[House Hearing, 113 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
OVERVIEW OF U.S. INTERESTS IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE: OPPORTUNITIES AND
CHALLENGES
=======================================================================
HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED THIRTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
FEBRUARY 28, 2013
__________
Serial No. 113-13
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/
or
http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
79-582 WASHINGTON : 2013
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office,
http://bookstore.gpo.gov. For more information, contact the GPO Customer Contact Center, U.S. Government Printing Office. Phone 202�09512�091800, or 866�09512�091800 (toll-free). E-mail, [email protected].
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American
DANA ROHRABACHER, California Samoa
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio BRAD SHERMAN, California
JOE WILSON, South Carolina GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
TED POE, Texas GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
MATT SALMON, Arizona THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida
TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania BRIAN HIGGINS, New York
JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina KAREN BASS, California
ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
MO BROOKS, Alabama DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island
TOM COTTON, Arkansas ALAN GRAYSON, Florida
PAUL COOK, California JUAN VARGAS, California
GEORGE HOLDING, North Carolina BRADLEY S. SCHNEIDER, Illinois
RANDY K. WEBER SR., Texas JOSEPH P. KENNEDY III,
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania Massachusetts
STEVE STOCKMAN, Texas AMI BERA, California
RON DeSANTIS, Florida ALAN S. LOWENTHAL, California
TREY RADEL, Florida GRACE MENG, New York
DOUG COLLINS, Georgia LOIS FRANKEL, Florida
MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii
TED S. YOHO, Florida JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
LUKE MESSER, Indiana
Amy Porter, Chief of Staff Thomas Sheehy, Staff Director
Jason Steinbaum, Democratic Staff Director
------
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere
MATT SALMON, Arizona, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American
JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina Samoa
RON DeSANTIS, Florida THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida
TREY RADEL, Florida ALAN GRAYSON, Florida
C O N T E N T S
----------
Page
WITNESSES
The Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of
Western Hemisphere Affairs, U.S. Department of State........... 12
The Honorable Mark Feierstein, Assistant Administrator, Bureau
for Latin America and the Caribbean, U.S. Agency for
International Development...................................... 19
LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING
The Honorable Matt Salmon, a Representative in Congress from the
State of Arizona, and chairman, Subcommittee on the Western
Hemisphere: Prepared statement................................. 3
The Honorable Albio Sires, a Representative in Congress from the
State of New Jersey: Prepared statement........................ 7
The Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson: Prepared statement............ 15
The Honorable Mark Feierstein: Prepared statement................ 21
APPENDIX
Hearing notice................................................... 54
Hearing minutes.................................................. 55
The Honorable Jeff Duncan, a Representative in Congress from the
State of South Carolina: Prepared statement.................... 56
The Honorable Theodore E. Deutch, a Representative in Congress
from the State of Florida: Prepared statement.................. 58
Written response from the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson to
question submitted for the record by the Honorable Christopher
H. Smith, a Representative in Congress from the State of New
Jersey......................................................... 59
Written responses from the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson to
questions submitted for the record by the Honorable Jeff Duncan 63
Written responses from the Honorable Mark Feierstein to questions
submitted for the record by the Honorable Jeff Duncan.......... 76
OVERVIEW OF U.S. INTERESTS IN THE
WESTERN HEMISPHERE: OPPORTUNITIES
AND CHALLENGES
----------
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 2013
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:30 a.m., in
room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Matt Salmon
(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
Mr. Salmon. A quorum being present, the subcommittee will
come to order.
I will start by recognizing myself and the ranking member
to present our opening statements, then I will recognize the
members of the subcommittee to allow them to present their
opening remarks, if they have any, in order of seniority, and
please keep your remark to 1 minute. Now I would like to yield
myself as much time as I may consume to present my opening
statement.
Good morning, and welcome to our first hearing of the
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, where we will be
exploring the opportunities and challenges the U.S. faces in
the region.
When I returned to Congress this year, I was privileged to
rejoin the Foreign Affairs Committee and honored to have been
given the gavel of the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere.
As a native Arizonan, I know what many of my colleagues have
yet to realize: Our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere are
critical to U.S. security, energy independence, and economic
prosperity. I believe that our strong cultural, trade, and
investment relationships and demographic ties with Canada and
the Americas connect the region and open the way to a
constructive dialogue on how we can make our hemisphere safer
and more prosperous.
First of all, let me welcome the subcommittee's
distinguished new ranking member, Congressman Albio Sires, who
represents the Eighth Congressional District of New Jersey. I
look forward to working with you on a bipartisan basis to help
foster positive results for U.S. Foreign policy in the region.
In addition to our senior members of the committee, it is
my pleasure to give a warm welcome to our freshman majority
members. We have got Trey Radel here today from Florida. We
also have a new freshman member, I believe will be joining us
later, Ron DeSantis, both of whom hail from the great State of
Florida. And although not new to Congress, I would like to
welcome two new additions to the subcommittee on the minority
side of the aisle. Theodore Deutch, and Alan Grayson are also
both from the great State of Florida.
It is my firm belief that we have an opportunity to
positively engage our friends and neighbors in the hemisphere
not only on the security issues as we work together to combat
transnational criminal and terrorist organizations, but in
strengthening bilateral and multilateral relationships that
promote democratic values and free-market principles.
I am looking forward to the opportunity to take a closer
look at the process being made under the Merida Initiative to
determine if there are ways to make the program more effective.
Insecurity in Mexico and throughout Central America
continues to threaten our own security, and I believe it is in
the U.S. national interest to promote a safer and more secure
region.
I also plan to make sure this subcommittee does everything
in our power to foster and build upon our strong relationship
with Canada, with whom we already maintain the world's largest
bilateral trade relationship.
