustainable housing finance system which promotes a broader private marketplace where creditworthy customers can find affordable credit in a safe and sound system which protects taxpayers from future losses. This starts with applying smarter regulations and not adding new regulations on top of the old. Unfortunately, with the implementation of Dodd-Frank, the current regulatory structure does not foster this type of environment, and expansive regulations being implemented only add to uncertainty and impose more time and resources on private institutions trying to deploy their capital. These regulations especially impact those who cannot bear the weight of the new and restricting rules, further restricting credit availability. Rather, the impediments to private capital should be addressed through consistent regulations that coincide with efforts to restore an appropriate balance between the private market and government. While I hope to return government's occupancy and housing finance to the private market as quickly as possible, I would reiterate that these efforts need to be made towards the attention to the customer or the consumer. Withdrawing government's presence should at the same time correspond with facilitating opportunities in the private market so we can defend market stability and create growth. Again, I thank the chairman for holding the hearing, and I look forward to the testimony of our witnesses and thank them for coming. Chairman Hensarling. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Georgia, Mr. Scott, for 3 minutes. Mr. Scott. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. This is a very interesting topic on which I have quite a bit of interest, and I think that the title of this hearing is examining regulatory impediments to private investment capital. I think it is important, but the fundamental issue here that we must first address is whether or not the current health of the private mortgage market is strong enough to bear the risk of bringing back private investment capital. This is particularly true, for we know that the displacement of private sector competition is now so large that roughly 90 percent of all residential mortgage originations are securitized into government-backed, mortgage-backed securities. So is there sufficient capital in the private market to make up for what the GSEs are doing and to make sure that we still have the guarantee of the 30-year mortgage situation? If our secondary mortgage market were entirely privatized, does sufficient capacity exist among both bank and non-bank lenders to absorb loans on balance sheets until they can be securitized or sold? Then, there is a cascading number of questions. To what extent, for example, do guaranteed fees charged by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac still need to rise in order for private label securitizations to compete in the market? And do we know the capacity of the private market to step in and provide credit if Fannie and Freddie were to raise their prices? Will the supply of mortgage credit expand as a reaction to additional price increases? Will it have the effect of simply limiting access to qualified borrowers or both? And then is there a concern that raising the guarantee fees further without also reforming the Enterprises will not break the GSEs duopoly over securitization but instead bring in enormous profits. So, we have some very perplexing issues here. Fundamentally the issue should be, is the private market really capable? Can they handle the risk, and can they do what the GSEs do? They were put here for a reason, and the reason was because the private sector wasn't doing this, so we have to make sure, before we throw the baby out with the bath water here, that we protect the baby. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Hensarling. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from California, Mr. Campbell, for 1\1/2\ minutes. Mr. Campbell. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and good morning to the panel. Today in this hearing, we are going to look at, as the title says, impediments that exist in the structure or regulatory structure, impediments to bringing private investment capital back into the housing market, but the one thing I think we should all agree on is that we don't want to create some new impediments to private capital, and right now, there is an idea out there about using eminent domain to seize mortgages, which is gaining a little traction with some cities in my home State, and actually across the country, and we will discuss this more during the hearing, and about the issues, but for the purposes of this hearing, it has a lot of problems. It is hard to convince private capital to come in when their security could be at risk with the idea that a municipality could just arbitrarily decide, okay, we are going to seize your mortgage, and write down your security. And by the way, we are going to put a bunch of that money in our pocket and a bunch of it in the pocket of the private company which is pushing this idea. So it seems to me, and this is a bipartisan issue--Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel, when this was brought up in front of Chicago, said, ``The idea of using eminent domain is not one that I support because I don't think it is the right way to address the problem.'' So I look forward to hearing from the panel, and I yield back. Thank you. Chairman Hensarling. That concludes the opening statements. I will now welcome our distinguished panel of witnesses and introduce them. First, Mr. Chris Katopis is the executive director of the Association of Mortgage Investors (AMI). According to its Web site, AMI was formed ``to serve as the industry voice for institutional investors and investment professionals with interest in mortgage securities.'' Previously, Mr. Katopis has served on the Hill as a legislative staffer. Mr. Martin Hughes is the CEO of Redwood Trust, which I believe may be one of the few, if not the only securitizer of private label mortgage-backed securities at the moment. He has over 15 years of senior management experience in the financial services industry. He is a CPA, and holds a bachelor's degree in accounting from Villanova. Mr. James Millstein is the CEO of Millstein & Co. He previously served as the Chief Restructuring Officer at the Treasury Department where he oversaw AIG's restructuring efforts. He has a JD from Columbia, a master's from UC Berkeley, and a BA from Princeton. Finally, Dr. Arnold Kling is a senior scholar and a member of the Financial Markets Working Group at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. He has previously served as a Senior Economist at Freddie Mac and a Senior Economist at the Federal Reserve. He has a Ph.D. in economics from MIT. Each of you will be recognized for 5 minutes to give an oral presentation of your testimony. Without objection, each of your written statements will be made a part of the record. Some of you have testified before, so you are familiar with our light system. The green light will be on for 4 minutes. When it turns yellow, you have 1 minute to sum up. When it turns red, I think you know what that means. After all of you have finished presenting your testimony, each member of the committee will have 5 minutes in which to ask any or all of you questions. Mr. Katopis, you are now recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF CHRIS J. KATOPIS, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, ASSOCIATION OF MORTGAGE INVESTORS (AMI) Mr. Katopis. Good morning, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Waters, and distinguished members of the committee. We appreciate the opportunity to testify this morning. The Association of Mortgage Investors was formed as a primary unconflicted trade association for investors and residential mortgage-backed securities. We, along with investors from life insurance companies, State pensions, State retirement systems, and university endowments invest in the U.S. mortgage market. A key goal of the system today is to move credit and mortgage capital from investors to borrowers and then back again. The more private capital that is in the system, the more opportunities there are for borrowers and the more housing opportunities exist. At essence, securitization today is broken, limiting the availability of housing credit and the reach of the American dream of homeownership. Mortgage investors share your frustration with the slow restoration of the housing market and the need to assist homeowners who are truly hurting. In fact, the market for residential mortgage-backed securities today has virtually ground to a halt since the financial crisis for the reasons we describe in detail in our written statement. Today, Members of Congress have said mortgage investors are on strike. We assure you, Mr. Chairman, that we are on strike, but we would like to get back to work, and with your help, perhaps that will be possible in the near future. So what do we do? For example, we are hopeful that meaningful solutions can be implemented more quickly, and we believe that our interests are aligned with responsible homeowners. As difficult as it may be to believe, many of the most sophisticated investors in the market were as victimized and abused by big bank servicers as many consumers. Investor- managed funds are essential to rebuilding the private mortgage market. However, Mr. Chairman, investors will only return to a mortgage market which is transparent, has data on the underlying mortgages backed by enforceable reps and warranties, addresses servicer conflicts of interest, and provides protection through law and regulation. The current mortgage market suffers from a thorough lack of transparency as well as a number of other items outlined in my testimony: poor underwriting standards; a lack of standardization concerning mortgage documents; numerous conflicts of interest; defective and improper mortgage service practices; an absence of effective legal remedies for contractual violations; and unwarranted State and Federal interventions in the mortgage market, for example the proposed use of eminent domain as a foreclosure mitigation tool. In terms of competition, private investors in the mortgage- backed securities space right now are crowded out by the government to a large degree. Mr. Chairman, the playing field is not level for investors, and even if FHFA, as conservator of the GSEs, were to raise g-fees to market levels by regulatory order, this would not solve the problem in itself. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are in the same business as private mortgage investors and mortgage insurers, bearing credit risk in exchange for financial compensation. And going forward, the Enterprises should not have their costs subsidized by the advantages of government sponsorship. Congress should prepare a transition plan to end the government sponsorship and have the credit risk-bearing functions of these entities fully privatized to ensure a competitive level playing field. Mr. Chairman, the return to private capital requires several steps. There is no one silver bullet. There is no ``easy button'' like we see on TV. What can we do? Congress has already acted in a way that could be exemplary. They solved a problem very similar to this in the 1920s with the stock market crash of the corporate bond market. The Trust Indenture Act was enacted by Congress in the 1930s to restore the corporate bond market, and it works so well today that most corporate bond market traders have it work without even knowing it is in existence. It creates a number of responsibilities and obligations for trustees, resolves intercreditor rights, and creates certain standards, structures, and systems that help the market go forward. We hope these can be emulated for RMBS to bring private capital back into the space. Beyond that, we hope that Congress can consider the following: facilitating a single national Internet database of mortgages; mortgage servicing standards that address the needs of investors as well as borrowers; and a single national uniform foreclosure law. So we thank you very much for this opportunity to testify. AMI is pleased to be a resource for the committee as you continue your efforts to bring private capital back to the U.S. mortgage market for generations to come. Thank you. [The prepared statement of Mr. Katopis can be found on page 61 of the appendix.] Chairman Hensarling. Mr. Hughes, you are now recognized for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF MARTIN S. HUGHES, CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER, REDWOOD TRUST, INC. Mr. Hughes. Good morning, Chairman Hensarling, Ranking Member Waters, and members of the committee. I appreciate the opportunity to testify here today on what could be done to accelerate the return of the private secondary market. My testimony is singularly focused on the perspective of the institutional investors that are the buyers of senior classes of securities backed by mortgage backs. Those investors are the single most critical variable to consider as you take steps to produce a robust mortgage-backed, private mortgage- backed market. Simply put, these investors have the money, and without their participation, there is no market. In the wake of the financial crisis, investors in private mortgage securities lost confidence that their rights and interests in the securities they own would be respected and, consequently, that their investments were safe and secure. In response, some large senior MBS investors who previously had significant capital obligations to the private MBS space now have little or no participation. It doesn't add up. In today's financial world awash with liquidity, with senior investors searching for safe, attractive yield, the private MBS market should play a much larger role as an attractive investment asset, as it was in the past. So in terms of recommendations on how we can get there, it will take a combination of efforts by market participants, Congress, and regulators. My recommendations are threefold: first, meet investors' demands for stronger structural protections, increase transparency, and align interest through the entire mortgage chain; second, give the private MBS market room to develop and grow by having the government reduce its market share on a safe and measured basis--this can be accomplished through further increases in guarantee fees and reductions in loan limits; and third, remove the overhang of unfinished regulation by requiring that unfinished rules that are past deadline to be issued within 4 months are subject to a 4-year moratorium. My written testimony contains detailed recommendations for each of these three categories. In the interest of time, I would like to single out one issue for special mention because it has not received the attention equal to the harm it has caused, and that is the need to control the systemic threat that second liens, otherwise known as home equity loans, pose to first lienholders. We can do this by giving first lienholders the ability to require their consent to a second lien if the combined loan to value with all other liens will exceed 80 percent. During the housing bubble, homeowners used home equity lines to extract record levels of equity from their homes and also as a substitute for a cash downpayment. The rise in home equity lending increased monthly payment obligations for borrowers and reduced the amount of equity remaining in their homes, leaving borrowers vulnerable to price decline. As a result, 38 percent of borrowers who used these loans found themselves underwater compared to only 18 percent who did not, and from a delinquency standpoint, even for prime borrowers, the delinquency rate was 114 percent for borrowers who had taken out seconds. This proposal would allow borrowers to tap into their equity while preserving a level of protection for first lien investors. If we move back to Redwood, the success of Redwood's private securitizations proves that this market can be fixed and that it is ready to assume a larger role in our housing finance system. Since we restarted securitization in 2010, Redwood has securitized $5.6 billion of jumbo loans in 14 transactions. We plan to securitize $7 billion in transactions this year, and we have already completed 5 transactions to date. Our success didn't happen by accident. We listened to investors, and worked hard to meet the new requirements by putting together transactions that included more comprehensive disclosures, better and simpler structures, and new enforcement mechanisms for representations and warranty. Currently, our primary focus has been on the prime jumbo market. We are limited to the prime jumbo market at this point because we cannot compete with the price and market advantages the government has conferred to the GSEs. Once the playing field is level, we stand by ready to securitize prime loans of any size, and we are not that far off. For example, today the rate on a Redwood jumbo mortgage is 3.875 percent, on a Wells Fargo mortgage on an agency conforming it is 3.65 percent, and on an agency conforming completely it is 3.5 percent. In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I commend you for focusing this hearing on investors. I firmly believe that the private secondary mortgage market can grow quickly to provide liquidity to a very large share of the mortgage market without the need of a government guarantee if the needs of investors are met and the government gives the private markets an opportunity to grow. Thank you for the opportunity. [The prepared statement of Mr. Hughes can be found on page 50 of the appendix.] Chairman Hensarling. Thank you. The Chair now recognizes Mr. Millstein for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF JAMES E. MILLSTEIN, CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER, MILLSTEIN & CO. Mr. Millstein. Thank you. Chairman Hensarling, Ranking Member Waters, and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify today. Chairman Hensarling. I'm sorry, could you pull the microphone a little closer, please? Thank you. Mr. Millstein. I am losing precious time. Chairman Hensarling. We will give you 5 seconds. Mr. Millstein. The question we now face, 5 years into the conservatorship over Fannie and Freddie, and a market in which 90 percent of all new mortgage originations are ending up on the balance sheet of the Federal Government, is how to back the government out of a market it now dominates without triggering another credit contraction and downturn in house prices? How do we design a transition plan to a market where private capital plays the leading role in credit formation but which also protects the economy and ensures access to credit? During my recent tenure as the Chief Restructuring Officer at the Treasury Department, I had primary responsibility for the restructuring and recovery of the government's funding commitments to AIG, commitments which rivaled in size the amount of capital today invested in Fannie and Freddie. In downsizing AIG and recovering the taxpayers' investments in it without destabilizing the broader financial markets in which it operated, we faced a problem similar to the problem facing Congress today: how to reduce the systemic importance of Fannie and Freddie without undermining stable credit formation in the mortgage markets. Although housing reform is more complex in several respects than the AIG restructuring, I believe that a similar corporate finance and restructuring solution to that which we employed with AIG, combined with a broader housing finance reform of the sort you have just heard, could accomplish three important goals for which I believe there is broad bipartisan support: one, ending the conservatorships and the creeping nationalization of the mortgage markets; two, fully recovering the taxpayers' substantial investments in Fannie and Freddie; and three, creating conditions under which private investment capital will return to a market now almost completely dominated by the Federal Government. Any credible transition plan to reduce the government's footprint needs to ensure that private capital will, in fact, substitute for what the government is providing through Fannie and Freddie today. To ensure that outcome, there are four key features of the proposal. First, we need to wind down the government-sponsored hedge funds that Fannie and Freddie ran. We need to terminate the government charters that created an implied guarantee of their debt and recapitalize and sell their mortgage guarantee businesses to private investors. Second, to be able to continue to tap the broad and deep pool of capital that the government guarantee permits, however, until private markets fully heal, we need to provide government reinsurance for qualified MBS in exchange for a fee properly calibrated to protect taxpayers against the risk of loss. This would be similar to the FDIC's Deposit Insurance Program and would represent a dramatic shift in structure and substance from the pre-crisis model of a free implicit guarantee of undercapitalized government-sponsored entities. Third, remove structural impediments to PLS issuance. Along those lines, I am in agreement with much of what you have just heard from both of these gentlemen. Fourth, fund affordability initiatives in a transparent fashion by assessing a fee on all MBS issued with this government reinsurance. For better or for worse, the truth is that Fannie and Freddie play a central role in credit formation of the mortgage markets today, a role too big for banks, too big for private mortgage insurers or private institutional investors to displace overnight or even over the next decade, particularly in the aftermath of the greatest credit crisis in 4 generations from which these investors are still reeling. So, in light of the continued weakness in the appetites of banks, private insurers, and private investors for taking mortgage credit risks, our plan calls for the recapitalization and privatization of Fannie and Freddie's mortgage guarantee business and the creation of a separate independent agency to provide reinsurance on qualified mortgage-backed securities, which reinsurance would be behind in the first instance the substantial capital then owned by the newly privatized guarantee businesses. We think this is a practical and executable transaction and transition out of the conservatorships to a new market structure in which well- regulated private insurers put substantial private capital ahead of the government on its guarantee. In the interest of full disclosure, my firm owns certain of the junior preferred securities issued by Fannie and Freddie. These securities are only entitled to a recovery if the government is repaid in full on its investments. The merits of my proposal for ending the conservatorships, however, do not rise and fall on whether those securities are entitled to a recovery. The primary objective of the proposal is to ensure that mortgage credit remains broadly available in the transition from a system dominated by the government today to a system in which private capital takes the lead in mortgage formation in the future. Thank you. [The prepared statement of Mr. Millstein can be found on page 85 of the appendix.] Chairman Hensarling. The Chair now recognizes Dr. Kling for 5 minutes. STATEMENT OF ARNOLD KLING, MEMBER, MERCATUS CENTER FINANCIAL MARKETS WORKING GROUP Mr. Kling. Thank you, Chairman Hensarling, and Ranking Member Waters. My fellow panel members are much more familiar than I am with current practices. I have spent the last 12 years teaching at a high school. And I am going to be a bit pedantic today and say that technically all of the capital for mortgages today comes from private capital. It is private capital. It is now, always has been, and always will be the savings of the private sector that gets channeled into mortgages. The difference is what kind of intermediary and what kind of intermediation takes place to translate that private capital into mortgages, and so the purpose of this hearing is quite correct, and several people have stated it: The issue is, how can that intermediation take place without taxpayers taking so much of the risk? That is kind of the fundamental question here. I want to start out by pointing out, and maybe we can discuss this more later, that a major form of risk that we should be concerned with that the taxpayer is taking is interest rate risk. There is a real potential, while everyone focuses on credit risk, for taxpayers to end up taking interest rate risk in ways people haven't anticipated. The other point to make about this intermediation is that it does not necessarily require securitization. I am old enough to remember when savings and loans were the intermediaries that supplied most of the capital to the mortgage market, and there are some pros and cons to going back to that model, and we shouldn't close ourselves off to that model. With that said, I have seven recommendations to run through for improving the intermediation of private capital. And the first is to stop demonizing mortgage originators. Mortgage originators were told after Dodd-Frank that they should not originate any loans that violated the rules. And then they were told if they asked what the rules are, ``We are not going to tell you yet.'' That is not a sustainable way of dealing with mortgage originators. Second, stop demonizing mortgage servicers. Mortgage servicing is an industry that, until recently, was kind of shaving nickels off of its cost of doing business and has been basically beaten up to the tune of having to spend thousands and thousands of dollars per loan because other people are telling them that they should be able to cure loans. And it has just completely thrown that business apart. So the net result is that there are fewer originators today and fewer people want to do servicing on anything other than a squeaky clean loan today. And, the joke I have heard recently is that if you want a loan, you can either go to Wells Fargo or Wells Fargo, and mortgage rates are high because the origination market and the servicing market have been beaten up. As far as phasing out Freddie Mac, Fannie Mae, and FHA, I think that is a simple matter of phasing down their maximum loan sizes. I think you should consider, if you at all want any kind of national market in mortgages, to have a national title system. The fragmented title system doesn't work, and you can also get rid of the cost of title insurance by switching to something called a Torrens title. I think that a national model for loan servicing agreements, and people have already spoken about this, would be useful as well. I would say continue to develop a national standard for conforming loan for mortgage securities. Again, that is a constructive step. And finally, continue to support consumer protection, financial literacy, and programs to help families save for downpayments. It frightens me, frankly, when people complain that 65 percent homeownership is too low. Buying a home is a complex transaction. In the United States, when you are putting 10 percent down, that is way more than we allow people to borrow to buy stock. We require 50 percent margin to buy stock. So we are putting people into very complex transactions, and I think we need to make sure that they have the savings to deal with it and the financial literacy to understand what they are doing. Thank you very much. [The prepared statement of Dr. Kling can be found on page 80 of the appendix.] Chairman Hensarling. Thank you, Dr. Kling. And thank you to all the panelists. The Chair now recognizes himself for 5 minutes. I think I hear a concurrence among the panel and hopefully among many Members who gave opening statements that we all want a system with more private capital, but some have begged the question, is there enough private capital, and will it come back in? I think it was you, Mr. Hughes, who said presently the system is ``awash in liquidity.'' Was that your phrase? Mr. Hughes. That was my phrase. Chairman Hensarling. And just how much liquidity do you see awashing around? Mr. Hughes. In fixed income funds, there is $3.5 trillion, and that is not counting banks' balance sheets or what is available on insurance companies' balance sheets. So personally, I don't think it is a money problem. Chairman Hensarling. I believe if I have the right statistic in front of me, the current size of the U.S. residential mortgage market is roughly $10 trillion. I have heard some concern from many that private capital could not backfill a market of this size, so I guess a question, what is the optimum size of the U.S. mortgage market? Is it $8 trillion? Is it $10 trillion? Is it $12 trillion? Who is qualified to tell me what the optimum size of the U.S. mortgage market should be? No takers? We have one taker. Mr. Millstein? Mr. Millstein. I will say this: In 2000, at the turn of the century, the size of that market was $4.5 trillion of outstanding mortgage indebtedness. In the 7 years between 2000 and 2007, we more than doubled the aggregate debt on the housing stock of the United States to $11 trillion. It is off a trillion now with foreclosures and debt repayment, but we are clearly at a very inflated size of the mortgage market. Chairman Hensarling. That does beg the question of what the optimum size of this market ought to be. I myself don't know the answer to that question. But I do believe also, maybe it was in your testimony, Mr. Hughes, you noted that the auto loans, credit card loans, and commercial real estate loans are up and functioning while the private residential mortgage- backed securities market is barely developed. So is there something about the residential mortgage market that makes it immune to the laws of supply and demand, and won't they ultimately determine the size of capital for the market? Mr. Hughes. There is no shortage of money. The problem is the risk that investors see in that market, from being burned and waiting to see that steps have been taken to improve investor protection mechanism, servicing, and a number of factors that we both have talked about. Chairman Hensarling. Dr. Kling, you didn't discuss it in your oral testimony, but I found in your written testimony an interesting discussion of, I guess the Canadian model, their version of a 30-year amortized model. We have heard some Members say they are concerned that we might end up with a model where the 30-year fixed no longer exists. I am under the impression that it exists in jumbo now where the GSEs do not operate. Does anybody wish to offer a contrary opinion? If not, let me ask about this model, because I know we had testimony when FHA Director Ed DeMarco came and testified before us regarding the 30-year fixed, ``It is not necessarily the best mortgage product for a home buyer, especially a first- time home buyer.'' I can see a system where anybody who wanted it, I would hope it would appear in the market, I observe it appears in the market, but I am also curious in the Canadian model, as I understand it, you have a 5-year reset on the interest rate, yet it amortizes over 30 years, which means a number of our constituents have found that they were underwater with their mortgages, had challenges engaging in refinancing, then also the refinancing costs, the closing costs kept many from doing it. Had they had access to this model, many of them would have seen their monthly payments go down and might have been able to keep their home. Is that correct? Mr. Kling. I don't--I guess I wouldn't champion the 5-year rollover as something that would have done a whole lot in this crisis. I think a lot of these people were underwater almost from day one. Maybe a few of them who took out really crazy adjustable rate mortgages would not have taken them out and would have taken out a 5-year loan. The main thing is that we don't know where the risk on the 30-year product resides. We don't know where it resided when Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae were at their peak. We just didn't observe the kind of spike in interest rates that would have shown us what happened. My guess is that either Freddie Mac or Fannie Mae would have gone bankrupt because of the interest rate they took or the derivatives that-- Chairman Hensarling. Regrettably, I need to cut you off and attempt to set a better example for the committee. I am over my time. I now yield 5 minutes to the ranking member. Ms. Waters. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I would like to thank all of our panelists who are here today. It seems as if there is a consensus on some things. It appears that everybody agrees that there is a lack of confidence and that there needs to be transparency and some other kinds of things. I would like to particularly thank Mr. Millstein for his participation in the discussion, not just here today, but the fact that you have come up with some real live proposals, and have been helpful to me and to others. [Dogs barking]. Ms. Waters. That is the servicers. Chairman Hensarling. Are they German Shepherds? Ms. Waters. I have a question for Mr. Katopis. Do you agree that mortgage servicers have been demonized and that the ``gotcha'' regulators Mr. Kling references have been unfair to servicers? Mr. Katopis. With all due respect, Congresswoman, we disagree. We think that the servicing model that has existed for decades is not sufficient for the economic environment we are in now. We have a lot of distressed borrowers who should be helped, who may need some special touch, and we have seen a lot of reforms in this space, but still we think more needs to be done. And in particular, for the topic of this hearing, bringing private capital back into the markets, we need servicer reform that not only addresses the needs of distressed borrowers but of investors. And remember when I speak of investors, I am talking about all the limited partners we have, whether it is CalPERS, retirement systems, or university endowments, because returns for those investors are harmed by the servicing practices we are seeing today. Ms. Waters. Absolutely. And despite the fact that some of us are real advocates for our consumers and we want to make sure that they have available to them the kind of mortgages that are fair, we also are concerned about investors. And I have been concerned about the fact that various servicing settlements from regulators and State attorneys general allow servicers to meet the terms of the settlements by writing down the loans that are owned by investors. Do you think that is fair? Mr. Katopis. That is an absolutely keen observation. We are very concerned, and my testimony touches on what I call unwarranted Federal and State interventions in the market. A lot of these settlements are extremely troubling for mortgage investors because they are having some of these institutions, these too-big-to-fail institutions settle with other people's money, the first lien investors, so we really appreciate your attention to these matters. And we have asked for more transparency. We have contacted a number of Administration officials, including the National Mortgage Settlement Administrator, for more transparency, and we hope that there is action taken on that front. And as an aside, I talk about who are mortgage investors. I was a Hill staffer. I had a TSP. I was in the G or C fund, I would like to think anyone who has a TSP is a mortgage investor, too, on one level, so I claim as many as I can. Ms. Waters. I want to get to Mr. Millstein. In your testimony, you describe some of the private label mortgage securitization deals that have occurred since the 2008 financial crisis, and you note that they are structured to provide immense protection for investors. This includes both high downpayments for the loans, underlying the securitizations, the high FICO scores for borrowers. This also includes the fact that the issuers of these new private label mortgage securitizations retain the subordinated tranches in these deals, meaning that the issuers take losses before other investors take losses. Given the extremely conservative nature of these issuances, is it reasonable to expect that private investors are willing to absorb all of the credit risk currently borne by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac? Mr. Millstein. In my testimony, I described the deal done by Mr. Hughes. And I think this is important for the committee to understand, that while Redwood is really pioneering now this private label securitization market, they are doing it with enormous equity cushions and subordinated tranche cushions to protect the senior investor. You could have a downturn as severe as we had in 2007 and 2008 and the investors in the Redwood Trust recent issuances would not lose a dime because of the enormous cushion. So there is not a lot of credit risk being taken by the private market today. And that is for good and valid reasons. The Government of the United States has two of the largest funding sources for mortgages in conservatorship. Until you guys clarify what is the fate of those, the fate of the housing market will remain uncertain for private investors. Chairman Hensarling. The time of the gentlelady has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentlemen from Texas, Mr. Neugebauer, for 5 minutes. Mr. Neugebauer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would like to continue along this line because one of the keys to getting private securitization going again is making sure the government is pricing its risk appropriately. And what we have seen by the fact that we had to put $200 billion in Fannie and Freddie is that they weren't pricing that risk appropriately. So, Mr. Hughes, would you comment on the fact that--I think Redwood bonds are trading at about a 2.6 percent yield and MBS agency are trading around 2.2; I understand that there could be some differences. But that is a 40-basis point spread. And in this market, 40 basis points is real money. I would like to be getting 40 basis points on my savings. But would you kind of expand on that a little bit for us? Mr. Hughes. Sure. Actually, the historical average was approximately 25 basis points between those numbers. And if you rolled back the increases and guarantee fees, the actual spread today is closer to 60 basis points. What that spread was intended for was to cover three potential risks to the extent you are holding a private security: one was faster prepayments; the second was not as much liquidity; and the real biggie was the credit risk. So with the agency security didn't have that. And where the premium is today is investors needing more for that credit side, which isn't necessarily borrower credit, but it is everything that goes with the process to make sure that their investments are safe and secure. Mr. Neugebauer. Another issue that has been talked about a little bit is the fact that the agencies aren't subject to all of the same rules that the private securitizers are. And you heard me say in my opening statement about this new risk that we have in the marketplace today, this regulatory risk. How is the pricing--in other words, if the agencies today had to play by the same rules, what would be the pricing premium that would be in the marketplace for regulatory? Mr. Hughes. Are you referring to QM? Mr. Neugebauer. Yes. Mr. Hughes. Today, the pricing difference between the two markets, again, we are about three-eights of a point. To the extent that the same regulations--I think it would close the gap some, maybe an 8th of a point. But I think the bigger difference is going to have to come over time through increased guarantee fees and spreads coming in as we invite more and more investors in to the investor side. Mr. Neugebauer. Mr. Katopis? Mr. Katopis. I just wanted to add an observation, Congressman, that for some of our investors, when they look at the issue you have raised very wisely, what they deem is what is the political risk premium surrounding some of the transactions in this space. Depending on the nature of the political activity, the severity that it entails, they will not--there is no premium they will pay if a 30-year contract becomes a 30-minute contract. So it depends on the nature of the activity, and it can really steer private capital out of the market. Mr. Neugebauer. I am glad you made that point. Because I think one of the things that we are hearing is, okay, even if you increase the g-fees, reduce the loan limits, create this space up there, until you bring some certainty into investor rights and servicers' responsibilities, a lot of market participants still would not be comfortable until we resolve some of the Dodd-Frank requirements--capital requirements, risk retention requirements. Does anybody disagree with that statement? Mr. Hughes. I totally agree with that statement. Mr. Neugebauer. What do you think would be two or three of the top impediments to us doing something quickly in that area? What would those be? Mr. Millstein. Congressman, Representative Garrett has done a lot of work around this. And I think there are many aspects of that bill that all of us on this panel would agree with. Mr. Neugebauer. Mr. Katopis? Mr. Katopis. I invite everyone to look at our testimony describing the Trust Indenture Act as an exemplary model that saved the corporate bond market in the 1930s and has worked flawlessly for the last 70 years. Mr. Neugebauer. Mr. Chairman, I yield back. Chairman Hensarling. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from North Carolina, Mr. Watt, for 5 minutes. Mr. Watt. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for convening this hearing. Mr. Katopis, I am fascinated by some points that you made on page 11 of your written testimony in which you suggest that if we did four things--limit the charter to high-quality guarantees; ensure sound regulation with appropriate equity capital; sever government sponsorship and entity level backstops; and impose appropriate political limitations--the core mortgage guarantee business can be sold into the private markets with no government backstop and the funds realized can repay the government for sustenance, as was done with AIG. That is what you said. I envision, then, kind of a government IPO spinning off these things, Fannie and Freddie, or at least parts of Fannie and Freddie into the private sector. And correct me if I am wrong in that vision. I would then want to know what would happen--first of all, whether that wouldn't create entities in the private sector that were too-big-to-fail and how we could guard against that? Second, since you would be limiting this to high-quality guarantees, which is what Mr. Hughes' business sounds like it is, what, then, would you do about average-quality guarantees? And whether this could still be done with 30-year mortgages as opposed to what Dr. Kling is saying, how would you hedge against the risks that are associated with 30-year mortgages? If you could just answer that series of questions, I probably won't have enough time to ask another one. Mr. Katopis. Thank you, Congressman, for the opportunity to address that issue. I will try to answer in the time. And if we need to follow up in writing, we are happy to do so. AMI stands for a number of goals broadly, including housing finance reform, increasing housing opportunities, and bringing private capital back to the market. We believe that the GSEs can be restructured in a way where you take the ``GS'' off, and they are no longer government-sponsored entities and create housing opportunities. We do not promise we can do what Redwood has done with these super prime, immaculate kind of high net value homes. Mr. Watt. You are getting me off the subject there. What I am really interested in is, it seems to me that the primary thing that the government has to sell, if we did an IPO, would be the government guarantee. And if you take that away, then you are back into a private sector with a much, much higher interest rate, I would think. Am I missing something there? Mr. Katopis. Broadly speaking, and we can follow up on this, we know that the backstop creates certain characteristics for a mortgage. Those characteristics would change under this. I think it is a question of what pricing, what type of product you want to have in the market. And we certainly believe that the 30-year mortgage is valuable and is important-- Mr. Watt. For the high-end market? Mr. Katopis. No. Mr. Watt. What about for any market? Mr. Katopis. For any market. It is just a matter of the characteristics would change. Mr. Watt. One of those characteristics would be that interest rates would go up? Mr. Katopis. Possibly. But, again, I think it is a question of calibrating the risk, the perceived risk by investors with the price. Mr. Watt. And what would the government's role be at the end of the day in that process? Mr. Katopis. I think the government's role, looking at the testimony of the others and our internal thinking, although we do not have an official position how to structure it, it would be very much like the FDIC, some type of insurance vehicle, just like we have for savings. Mr. Watt. Mr. Millstein, if you can use the rest of the time analyzing what we just talked about, that would be helpful. Mr. Millstein. Yes. I think in my materials, in an appendix, there is a chart on page 4 of the--if any of you have it, which I would just point you to, which shows you who bears mortgage credit risk today and the evolution of who bears mortgage credit risk over the last 40 years. And what you will see in the middle is a huge yellow swath where 50 percent of that credit risk has been residing with the government. Chairman Hensarling. The time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from California, Mr. Campbell, for 5 minutes. Mr. Campbell. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Do you want to finish that thought, Mr. Millstein? Mr. Millstein. I do. My point is that I think we can evolve to a market where less than 50 percent of the credit risk is borne by the Federal Government. But for the last 20 years, we have had a system in which the Federal Government has borne 50 percent of the credit risk in the market. It is going to take time to bring private capital back into taking credit risks. And if you look at, on this chart, who has borne credit risk, it is the banking system, which, as we all know, was the most recent beneficiary of the massive bailout from the Federal Government when its mortgage assets were impaired. So I think the notion that the Federal Government is just going to walk away and private investors are going to bear all the credit risks in the system is a dangerous notion. It is going to take time to evolve this. And the market--just to finish the thought--what we had suggested as a way to protect taxpayers for its guarantee is not to do it as it has been done, on an implicit basis without a fee, but to do it with lots of private capital ahead of the government as a reinsurer for an explicit fee that is well-priced. Mr. Campbell. Let me ask two questions following up on that. One is, we have been talking about the g-fee, and I keep hearing that FHA is close to market. And I guess market would be--everyone defines what is market for a government guarantee. But I guess it would be where at some point, there are some investors that say, you know what, for that margin, I will take that risk. I don't want to pay the government to do that. How close is the FHA's current g-fee to that, and also for the GSEs? Mr. Millstein. I will let Mr. Hughes answer that. My answer to that is, today, the government is not required--there is no hurdle rate on the government's equity support for the GSE. So there is no built-in return on equity. And as a result, that margin is missing at least in the g-fee. I would say that other 15 basis points. They are an average today of about 50 basis points for the newly issued MBS. It has to get closer to 65, 75 basis points to be a market fee for that risk. Mr. Campbell. Mr. Hughes? Mr. Hughes. I would agree with that. And two things need to happen. One is the g-fee going up. But we also need active investors coming in, such that that spread we talked about comes in. Mr. Campbell. Right. Mr. Hughes. The combination of those two, and I would agree, probably 15 basis points and a combination of investors coming in would make the private sector-- Mr. Campbell. Let me ask you another question about phasing the government involvement out. If you were to do it by reducing how much LTV, if you will, loan to value, that the government will guarantee--arguably, right now, FHA will guarantee up to 97 percent. Right? If you reduce that and it got--at what point does it become effectively no guarantee? In other words, if it was 65 percent, then you are talking about a 2007, 2008 crash really--the government doesn't even step in then. What is the point that you reduce and say, all right, the government will guarantee 80 percent, 75 percent, at what point does it become, as far as the market is concerned, not of any value? Mr. Millstein. Mr. Hughes is doing deals today without a government guarantee with a 40 percent equity cushion ahead of the senior note. Mr. Campbell. Okay. So is that where it is, then, 60--if the government says, hey, we will guarantee up to 60 percent, that is--markets won't care. Okay. In my last minute, I do want to get back to the eminent domain issue. Because in the proposals that I have in front of me, the investors take a huge haircut. The government guarantee takes a hit. And when we say investors, remember, we are talking about a lot of pension funds, 401Ks, life insurance, stuff like that. The city gets a 5 percent cut. So they get a nice 5 percent cut, and then it is refinanced with FHA. So the Federal taxpayer basically guarantees so the city can get a 5 percent cut, and then the venture capital fund that is involved with this gets $4,500, which is why they are pushing the heck out of this thing. Does anybody on this panel think that is a good idea? Mr. Hughes. No. Mr. Campbell. Let the record show nobody thinks it is a good idea. If cities start doing this, what effect is that going to have in the mortgage market on private capital, on even government involvement with mortgages that exist today? Mr. Katopis. Again, the political risk of having this further nationalization from local communities and cities would chill private investment and could lead to a stop of lending in certain areas, certain States. It is very troubling, and we are happy to follow up offline about any questions that any of you or your colleagues have. Mr. Campbell. Mr. Hughes? Mr. Hughes. I think it would be catastrophic if en masse, we were going through eminent domain. I lose sleep over a lot of things, but that is not one of them. I think there is an easy solution for that. And that would be through SIFMA, that to the extent a city decided to go ahead with eminent domain, they could stop accepting loans from that city that would fall into securities. And I think that would take care of it. Thank you. Chairman Hensarling. The time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair now recognizes and apologizes to the gentlelady from New York, who, on the front row, is out of sight but never out of mind. She is recognized for 5 minutes. Mrs. Maloney. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And I thank all of you for your excellent testimony. But all of us listen to our constituents. And what I am hearing from my constituents is that even if they have an excellent credit rating and scores, they can't get a mortgage or have tremendous difficulty getting a mortgage, or have tremendous difficulty refinancing. And so, I think that the role that Fannie and Freddie has played during this crisis under government conservatorship is that they have played a role in getting the system moving. So my question to all of you, and I would like to just go down the line, starting with you, Mr. Chris Katopis, do you think that the private market is ready to take the credit risk in the size that Fannie and Freddie are bearing? And I would like a detailed answer from each of you. Because that is the critical issue that is before us today. Mr. Katopis. Congresswoman, I think that investors are very good at pricing risk when they have the information. For them to step into the situation you have described, they would need a lot more transparency, a lot more effective remedies, and the other issues that I have outlined in testimony where they could step in. Ultimately, as has been described, there is a lot of liquidity in the market. But there would be an incremental process if those legal protections and transparency are available for investors. Mr. Hughes. Certainly, the private sector today is not ready to step in and replace Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. What we do think the private sector could do is provide on a risk- sharing basis, take the credit risk on a number of pools today. In terms of the private sector, one of the things we are looking for, we had to start with the best of credit to get investors back. But we would look to expand that box over time, where it would be people who are good credit for exactly the reasons that you are saying to provide and widen the box today. Mr. Millstein. At its height, the private label securitization market in 2006 did $750 billion of issuance that year. This last year, 2012, we did $1.9 trillion of issuance of new mortgage originations or refinancings. So at its height, it was about 40 percent of the market today. I think credit investors will come back. But the idea that they can replace Fannie and Freddie any time soon, I think is fanciful. Mr. Kling. I guess my hope is actually that old-fashioned banks and savings and loans could replace Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae. It might take them awhile to gear up operationally, and the regulators might have to make it reasonably attractive for them to hold mortgage loans, not penalize them, as they have in the past, for holding mortgage loans. But there is a lot to be said for it. As I hear the problems of investors and servicers, I think if you hold the mortgage the way that savings and loans used to hold it, you don't have to worry about your contractual relationship between the investor and the servicer. It is the same person, the same institution. So just consider that as one possible way of bringing private capital--of getting the credit risks into the private sector might be the old-fashioned banks and savings and loans. Mr. Millstein. Can I respond to that? One of the great financial innovations in America in the 1980s was the creation of securitization markets. It enabled pension funds and insurance companies which have long-term liabilities they need to fund to access the long-term mortgage market. And it was a proper matching of assets and liabilities in the system, and it helped, as you see from that chart on page 4, take mortgage credit risk out of the banking system, which collapsed in the 1930s as a result of the risk that it bore. There is something fundamentally really good about the securitization business because it diversifies credit risk. The question is how to do it in a sensible, rational way that protects taxpayers. Because right now, and for the last 20 years, 50 percent of the credit risk in the security--that the securitization market is bearing is really in the Federal Government, and it is going to take time to wean the market off that. Mrs. Maloney. All of the Congress, Mr. Chairman, and my colleagues have testified that the private market is not ready to come in and assume this role, which is critical to our overall financial stability and the growth of our economy. My time has expired. Chairman Hensarling. The time of the gentlelady has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Missouri, Mr. Luetkemeyer, for 5 minutes. Mr. Luetkemeyer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Millstein, in your--there is an article we have access to that you had in the Washington Post on October 12, 2012. And in there, you made a statement something to the effect of we are transforming Fannie and Freddie into more of an insurance company versus the entities that they are now, at least that is kind of the way I take it. Am I misreading that? Mr. Millstein. They are insurers today. They basically provide a guarantee of principal and interest on mortgage- backed securities. But they do it with--it used to be an implied government guarantee. Now, it is an express guarantee. Mr. Luetkemeyer. But you are going to basically transform them into a different entity? Mr. Millstein. That is right. We are going to take the-- what we propose to do is to take the private--sorry--the mortgage guarantee business that provides that insurance to investors and privatize it and privatize it with an appropriate level of capital to back those guarantees. Mr. Luetkemeyer. And that would be a private entity, then, or is it going to be a government entity? Mr. Millstein. There would be private entities, and they would be able to buy reinsurance from the government for a fee. Mr. Luetkemeyer. Okay. I just want to follow up on the eminent domain question that the gentleman from California had. Mr. Katopis, in your testimony, there is quite a bit of discussion about that. Would you like to elaborate on that? I think that is something a lot of us on the committee probably haven't had a lot of exposure to, but I have had one of my major cities in my district, just outside my district actually go through this exercise, and it was rejected by the citizens of the city. But it certainly scared the financial community in my State because of the potential that could happen with this. Mr. Katopis. It is a proposal, as we understand, being developed by an investment company. It is not a charitable organization. And the idea is to do a short--massive short refi in a way that would take performing underwater mortgages, refinance them, and give the local community a cut of the action. We think that it is an idea that has--it is untried. Its constitutionality is dubious. I know that different communities, in response to the Kelo decision a number of years ago, have changed their laws. So it really can't be implemented in a lot of jurisdictions. But it is troubling. We don't really know the contours of the proposal. The company that is pursuing this, it is like, ``Let's Make a Deal.'' They are constantly changing, upping the fee for the community to entice them. And it raises a lot of issues, including the liability to the community or the State should the valuations be off. So I think at the end of the day, we have to ask, is it a solution to a real problem. And when we look at some of these underwater performing mortgages, we have people who have been paying their mortgage for the last 12 to 72 months. So we understand that they may have some anxiety, but they are not necessarily at risk. And a number of them, when you do the research, they are underwater because they did cashout refi's. We did analysis with an analyst for one of the California communities, and 50 percent of his mortgages were cashout refi's. So they really weren't underwater; the equity was recapitalized--reconstituted in some way. So that is troubling. Are you bailing out people who--while your neighbor paid their mortgage diligently for the last 72 months, you did a refi, cash out, bought a BMW, bought a plasma TV, did something else? So I think you really have to look at what is trying to be achieved as part of this process, where are the consequences to the community if the legality-- Mr. Luetkemeyer. Do they undermine the lienholder position of the financial institution here with what they are doing? Mr. Katopis. It certainly poses a risk to institutions because it--again, who owns a lot of these securities and mortgages, some of them are by community banks; some are them are by State pension funds. So, there really are a lot of questions. Mr. Luetkemeyer. That is where the concern is, that there is a gray line that has been established there, which is like, holy smokes, this goes against the-- Mr. Katopis. The fundamental question seems to be how to help responsible homeowners who are hurting. And there are a number of tools that are available. I think that eminent domain is a drastic solution, and it is not something that should be pursued. Mr. Luetkemeyer. I just have a few seconds left. I want to follow up on a couple of questions. I know that one of the other panelists asked about the QM, QRM securitization problems. Does that--are those rules going to impact you? Basel III, how is that going to affect to be able to securitize loans and the options of going to the market, private market folks? Mr. Hughes. Clearly, one of the key things under Dodd-Frank that needs to get done is the definition of QRM, which I think is a good starting point, for it would be QM. But I think if we go through look the eyes of investors, QM alone is not enough to find a safe mortgage for investors. Mr. Luetkemeyer. Is that a deal-breaker if we don't do that? Mr. Hughes. If you--the same--to me, QM, if you are protecting investors, needs to go beyond just--it needs full documentation. It needs loan to value. There needs to be a downpayment requirement of some size. Chairman Hensarling. Regrettably, the time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York, Mr. Meeks, for 5 minutes. Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. There are a number of issues, so much to try to get through in 5 minutes. I am concerned also about QRM and 20 percent and seeing whether or not that would make it almost impossible for some average American citizens to own a home, whether that is too high. You are taking into consideration the whole individual and their ability to pay, which I think is very important. So that debate--I know that we need to have some finalization in what the rule will be. But the question is, is it 20 percent? Is it 10 percent? Is it 5 percent? What is best, as far as making sure of being as sure as you possibly can that an individual--that we are not closing out a whole segment of the American people from the possibility of owning a home. But I heard, Mr. Hughes, you saying 20 percent, you thought that 20 percent is where it should be. And so, therefore, a number of Americans should not be eligible to buy a home. Is that what you said? Mr. Hughes. No, that is not what I said or not what I intended to say. I would say for the part of the market that is going to be financed through the private sector, yes, I think they are going to need a downpayment. And whether that is 10 percent or 20 percent, it is going to need something. I think that is why we are going to have other parts of the mortgage finance market that will be at the discretion of the government here to provide financing. But, again, my lens today is what is it going to take to get the one segment out there back, which is the private sector side of it? Mr. Meeks. Mr. Millstein, would you comment on that? Mr. Millstein. Yes. I think the risk potential requirements--right now, the QM effectively carves out the government sector for a limited period of time. Because I think the regulators themselves need to know where FHA and where Fannie and Freddie are going in order to actually create a comprehensive regulation here. So I think the concern you express is one that is real, but I don't think the regulators yet have come down in a way that is definitively something that you would oppose because, in fact, I think they are all waiting for Congress and the Administration to tell them what is the fate of the FHA and Fannie and Freddie, who are currently carved out? Mr. Meeks. I have a question, but I wanted to get to another area really quick, because I have real concerns during the lead up to the 2008 financial crisis, and that was dealing with the credit rating agencies. We know that a significant number of investors relied exclusively on the rating agencies' evaluation of private label securities to inform the investors of their decision, and later, those ratings turned out to be completely inaccurate and the Wall Street Reform Act included several provisions aimed at improving the investor's ability to understand how the rating agencies reviewed securities as well as provide a specific private right of action against rating agencies. So, given the failure to perform due diligence in its review of private label securities prior to the financial crisis, what role, if any, do you think that the credit agencies will play in the market going forward? Mr. Hughes. Right now, most of the financial system and major investment firms as part of their asset criteria on what you can buy, the incentive is on the private side which requires a rating agency AAA rating. In many cases, it is two. So I think for the time being, and we are dealing with the rating agencies now, it is going to be required on the private side so there is a benchmark that the rating agencies' AAA rating would be very important. Mr. Meeks. Do you think that the credit rating agency reforms that were included in Dodd-Frank, the Wall Street Reform Act, restore any confidence in the use of these credit ratings? Do you think there are any additional reforms that are needed to improve the ratings industry? Mr. Millstein. Dodd-Frank is one of the great unresolved problems from the crisis--what to do with the rating agencies? We all want something other than them embedded in the system. But insurance company asset rating--I am sorry--capital ratios are still dependent on rating, as are banks. We haven't gotten rid of them. What we can do and what the reforms that we have talked about on the panel today and that a number of bills that have been introduced address is create much greater transparency in the pools so investors could do their home work. Chairman Hensarling. The time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Stivers, for 5 minutes. Mr. Stivers. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate you holding this important hearing. And I appreciate all the witnesses for being here. I was struck by something the gentlelady from New York said earlier about how the market is not ready for privatization. And clearly, that is true. But if Congress does nothing, the market will never be ready. I was struck by the things that Mr. Hughes and Mr. Millstein both said about a plan for a gradual transition to a private market. Assuming Congress does some of the things that were in both of your testimonies, how long would it be before we could get to a private market? I will let both Mr. Hughes and Mr. Millstein answer that one. Mr. Millstein. So, again, I would direct you to page 4. Just that slide. It took 20 years for the government sector to get this big as the savings and loans effectively went out of this business, in large part. I think this transition could be at least that long. That doesn't mean you don't start. But it means you have to be prudent in-- Mr. Stivers. If you don't start, how long will it take? Mr. Millstein. It will never happen. Mr. Stivers. Exactly. Mr. Hughes? Mr. Hughes. Markets need room to grow. Markets grow when there are active buyers and sellers, when there is a need. Unless you create a need and break the status quo, I don't see how the markets are going to come back, given the opportunity, and just do it on a safe and measured basis. Mr. Stivers. Thank you. And to something Mr. Millstein said, Mr. Kling, because you talked about it earlier. We all talk about community banks and how important they are to our communities. Do you think that allowing and encouraging community banks to have an originate and hold strategy, what my grandfather did before--my father ran a community bank and they started securitizing. But my grandfather originated and held those loans to term until they were paid off. Do you think that helps create a role for community banks in leveraging the capital that is in community banks to help transition to a private market? Mr. Kling? Mr. Kling. Let me repeat, all the money in the mortgage market today comes from the private sector. It is just that the risk, the credit risk is being absorbed by taxpayers. As taxpayers absorb less credit risk, then the prices will adjust, the suppliers will adjust, the intermediaries will adjust. Community banks can be suppliers, and so can national banks. The money is sitting out there. As an investor, I don't care whether my money goes to a money market fund or a mutual fund that invests in mortgage securities or whether my money goes into a bank CD. That is not the issue. The issue is, who is going to bear the credit risk? And if the taxpayers gradually back off of bearing the credit risk, other intermediaries--and we can't necessarily dictate which ones, although some people would like to--will come in to take that credit risk. Mr. Millstein. A little comment on the community banks: When you think about a small bank, the question is, where does it get funding? Deposits are the clear primary source. But if you don't give these banks access to the secondary market, they are significantly disadvantaged in competition with the large banks. And one of the really great features of the Fannies and Freddies of the world is their ability to give community banks access to funding sources in the secondary market. So, again, if you take that away, if that is no longer part of the-- Mr. Stivers. Although most of our community banks use the Federal home loan model ahead of the GSE model. Mr. Millstein. Ahead of it, but not in full replacement of it. Because, ultimately, the GSEs provide these guys funding that the big banks have access to. They can float bonds, they have access to the capital markets directly. The community banks rely on these intermediaries, Fannie and Freddie. Mr. Stivers. Sure. Mr. Hughes, Mr. Luetkemeyer talked originally about Basel III, but I don't think you got a chance to answer what the impact of that will be on the future of private capital return to the market. Mr. Hughes. I am not the right guy to ask about Basel III. Mr. Stivers. Sorry. Maybe Mr. Millstein? Mr. Millstein. It is going to force all banking entities to hold more capital against these assets. Again, one of the great lessons of the crisis was that almost everybody--banks, community banks, Fannie and Freddie--who held mortgage risk did not have enough capital against it. So from a point of view of financial stability, making sure the system is not undercapitalized is a key feature of reform. Mr. Stivers. Mr. Chairman, I would like to enter into the record a couple of pieces of documentation. One is from the former CBO Director, Douglas Holtz-Eakin, that is a study about Basel III and DFA rules and what they would mean. And it suggests it would mean 3.9 percent fewer jobs and 1.1 percent-- Chairman Hensarling. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. Stivers. Thank you. I yield back the balance of my nonexistent time. Chairman Hensarling. There is no time to yield back. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Georgia, Mr. Scott, for 5 minutes. Mr. Scott. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have to tell you, I am worried about the little fellow in this. And it seems to me that is the undercurrent of the question we need to raise here in terms of impact. There is a reason, as I said in my opening statement, for the GSEs. There clearly are certain things that the private sector is not going to respond to. And it is very important for the private sector to examine these. So as we examine the regulatory impediments to the private investment capital coming in, we also need to examine the culture of the private sector. There is a reason for both here. Let me give you an example. I have home foreclosure events in my area. I come out of Georgia, the metro area of Atlanta, which has one of the highest foreclosure rates; they are underwater. And every time I have one of these events, we have representatives of Federal programs there to assist some of these homeowners. One was HAMP. And the only--when I talk to the banks, when I talk to those homeowners, and I say, why won't you use HAMP for this? They say, we will only use HAMP if that mortgage is backed by Fannie or Freddie. So the question becomes, if we phase Fannie and Freddie out, what happens there? And so I think that what we have here is sort of like a square peg we are trying to fit into a round hole. I believe that having 90 percent of these mortgages backed by the government is not healthy for us, no doubt about it. But I think as we go forward, it shouldn't be this or that, but maybe a combination here. And I think it is very important that each of the four of you have come to the conclusion, I believe, that you are aware that the private capital and the private investors cannot come in and replace Fannie. Can we agree that is a statement here? All right. Moving forward, what I understand we should do here is to come up with a way in which we could deal with this. And I think you mentioned, Mr. Katopis, something called the Trust Indenture Act as a model that was done back then that we need to work to. And, Mr. Millstein, I think you dealt with the guarantee fee, of how we can manipulate that to--as two levers. So can each of you kind of explain going forward how that would work as a way of easing in private capital and yet being sensitive to the safety net value of Fannie and Freddie? Mr. Katopis. Thank you, Congressman. I just want to make some brief observations. And I invite you to see the testimony where we say that since the financial crisis, the amount of capital available in the system is at an all-time low. So I think the conversation has to be about not only the people who need assistance, who are hurting and are looking to HAMP and HARP as vehicles for assistance, as well as the other dozen Federal programs and other State assistance programs, but how do we help the first-time homeowner, the person coming into the system, maybe just graduating from a college in Georgia, who are looking to buy their first home, or the veteran, how do we help them? We need to have a system where private capital comes into the market. Because as I mentioned in my opening statement, the mortgage system is about private capital investors to borrowers and back. So the Trust and Indenture Act is a system--you know what it is? It is an investor bill of rights and a bank originator quality control measure. And it is detailed in our testimony. We think that it will set the rules of the road, create standards in the systems that will allow that private capital to come back for both people who need refinancing and new homeowners. Mr. Scott. Mr. Millstein, very quickly, could you tell us about the guarantee fees? To what extent do guarantee fees that are charged by Fannie and Freddie need to rise in order to bring in private capital? Mr. Millstein. As I said earlier today, Fannie and Freddie are not being required to earn a return on capital. Government is providing its capital effectively without requiring the entities to earn a return on it. If they were to have private enterprise-like capital return on equity hurdles, they would probably have to raise the g-fees another 15 basis points. Mr. Garrett [presiding]. I thank the gentleman for the answer. The gentleman from South Carolina, Mr. Mulvaney, is recognized now for 5 minutes. Mr. Mulvaney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have enjoyed the opportunity to have this hearing. So thank you for calling it. Thank you for coming, gentlemen. I want to focus on some smaller steps. I know we have had some discussion about some large ideas and some large plans for possibly reforming these entities. I want to start with something relatively simple that I can get my hands around, which is the fees. Mr. Millstein, you had mentioned in your testimony, I think, that you had encouraged a program whereby fees would be properly calibrated to cover taxpayers against risk of loss. I guess my question to you is, is that really possible? If, so what, would it look like? Mr. Millstein. Just because individuals go into the government, it doesn't mean they lose their ability to do credit ratings and credit analysis. In this last crisis, obviously, everyone in the private sector got it wrong. Banks took it on the chin; private investors took it on the chin. There was lots of bad underwriting and credit analysis that went on, not only in the government in its oversight of Fannie and Freddie but in all of the major financial institutions. So the point is, is that we can impose on the government-sponsored entity or the government reinsured entity, in my universe, a requirement to charge fees that are proper to the risk they are taking and for a government reinsurer to charge fees calibrated to the risk they are taking. And I will tell you that we have done some modeling with some of our friends on Wall Street, and we think that the government needs to charge for a reinsurance; it needs to charge 6 to 10 basis points for the privilege of providing that catastrophic guarantee. But you don't--and it doesn't have to charge more than that because you need to have a well-capitalized first-loss insurer ahead of you. If you don't have somebody who is well-capitalized ahead of you, you have to charge an awful lot more. Mr. Mulvaney. Mr. Katopis took the position that fees by themselves are probably not enough to level the playing field to encourage private capital into the market. Mr. Millstein, would you agree with that? Mr. Millstein. I'm sorry, sir? Mr. Mulvaney. Mr. Katopis stated in his testimony that he thought raising the fees might be something we should look at and should encourage. But that by itself would not be enough. Do you agree with that? Mr. Millstein. No. I agree with that for the reasons that he cited, which is that when you look back at private label securitization market and the period 2007-2008 and then the aftermath of the crisis, it was clear that the legal protections of investors were inadequate to protect them against conflicts with second lienholders, inadequate to protect them against conflict with servicers, and inadequate to get their trustees in these trusts to actually enforce their rights. Mr. Mulvaney. Let's talk about another tool, then, if fees aren't enough, and we all agree that fees are not enough. Let's look at the lending limits. I was struck by something that my colleague from Georgia just said, which is he is interested in how we treat the little fellow. I happen to agree with that. In fact, that is one of the original missions of these entities. The lending limit in Chester County, South Carolina, is $417,000. I have news for you; I don't think you can buy a house in Chester County, South Carolina, for $417,000. We are covering much more than just the little fellow. What I am hearing from you, Mr. Hughes, is that there is a functioning private market above jumbo, or in the jumbo realm right now. And if we slowly were to lower those lending limits below $417,000, we may well still be able to deal with the folks that Mr. Scott and I are so interested in, but still allow private capital to enter the market below $417,000. Am I wrong about that? What am I missing? Mr. Hughes. I would agree. If we look back and went back to the OFHEO model, which was calibrated based on changes in home prices, if we went back to what the loan limit would have been under those models, where Fannie and Freddie would transact, the loan limit would be about $330,000 today. So, yes, I think on a safe basis, one of the ways to bring the private sector in would be to guarantee fees and give an opportunity to open up more of the market to the private sector. Mr. Millstein. But don't go there too fast, because if you lowered it in your county to 3--whatever it is--30, the people between $330,000 and above would have to have a 40 percent downpayment for Mr. Hughes' firm to actually finance them. Mr. Hughes. It is not 40 percent, for the record. Mr. Millstein. Thirty-five. Mr. Hughes. It is not 35 percent. Mr. Millstein. Isn't that the average LTV? Mr. Mulvaney. Thank you for that, gentlemen. One unrelated question, because I heard something from you, Dr. Kling, that grabbed my attention. And I don't know the answer. At the risk of asking a question I don't know the answer to, you said that taxpayers were taking interest rate risk in ways that no one anticipated. What type of interest rate are we taking that we didn't anticipate? Mr. Kling. Freddie and Fannie used a huge book of derivatives to hedge their risk. We don't know ultimately who is holding those derivatives, just as we didn't know that AIG was holding a lot of the credit risk before. So if there had been an interest rate spike, there would have somewhere in the shadow banking system, somebody who would have taken a big hit and we could have faced that problem. Chairman Hensarling. The time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Missouri, Mr. Cleaver, for 5 minutes. Mr. Cleaver. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I think it was Warren Buffett, I am not sure--I don't think I missed a single meeting when we were dealing with Dodd-Frank. So I think people began to quote Warren Buffett with the whole deal of declaring that we needed to--in Section 941, need to make sure that people had ``skin in the game,'' in terms of securitization, because where I grew up, we said, ``dog in the fight.'' But we don't have as much money as Mr. Buffett, so we said ``dogs.'' But my concern is, in this Section 941 of Dodd-Frank, the skin in the game requirement would require that securitizers retain 5 percent interest in the securitization. And given that the risk retention proposal provides significant flexibility, how does the proposal impact the asset-backed security market, or does it? Mr. Millstein? Mr. Millstein. Interestingly, Mr. Hughes will tell you that his investors require him to have skin in the game. And he had skin in the game, actually greater than 5 percent. He is taking that subordinated tranche in his pools to himself. Right? Mr. Hughes. Correct. Mr. Millstein. So the market has sort of--at least as the market is today, a very small private label securitization market but growing, has actually adopted this requirement and requires the securitizer to have the junior tranche taking first loss ahead of the senior creditors. Mr. Cleaver. Now, Fannie and Freddie, 100 percent. Correct? Mr. Millstein. Yes, that is right. They have skin in the game, but they don't have any capital to back it. Mr. Cleaver. So they don't have to retain 5 percent, correct? Mr. Millstein. They have been carved out by Congress-- sorry, by the regulators, not by Congress. Mr. Cleaver. Do you think that will limit the private security market? Mr. Millstein. Yes. Mr. Cleaver. How so? Mr. Millstein. I think if Fannie and Freddie are to persist, either in government-sponsored form or in privatized form, we are going to have to build into--we are going to have to let them have capital, first, to protect taxpayers against loss in either system, a cushion to absorb losses, and they are going to have to have skin in the game. Mr. Cleaver. Yes--anybody else? Mr. Hughes? Mr. Hughes. Yes. I would just like to clarify a couple of things. One, investors haven't sat there and pounded the table, Redwood, you need to hold 5 percent. We hold it as part of our business model to show alignment of interests with investors. And second, in terms of the GSEs, I think another interesting model underfoot, rather than the GSEs having dollar one of loss through dollar 100 is to sell to the private sector, have them invest in the first tranche or the first credit loss of the securities that they are issuing, I think is a very interesting model. Mr. Cleaver. Yes, sir. Mr. Katopis. Congressman, AMI's position is that the best skin in the game is effective reps and warranties that can be followed up in court. Certainly, if you buy anything in America, you buy an iPod, you buy a car, you get a warranty. If your State, your union is investing in mortgage-backed securities, they should have some recourse. So we would hope that effective reps and warranties are part of any future system. Mr. Cleaver. Mr. Kling, do you agree with everyone else? Mr. Kling. I am just not sure that the best place to design the allocation of risk is with a government agency. When I was with Freddie Mac, we had all sorts of systems in place for dealing with what we thought were ultimately scum bags as lenders. And-- Mr. Cleaver. Let's not get technical, sir. Mr. Kling. And some of it was saying, well, since we don't trust you, you are going to have to sell your loan through somebody else. There are all these issues. I just think that if you try to have a government agency dictate the process by which you manage the whole loan origination to securitization process, there are going to be mistakes of both kinds, mistakes of allowing risky processes that you shouldn't allow and maybe adding to costs unnecessarily. Mr. Cleaver. Thank you. Chairman Hensarling. The time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Garrett, for 5 minutes. Mr. Garrett. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to the panel. When we talk about private securitization and you talk about investors, the investors class, all investors, I guess, are not created equal or are not similarly situated. Is that correct, in the sense that some are looking for long-term investment and some are looking for short term? I see, Mr. Hughes, you are on the button. Mr. Hughes. Correct. Mr. Garrett. Okay. So, then, if that is the case, going back to you, can you tell us, were you able to structure some of your deals in a way that you are cognizant of the fact that investors are looking for either short or long term, and so you are able to adjust or modify the cash flow in accordance with that? Yes, exactly. For some of our transactions, one of the things you can do is to take the AAA tranche, which is a one set series of cash flows, and be able to divide that cash flow up to meet the needs of different investors. So you could be an investor. And it is a zero-sum game, but you could be an investor that has a short duration that says, I am willing to accept a lower yield, but I would like my money first. You can trade somebody in the middle, and you may have an insurance company on the back end that says, fine, I want the highest yield, I feel comfortable with this, and take their money last. But, yes. Mr. Garrett. Okay. And so, there is a lot of talk about trying to make sure that whatever we do, we end up, at the end of the day, with a 30-year instrument that is out there. Right? So is there a--well, let's turn it around. By barring prepayment penalties, is that something that gets in the way of providing for a 30-year fixed without a wrapper on it? Mr. Hughes. Excuse me. I didn't quite understand. Mr. Garrett. All right. So if you want to establish a 30- year fixed in the market, in the private sector, without a wrap, without a guarantee, if that is the goal, do prepayment penalties help or hurt the situation? Mr. Hughes. I think prepayment penalties would help the situation, knowing that the duration of the cash flows would be longer. Mr. Garrett. Right. Mr. Hughes. 3 or 5 years. Mr. Garrett. Spend 30 seconds explaining why prepayment penalties or the borrower on prepayment penalties is adverse to an investor's interest, or could be adverse to an investor's interest? Mr. Hughes. It could be on the agency side as well as the private side, to the extent that you pay a premium for a security and a yield, to the extent that you paid, not par but you paid 102, with an expectation that you are going to get a higher yield, and that higher yield will last for a longer period of time. To the extent that it gets prepaid in 6 months, you are going to end up losing money on that investment. So matching the duration of the expectations for what premiums you are paying and your expectation. Mr. Garrett. But those are interest rate risk variations that you have, there. That if you thought you had--as an investor, you thought you had a 30-year instrument there and all of a sudden, like I say, 6 months later, because the markets have changed and now I can refinance my mortgage, I am going to do that, it is good for the homeowner, but may not be good for the investor. Right? Mr. Hughes. Correct. Mr. Garrett. So if we can adjust that and allow that to be a variable, it could actually help getting a 30-year fixed in this market. Mr. Hughes. Yes, it could. Mr. Garrett. Are there other factors that we could look at, standardization, as such, to get a TBA market and a forward- looking market to make sure that we end up with a 30-year fixed? Mr. Hughes. Yes. And I think your bill would go a long way toward trying to get us there. Mr. Garrett. That is nice to hear, sir. Mr. Hughes. I would say that standardization, at least as a guide, one of the things I think would be very helpful for private investors is one of the things, and this has happened over the last month-and-a-half, going through documents that are incredibly dense to try and figure out differences in private deals. I think one thing that would be very helpful is to have an industry best practices, top to bottom from seconds, whatever, and make that clearly identifiable in a prospectus so an investor can clearly see which ones agree with best practices and which ones have deviations. Mr. Garrett. That is pretty neat. So what would happen today or tomorrow, for example, if FHFA said, we are going to issue two pools of securities for sale, right? One over here is just what have all the standardization that you just described which FHA currently does, right, and has the wrap or the guarantee around it and another pool identical to it in all ways that you can. Would there be--obviously, there is interest in the first. Is there any interest if that were to happen tomorrow by some investors depending on the price? The price would be different, correct? Mr. Hughes. The price would be different. Mr. Garrett. Okay. So there would be--for some investors, they may find an interest in that. Do you know, could anybody-- Mr. Hughes. I think the key thing is that what investors want is clear transparency so they know what they are buying, and if the expectations of PSA look this way and if there are deviations to it, what they just don't want to have to do is go to page 130 to figure it out. They would like on the front page to know, here are the deviations, and make true transparency and make it simple. Chairman Hensarling. The time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from California, Mr. Sherman, for 5 minutes. Mr. Sherman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It was interesting hearing from Mr. Mulvaney. When he used the phrase, ``You couldn't find a home in Chester County for $417,000,'' I thought his area was like mine, that you couldn't find a home in that county for as little as $417,000. It took Mr. Watt's translation ability to tell me that, no, you couldn't find a home in his county that sold for as much as $417,000, and I think this illustrates why we need some differential in the conforming loan limit between high-cost areas and areas where homes sell for different prices. Over the last year or so, the guarantee fees of Fannie and Freddie, the g-fees, have been raised in an attempt, among other things, to level the playing field for private capital. I wonder if the gentlemen could tell the committee if the increased g-fees have spurred your members, your organizations or others that you focus on to take the first step back into the market below the jumbo level, and if the folks are still on the sidelines when we have the guarantee fee at 50 basis points, how much higher does that guarantee fee have to go to get private capital involved below the jumbo level? It looks like Mr. Hughes is interested. Mr. Hughes. Yes. I would say an increase of somewhere in the neighborhood of 15 to 20 basis points would begin to get private capital back, but as I said, that has to work in concert with all the other recommendations around safety so investors know that there is safety in the investments so that the prices they are willing to pay begins to tighten, and I think the combination of investors paying at slightly tighter spreads together with higher guarantee fees would bring much more capital into the market. Mr. Sherman. Now, what is stopping particularly the large banks from originating and then keeping and not even securitizing the mortgage loans? They don't have the cost of securitization. They don't have to hire a lawyer to tell them whether they have to keep 5 percent of it or not because they would be keeping the whole thing; they are not paying. There is no guarantee fee to pay, and banks have the lowest cost of capital in, certainly in my memory. So what is keeping banks from just doing what they used to do in ancient times, and that is loan money and collect payments from the borrower? Mr. Hughes. There are many banks today, some of the major banks with larger balance sheets that are actually holding their jumbo loans today. One of the risks out there that Dr. Kling mentioned is that the 30-year fixed, bad things happened in the S&L crisis so that people hold on their books 30-year fixed rate mortgages and their funding comes from deposits or shorter terms, you can get kind of upside down, and we had a bad chapter in our history. Mr. Sherman. Yes. Is there--I realize many borrowers aren't interested in adjustable rate, but those products are still out there. Is there any real interest in the big banks holding adjustable rate mortgages? Mr. Kling. What I heard at a conference last week is that in the jumbo market, there is a notable price differential between a 5-year adjustable and a 30-year fixed, and borrowers are willing to take the 5 year, given that price differential. Mr. Sherman. Okay. The Basel III rules have raised the amount of capital banks have to hold, and as to non-government- backed mortgages with a less than 20 percent downpayment, that can be almost 50 or 100 percent more of a reserve. What effect will this have on private investment in non-government- guaranteed mortgages and mortgage-backed securities? Mr. Millstein. That is clearly going to raise pricing. It will have an impact on banks' ability to hold those loans without higher capital charges, and it is, therefore, going to have higher pricing. Mr. Kling. I would also just add-- Mr. Sherman. Yes, Mr. Kling? Mr. Kling. The Basel agreement is really what got us where we are today. Mr. Sherman. What got us--speak louder, please. Mr. Kling. The original Basel agreement, which made AAA- rated mortgage securities cheaper for banks to hold, even if they were backed by total garbage loans, than holding a safe loan as a whole loan, and unless--so the capital requirements are a big deal in determining the nature of mortgage finance. Mr. Sherman. I underlined the words AAA and realize we need reform with the credit rating agencies. I yield back. Chairman Hensarling. The time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from California, Mr. Royce, for 5 minutes. Mr. Royce. Mr. Hughes, you are the only one I know right now who is involved in the private securitization market, and I remember in 2011, you made some comments that most borrowers now qualify for loans backed by government agencies, and you said one of the reasons that the private securitization market is not properly functioning is because the government is crowding out the private market through loan programs that make 90 percent of borrowers eligible for a below-market-rate government-guaranteed mortgage loan. Private capital simply cannot compete with government-subsidized mortgage programs. You mentioned the problems that may arise from the premium capture cash reserve account provisions also in the proposed rule on Section 941 of Dodd-Frank, and going through the comment letters, you notice, we all notice that critics have noted with respect to the letters to the regulatory agency, simply speaking, this provision needs to be removed in order to prevent a material contraction in securitization activity. Certainly, it is relatively difficult to imagine a contraction in the private label mortgage market which is already severely contracted, but we seem to be doubling down here. What will this do in terms of the future viability of a private mortgage securitization market, in your opinion, if we don't get this adjusted? Mr. Hughes. I think it would tremendously hamper--if premium capture as written stays in there, it will hamper not only the RMBS market, it will also be the CMBS market. It is complex. I can go through it what the provisions are, but it essentially makes sure that if you are a securitizer, if you originated loans, that you are going to sell into fair market value, that you cannot make any money on that transaction. Mr. Royce. You hinted earlier at interest rate policies. The Fed's quantitative easing program is having an impact on mortgage valuations and the ability, I think, for private label mortgages to be issued, but on top of all of the rest, let's go to the transparency and standardization in the market, label market, in the private label market and go to the issue of what investors are looking for. We have seen a proactive effort led by the American Securitization Forum with Project RESTART, which Acting Director DeMarco said will provide a real-time test of a new standardized contractual framework for transactions where the private sector is absorbing credit risk. So this is a good first step, I think, toward standardizing all loan level information. How do we ensure that future issuers continue to comply with the standards--and I would ask that of any members here on the panel--set by this Project RESTART, and in a similar vein, is it possible for standardization to include information on the due diligence process being employed by new private label issuers where end users will then have full transparency of how the process works? I think it is also important which vendors are performing the due diligence. Would that be possible in terms of this transparency and consistency for investors and how much would that help? Mr. Katopis. Congressman, thank you for raising these issues which are very important to AMI and its members. In summary, we share the objectives that are being stated by ASF with this Project RESTART. We are concerned that after 5 years, there has not been a result of this restart project. That is one of the reasons why AMI is here to testify today to explain that all the goals that you have mentioned--enhanced transparency, greater standardization--are things that we need the sort of light hand of government to set standards and systems for the market to move forward and private capital to return. So I think there is probably a parallel effort that needs to go on. Mr. Hughes. I would say also there is a balancing act because we try--we are completely transparent--to tell investors whatever we can about the loans, but that is in conflict at times with privacy, and one of the things that is in conflict with privacy would be due diligence results, street address, name, and things like that. So we need to balance privacy with transparency. Mr. Royce. Thank you, Mr. Hughes. Any other observations by other members of the panel? Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Hensarling. The gentleman's time has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Delaware, Mr. Carney, for 5 minutes. Mr. Carney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to the panelists for coming in today. I appreciate this hearing. This is the second or third hearing we have had on housing finance reform. It has been very enlightening and interesting to me. I am not smart enough to figure out, though, some of the difficulties in transition. Each of you, I think, has warned us about transitioning to a very different system. There seems to be an emerging agreement or consensus around the fact that we need to bring more private capital in. What that looks like as an end state remains to be seen, and more importantly, how you transition to that end state. Mr. Millstein, I haven't read your whole written statement, but we have met before, and I have listened to your proposal, and it seems very interesting and one that we ought to think about seriously. I have two concerns, or rather a question and a concern. Are you familiar with what Mr. DeMarco is doing? Are each of you familiar with what Mr. DeMarco is doing in terms of setting up a platform, I think he calls it for future securitization? Are you familiar with that, and is that consistent with any of the models that we might be moving toward? Mr. Millstein, you are shaking your head. Mr. Millstein. Yes, I am. It is a massive reengineering of software for both companies. They are doing it on a joint venture basis to be able to track a loan from origination into the pooling ultimately the servicing of that. So it is an important project and could create both greater transparency and a utility that other market participants could use. Mr. Carney. So, in that sense, Mr. Katopis, in your piece you raise a lot of concerns about the legal structure that again I don't really understand it so much, but do we have that framework? You talk about the Trust Indenture Act as a model for what needs to be done now. Do we need to do that so that Mr. DeMarco is setting up something consistent with the new legal structure? Mr. Katopis. Congressman, I think the key is what Mr. DeMarco appears to be doing is establishing a platform for agency, and we are private label, so I think his endeavor could be very valuable, especially if it was open access to all market participants, and likewise the development of something along the lines of the Trust Indenture Act provisions would be a very important complement and help private capital return to the market. Mr. Carney. Do you have something specific in terms of what that model, what that Act might look like modeled after the Trust Indenture Act? Mr. Katopis. We have an exemplary draft bill that we are happy to share with anyone, and come by and spend some time with you about it, so I would be happy to follow up. Mr. Carney. That is great. Mr. Millstein, back to you. This is a great graph here, and I am wondering if you could explain to us what it might look like beyond 2011 or what these--how it might transition and what might be included in the yellow and what the red might look like, and one of the things I am--the follow-up question is going to be, there was a time prior to the mid-1980s where savings and loans and credit unions had a much larger part of this market, and we know what happened at the end of that period of time, and what worries me a little bit is as we change, we invite private capital in, let's assume it all comes back in, and then something happens where they don't get it right, and if all that private capital leaves the market, then what are we left with if we don't have--what is the public role that could fill in at that point? Mr. Millstein. Congressman, if you were to actually flip to page 10 of that, because what I want to do is explain what I think the yellow on page 4, where that yellow segment is going or should go, where I would highly recommend to you that it go. So the old system is on the left side; this is how is the government guarantee delivered. The old system is on the left side where you have homeowner equity and Fannie and Freddie undercapitalized with very little capital required by the regulator to support the credit risks they were bearing. The current system is you have homeowner equity and private mortgage insurance and the Treasury Department is backing, it basically bears all the credit risk in the Fannie and Freddie book. The new system we propose is one where homeowner equity is first in line; then you have effectively the risk retention either by a guarantor, a private guarantor such as we would make Fannie and Freddie, or an issuer such as Redwood Trust, taking the next layer of risk. And only after those two layers would the government reinsurance kick in, only after those two layers of risk. Mr. Carney. So what happens if all of a sudden the red block in the new system goes away? Mr. Millstein. The government can tune it up to deal with, turn up the attachment point. Mr. Carney. Thanks very much. My time has expired. Chairman Hensarling. The time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Florida, Mr. Ross, for 5 minutes. Mr. Ross. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Hughes, I just have to ask you, you spoke of your jumbo loans, and as I understand it, you have a robust market in the jumbo loans? Mr. Hughes. Yes, we do. Mr. Ross. At a 60 percent loan to value? Mr. Hughes. We are, just to correct, again, I didn't say 60 percent loan to value. Today, we are offering jumbo loans up to a million dollars for 80 percent. Mr. Ross. Okay. Do you put those on the secondary market afterwards, or do you hold those yourselves? Mr. Hughes. No, we then take those and securitize those through private securitization. Mr. Ross. I understand. Mr. Katopis, you testified earlier about the inflated mortgage debt that we have out there. Would you say that there is enough private capital in terms of capacity to meet a market if a market were to come back? Mr. Katopis. There are three sources of mortgage finance: banks; the Enterprises; and the private markets, PLS. There is a lot of liquidity, as has been testified about. So it can come back, provided the systems and safeguards are there, and it will increase as the Enterprises are wound down. Mr. Ross. So you feel that over time, there will be sufficient capacity to meet the demand? And some of the problems we have that I think you touched on were the cost of compliance, I mean the cost of regulatory compliance. If Basel III is implemented, you will have the cost of capital compliance, so that is going to further suppress any reentry of the private market, won't it? Mr. Katopis. As we have testified, regulatory and legal pressures will be a head wind for private capital coming back. Mr. Ross. And at one time, I guess back when it was a purer system, back in the 1970s and 1980s when you had companies that would originate and hold a mortgage, and they would originate and hold a mortgage because they managed the risk. And then I think as the GSEs became more involved, you saw a lowering of standards to the point where the FICO scores didn't matter, to the point where employment didn't matter, where there was no verification of income even, and you moved to a system of, I think, what is called originate and sell. And it created this moral hazard, if you will, I think that more and more companies were trying to just originate a loan and then sell it to the secondary market, which then led to our collapse. Would you agree that there is a way maybe we can bring this back if we had originate and hold for 5 years or just--I say that 5 years arbitrarily, so that the market in and of itself would have to have some standards of risk? Mr. Katopis. Thank you, Congressman. In response to that, we would offer that effective reps and warranties as part of a standardized PSA or standardized docs would achieve the goal I think you are suggesting. Mr. Ross. Right. Mr. Katopis. Do you want to weigh in? Mr. Hughes. Yes. I don't think there would be enough liquidity in the system if, in fact, people had to hold mortgages for 5 years. I think going-- Mr. Ross. Is there a magic period of time, though? Mr. Hughes. I think the most important thing is for the mortgages that they produce, that they stand behind those mortgages, so that there are real reps and warrants. Mr. Ross. I agree. So it is truly risk-based? Mr. Hughes. Correct. Mr. Ross. Yes. Dr. Kling, the chairman had a couple of questions about the Canadian system and the 30-year amortization with a 5 year revisiting of the interest rate. You mentioned that and I understood this to be that had we done something like that it may have caused Freddie and Fannie to go into bankruptcy. Is that correct? Mr. Kling. No. My concern with Freddie and Fannie is that if-- Mr. Ross. Because they essentially went into bankruptcy anyway. Mr. Kling. Yes. Mr. Ross. They were in receivership, and so-- Mr. Kling. Right. My concern there is that if we go to any system where the 30-year fixed-rate mortgage is dominant, if we had--let's say Freddie and Fannie had done fine on credit risk, but somehow we had had an interest rate spike sometime in the last 5 years, I am not sure Freddie and Fannie would have been solvent. And-- Mr. Ross. I appreciate that. I apologize, I only have a minute left and I have to go to Mr. Millstein for just one quick second. I would love to explore that with you further. Mr. Millstein, you hit on something that I think is really important. You talked about a reinsurance market being there as the guarantee, and the way I look at capital is that you have risk-based private capital, you have taxpayer-based capital, and you have debt-based capital, and the only one that really works that sends a message as to how to truly actuarially assess your risk is the private risk-based capital. You believe, then, that there is a way that reinsurance can be used to supplant the GSE system that we have today? Mr. Millstein. I do. Mr. Ross. And how long do you think that would take? What incentives would it take? Is it affordable? Is it transitional? How would you suggest we get there? Mr. Millstein. I am happy to come back and talk to you. I have a whole transition plan that we have laid out. Mr. Ross. I would be very interested in that. Mr. Millstein. It takes about 3 to 5 years. Mr. Ross. I appreciate that. With that, Mr. Chairman, I will yield back. Chairman Hensarling. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Maryland, Mr. Delaney, for 5 minutes. Mr. Delaney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you for this very constructive debate here today. I just had one specific question, but I wanted to set it up a little bit. It seems to me--and, Mr. Hughes, I think you touched on this--that for the private market to really get back in this business, and we should remind ourselves that the private market is also in the government business, right, because private investors buy an enormous number of agency securities, so it is really about migrating an already large pool of investors to an investment vehicle that doesn't have explicit or implicit government support, and what we need is a convergence of credit regulation and pricing to come together to make that market attractive, and of those three things, credit is the one we control the least, but unfortunately, it seems like the environment for that is actually getting pretty good as we are seeing some recovery in housing. I thought the testimony on regulations, in other words, creating certainty around the regulatory environment is critical, and I generally agree with everything that was said in that regard because I think that would help, and then finally the guarantee fees if we can--the good news here is the aspect we control the least, credit, seems to be going in the right direction. So if we could actually adjust the guarantee fees and do things with regulatory changes, it seems like we could get into a pretty good place in terms of getting the private market active. Mr. Millstein, I think your proposal lays out a very good vision for the future of housing finance, something that has been lacking, and I think this notion of having government reinsurance that attaches to a mortgage so that mortgage could be held in any number of institutions, whether it be a bank or a securitization vehicle, is terrific provided the capital levels are the same so there is no real capital arbitrage. But the one question I have is you talk about wanting to take what remains of Fannie and Freddie and privatize those and start retaining the earnings of those Enterprises, and I understand why that is good for the preferred stockholders, and I appreciate your disclosure that you are an investor in the preferred stock, because it is massively attractive for preferred stockholders to do that generally speaking--but that is not my question, and that is fine; that is actually not the point of my question. I worry about, as we look to privatize those Enterprises and the government has a stake in those Enterprises and we all want to do what is best for the taxpayer, I worry about the conflicts and the incentives to try to set up those institutions through some form of government support that makes that number that we sell them for as good as possible because that will look good and to some extent put in place some enterprises that permanently have a competitive advantage going forward as opposed to taking your plan and just saying we are going to have the mortgage insurance market like you described, but we are just going to have new infrastructure manage it and actually wind these things down. So why is one better than the other? Mr. Millstein. Okay. I will tell you a cautionary tale from the 1930s. Under the Federal Housing Administration Act of 1934, they had a very similar idea to this idea, that we should create a government charter that gave you the right to access of the secondary market with a specialized government charter. And the Roosevelt Administration went to Wall Street and said, you guys should take these charters out because this will enable you to access mortgage funding cheaply that you can then provide to the primary mortgage market. No one came. They built it; nobody came. And so President Roosevelt went to the head of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, the TARP of its day, and asked him to please set up a subsidiary and take one of these charters out, and who is that today? Fannie Mae. That is where Fannie Mae came from. So my concern is that we may build this mortgage reinsurance system, and no one will come. We have these two entities in our hot little hands today. We can turn them into private insurers and make sure that we have someone to come with a big layer of capital ahead of us on our reinsurance to protect the taxpayers against risk on that guarantee. Mr. Delaney. But wouldn't they come, and maybe, Mr. Hughes, if we create the reinsurance product and have the capital levels that attach to the guaranteed part be attractive enough, wouldn't they come to that? Mr. Hughes. I think they would come to that, on an individual pool basis, yes, I do. I think, if Fannie and Freddie were to issue pools--there are various ways under consideration to sell that. One of the issues right now is going to be transparency, loan level information, and right now, I would think that Fannie and Freddie do not--they are working on it--have the same level of transparency which private investors would want, but I think you could get there. Mr. Delaney. I will close by saying, again, I like your plan quite a bit, Mr. Millstein. I just worry that by launching these two as private enterprises, we will somehow find ourselves with monopolistic businesses still in the mortgage market in some way or form, and it would be better to have that more dispersed throughout the private markets. Mr. Millstein. You and I should discuss that. Chairman Hensarling. The time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Hultgren, for 5 minutes. Mr. Hultgren. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you all for being here. A few questions. First of all, Mr. Katopis, I wonder if I could address to you, we heard testimony back in March about some of the competitive advantages for the GSEs, and that FHA has compared to their private competitors. I wonder if you could elaborate on this for us and how the GSEs and FHA pricing, how are they pricing investors out of the market? Mr. Katopis. I will be brief, and I would like to follow up because what I have said in the testimony that was provided is that we feel the investors are being crowded out and that there are a number of economic and noneconomic advantages that the Enterprises now have. We have discussed the g-fee issue. So, we have discussed a number of these. Some of these actually also affect the way the GSEs can impact servicing. They have certain advantages that do not exist in the private sector. Again, we would like a level competitive playing field. Our organization hasn't really looked at some of the FHA issues in detail, but I am happy to poll my members and get back to you regarding that. Mr. Hultgren. That would be great if we could follow back up with you, any suggestions you have. I will move over to Mr. Hughes. I know you have touched on this in different questions and also in your own testimony, but I wonder if you could just get into more specifics on a recommendation of how we can level the playing field? We talked a little about the g-fees but tell me more about that as a potential solution and really as a way to increase investor interest in the private market. Mr. Hughes. Yes, I think we have to work on two fronts. I think the g-fees is one side of it that helps the mass side of it opening up more opportunity to the market, but quite frankly, the more important thing is on the structural protections, transparency, and alignment of interests because that is what investors are waiting to see. There is plenty of money out there. If we can get those pieces in place, I think it would go a long way to bringing the private sector back. Mr. Hultgren. On the g-fees side, I know you mentioned there is two, and the structural side is maybe the more important, but if we were to do something with the g-fee side, how high do you think that would need to go in order to be an incentive? Mr. Hughes. I think, again, with the combination of the private sector coming in, and spreads tightening, I would say probably somewhere around 15 to 20 basis points should make it competitive. Mr. Hultgren. Dr. Kling, are there other advantages Congress has given to the GSEs that we should reconsider if our desire is truly to level the playing field where public capital has no advantage over private investment? Mr. Kling. Traditionally, there have been advantages in terms of not having to register securities, and I can't remember off the top of my head the litany of advantages that the GSEs have had, and so my suggestion is to simplify the problem by just lowering the loan limits gradually and then opening it up to the private sector that way rather than trying to figure out which of these--and above all, you have the implied guarantee and what is that worth, now the explicit guarantee. Mr. Hultgren. Okay. One last question, just in the last minute or a little over a minute that I have, and any of you who have a thought on this, if you could respond. The Treasury Department has advocated for gradually reducing conforming loan limits, as you have mentioned, to bring private capital back in to certain areas of the market. Is there private sector demand for loans that would fall into these elevated loan level limits? What do you think a reasonable time frame for changes like that, how gradual does it need to be? Could the market cover these changes very quickly, or would the process need to be gradual to guard against that market shock? So any thoughts you have? Again, I know, Dr. Kling, you have talked briefly on this, but any of the others? Mr. Hughes. I think the platform that Redwood has set up, and everything goes with that platform, from structural protections to transparency all the way through to alignment of interests, I don't see why the private sector would invest in prime loans of any size, as long as you get it together, but it has to come down in stages. But what we have built is transferrable; it is just not that the only people that we can lend to are rich people. I think it is a process and a platform that is transferrable down to lower limits. Mr. Hultgren. Okay. Again, thank you all. I have just a few seconds left, so I will yield the few seconds I have back to the chairman. Thank you. Chairman Hensarling. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Indiana, Mr. Stutzman, for 5 minutes. Mr. Stutzman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for your time today in addressing this issue. I know all of us want as much capital into the market, I should say, as possible, but of course to meet the needs that we have for consumers and for a healthy economy, and I don't care which one of you all want to touch on this, but could you, with the disparity and the differences between what the GSEs' standards are--they are held to different standards since they are in receivership. What do you see as the disparity between category 1 and 2 loans due to the incentive to move more capital into the private mortgage market? Any of you? Mr. Millstein. I am sorry-- Mr. Hughes. I think all of us are--a definition of category 1 and 2 would be helpful. Mr. Stutzman. It would be--I am sorry? The difference between category 1 and 2? Mr. Hughes. Yes. Mr. Stutzman. With the higher the requirement for more capital or less capital with category 1 being backed by GSE and those who would be in category 2 not being backed by GSE. Does that make any sense? Mr. Millstein. I am not getting it. Mr. Stutzman. You are not getting that, okay. Let me go at it from a different angle then. As long as they are in conservatorship, there are differences, right, between what the GSEs are required to do compared to those in the private market; is that correct? Mr. Millstein. Yes, they are serving different markets right now, and the private market itself is coming back slowly. Mr. Stutzman. But is that-- Mr. Millstein. It is a much smaller market. Mr. Stutzman. I guess that is what I am trying to get to. Are we keeping money out of the market, private money out of the market because of those differences? Mr. Millstein. No. Look, there is a debate, I think, on the two sides of the aisle, are the GSEs crowding private capital out or is private capital not quite yet ready to take credit risk after the greatest credit crisis in 4 generations? And I think it is a little of both. This is a private capital market that is in need of repair, as you have heard from the two gentlemen to my right. There needs to be much greater standardization and transparency, an investor bill of rights in order to give investors comfort that if they buy into securitizations, their rights will be protected on the one hand, but there also needs to be a repair of their own balance sheets and willingness to take credit risk. Mr. Stutzman. Okay, so loans with a debt-to-income level about 43 percent are only allowed transitional QM status if they are eligible for sale to the GSEs. Are there quality loans in this space that if they qualified for a QM without a government backstop, would that attract private capital? Mr. Hughes. First, go back to the last one because I think one of the misconceptions is that there is a substantial difference from the loans other than loan size that Fannie and Freddie are securitizing today versus what the private sector has, and if I look at Fannie Mae versus Redwood, aside from loan size, loan to value for Redwood is 67, for Fannie Mae it is 75. FICO score for Fannie Mae is 761. It is 770 for those, for Redwood Trust, and then primary residence is 93 percent and Fannie Mae is 89 percent. So there isn't a wide disparity for the majority of what Fannie and Freddie does from what the private sector would do. Mr. Stutzman. You say there is not a wide disparity? Mr. Hughes. In the quality of the loans, no. Other than loan size, they are similar. Mr. Stutzman. Okay. Mr. Katopis. Congressman, I feel the necessity-- Mr. Kling. If I could just add for a second, what that says, and FHA is the same story, at least in terms of FICO scores, really high, and what that says is it is the originators and servicers who are scared of the market right now. It isn't a matter of which investor is scared; it is the originators and servicers who don't feel confident that they can originate or service anything other than a squeaky clean loan. Mr. Katopis. Briefly, AMI members would say that we would, private capital would pursue without a government backstop, including some type of 30-year mortgage. It would have different characteristics, but private capital would pursue something without a backstop. Mr. Stutzman. Do you think they would be more aggressive if GSEs and private capital were on the same level playing field? Mr. Katopis. Absolutely, as we have testified, a level playing field with certain characteristics would definitely be a good signal for our investors. Mr. Stutzman. Okay, thank you. I yield back. Chairman Hensarling. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from North Carolina, Mr. McHenry for 5 minutes. Mr. McHenry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for your patience with this long hearing. Thank you all as well for your patience and fortitude, if you will, to get through this. This is an important hearing to understand. Just to reiterate, and I know you have heard this, but Ed DeMarco, whose responsibility is to oversee Fannie and Freddie, said at a hearing a month ago, ``It is possible to rebuild a secondary mortgage market that is ``deep, liquid, competitive, and operates without an ongoing reliance on taxpayers or at least a greatly reduced reliance on taxpayers.'' And he also talked about just the urgency and the need for this. So, Mr. Hughes, in terms of private label mortgage securitization, what percentage of the market are you in? Just in the last 2 or 3 years? Mr. Hughes. Redwood? If we hit our goals for what we expect this year, we will be probably 5 percent of the jumbo market. Mr. McHenry. Okay. So in terms of securitizations, in terms of mortgage securitizations outside of government, where are you? Is that a similar percentage? Mr. Hughes. Again, we would expect to do about $7 billion. Mr. McHenry. Okay. So if Fannie and Freddie and the government went from, what are we, about 90 percent of the mortgage market roughly? Let's say that pulled back. How much more business could you do? Mr. Millstein. I am not-- Mr. McHenry. Again, I am asking you-- Mr. Hughes. If pulling back is done on a safe basis, and the pulling back happens with increases of guaranteed fees over time, bringing back loan limits, and again, I can't emphasize enough, we need to make the structural reforms to bring investors back because it is not a money problem. There is plenty of money out there. Historically, of the jumbo market, 50 percent of that market was securitized with the risk. The difficulty now is the uncertainty of investors who need to wade back into the water. Mr. McHenry. So, going back to my question I asked you, which was could you enhance your business, could you do a lot more business with less government in the mortgage securitization marketplace? Mr. Hughes. Yes, if there was a level playing field. Mr. McHenry. If there was a level playing field. And is there currently a level playing field? Mr. Hughes. Currently, there is not a level playing field, but we are getting there. Mr. McHenry. Does anybody on the panel think that there is a level playing field for private capital and government capital? Mr. Millstein, you think there is? Mr. Millstein. Well, no. What I would say is this, that the private, the PLS market is broken, these guys are doing a great job of fixing it, creating transparency, creating structures that investors will invest in, but it is still rife with conflicts, rife with confusion about enforcement rights. These are things you guys can help fix, and if you do fix them, you will help bring private capital back. But in the last crisis, what investors in PLS found is that the rights they thought they had, they didn't have, and as a result, they are very reluctant to put aside the government's advantages on funding. As a result, they are very reluctant to step back into these. Mr. McHenry. Okay. So the title of this hearing is, ``Building a Sustainable Housing Finance System: Examining Regulatory Impediments to Private Investment Capital.'' That is the subject matter here today, and removing those impediments, I think, is a necessary and proper and good thing to the point where the Minority witness on the panel agrees with that motivation. Mr. Millstein. Amazing. Mr. McHenry. Right? It is amazing. It is fantastic. So everyone agrees we need to get more private capital into the mortgage marketplace. Will anybody say they disagree on the panel? Mr. Millstein. The question is, how? How? Mr. McHenry. Thanks. And that is the next thing I was going to say. You beat me to the punch. Mr. Millstein. Just trying to help you. Mr. McHenry. Thank you. So the question is how we get that back into the marketplace. And I think the agreement here is that it is not very easy to compete with government when it comes to this, that you need to have--we talk a lot about disclosures to those who are getting mortgages, the individual consumers, but there also needs to be that same level of clarity for those who are investing or trying to securitize or are interested in purchasing the securitization. Is that a fair assessment? You can just say yes. Mr. Millstein. Yes. Mr. McHenry. Great, fantastic. So, with that, I will yield back, and thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Hensarling. There are no other Members seeking recognition, so I would like to thank each of our witnesses for appearing at this hearing today. Thank you for your testimony. Prior to adjourning, pursuant to the committee's organizing resolution, I hereby name the gentleman from Wisconsin, Mr. Duffy, the vice chairman of the Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit. The Chair notes that some Members may have additional questions for this panel, which they may wish to submit in writing. Without objection, the hearing record will remain open for 5 legislative days for Members to submit written questions to these witnesses and to place their responses in the record. Also, without objection, Members will have 5 legislative days to submit extraneous materials to the Chair for inclusion in the record. This hearing is adjourned. 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