Our subcommittee will also focus attention on the
incredible opportunity we have to achieve energy security and
economic growth in North America by encouraging the
administration to give its final approval to the Keystone XL
pipeline. In addition, I will seek to promote energy
independence and economic growth by seeking to promote and
strengthen U.S. trade relations with Mexico and by supporting
the U.S.-Mexico transboundary agreement that was signed in
February of last year.
I hope to see that the United States will reinsert its role
in promoting hemispheric free trade policies, strengthening
trade and investment relations in Brazil and throughout the
entire region.
Lastly, we must not forget the key economic role of travel
and tourism in the region, especially in the Caribbean, and the
importance of limiting the negative effects that transnational
crime can have on regional economies.
We do face some challenges. The subcommittee will continue
to press for sound U.S. policy on Cuba, one that is committed
to a real and meaningful democratic transition on an island
that has been plagued by a repressive government at odds with
regionally held values of economic and individual liberties.
In Venezuela, we will continue to monitor Venezuelan ties
with Iran and Hezbollah, and will encourage the Obama
administration to continue focusing the Intelligence
Community's efforts on monitoring the threat of Iranian
influence in our region. Mindful of the post-Chavez transition,
the United States should be engaged in strengthening democratic
institutions in Venezuela, and supporting free and fair
elections.
I want to thank our witnesses for agreeing to appear before
the subcommittee today. The Honorable Roberta Jackson,
Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Western
Hemisphere Affairs; and The Honorable Mark Feierstein,
Assistant Administrator for the Bureau of Latin America and the
Caribbean for the U.S. Agency for International Development. We
look forward to hearing your testimony and insights from the
region.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Salmon follows:]
----------
Mr. Salmon. Now I will recognize my colleague Albio Sires,
the ranking member, for his opening remarks.
Mr. Sires. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this
hearing, and thank you, and thank you for the witnesses for
being here today.
I want to express my appreciation to you, Mr. Chairman, for
reaching out earlier this week and meeting with me to discuss
how we can work together. We share many of the same concerns
and aspirations for the Western Hemisphere, and I feel
encouraged by our similar desire to achieve meaningful results
in a constructive, bipartisan manner.
Additionally I commend you, Mr. Chairman, in setting the
theme of this, our first hearing for this subcommittee, and
recognizing that while there are many challenges facing the
hemisphere, there are, indeed, many opportunities as well that
we can capitalize on. And so I look forward to working with
you, and the members of the subcommittee to address and
overcome our Nation's most pressing issues in the hemisphere.
I believe it is fair to acknowledge that since 9/11, our
foreign policy has focused on the crises emanating from the
Middle East, Asia, and back again. While certainly
understandable, this focus has come at the detriment of our
policies toward the Americas. Unfortunately, we have not paid
appropriate attention to an area that is right next door.
Some analysts have likened our foreign policies toward
Latin America as adrift and far too narrow in scope. I agree
that as the problems have arisen, our responses have been
reactive rather than proactive. And while I commend the strides
that have been made in the areas of the democracy and
development at the country level, we have yet to articulate a
strategic, cohesive policy for the region as a whole. A
patchwork of initiatives is insufficient and unsustainable for
a region that is rapidly evolving and that is today second to
Asia, amongst the most economically vibrant regions in the
world.
Economically the U.S. accounts for roughly 40 percent of
the region's imports and exports valued at nearly $400 billion
and $450 billion, respectively. Canada is our number one
trading partner; Mexico a close third after China; and the rest
of Latin America combined is fourth. Yet today China has become
the largest trading partner for some of Latin America's largest
economies. From 2000 to 2009, annual trade between China and
Latin America grew more than 1,200 percent, from $10 billion to
$130 billion. Russia has increased its own sales with Venezuela
and now Brazil, and Iran continues to expand its influence.
I am concerned of the Argentina's joint truth commission
with Iran to investigate the horrific bombing of the Jewish
Community Center, and its continued harassment of the Falkland
Islands is worrisome.
I remain determined to maintain pressures on Cuba's
authoritarian regime, expose its continued human rights and
press for freedom--and press freedoms violations, and press for
the release of Alan Gross, a U.S. citizen.
While I am hopeful for the day of a post-Castro Cuba, I
remain vigilant on a possible post-Chavez Venezuela. Venezuela
is our 14th largest trading partner, with $56 billion in trade
during 2011; thus, the fate of Venezuela is critically
important to us. If Chavez dies, we must be ready to work with
the allies in the region for a peaceful transition of power and
support the citizens' of Venezuela demand for democracy and
constitutional accountability.
As you know, Colombia is our strongest regional ally. I am
closely following the peace talk negotiations of President
Santos with the FARC. If successful, Colombia will free itself
from a long-standing obstacle to peace and economic prosperity.
I believe that we should continue to lend our support to
Colombia now and especially after the fate of the negotiations.
While overall security conditions have improved in
Colombia, the levels of insecurity and corruption that has
plagued weak Central America nations like Honduras and El
Salvador is very troubling. In light of the declining foreign
aid levels, I am particularly worried to ensure that money
spent is simply not encouraging corrupt practices and acting as
a rubber stamp to governments that treat America's firms
unfairly.
In regards to Mexico, I am waiting to see how determined
President Pena Nieto will be in combating drug trafficking. In
this regard I am looking forward to discussing the result of
the Merida, the Central America Regional Security Initiative,
and the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative programs and the
implications that imminent spending cuts may have on their
effectiveness.
Our foreign policy with the Western Hemisphere has to be
both relevant and practical to the needs of everyday people.
Geographic proximity alone cannot dictate the importance of our
relationship and the relationships we have with our southern
neighbors.
The region has made significant political and economic
advances; however, the lack of inclusive participation by all
members of society in the growing economic prosperity of the
region has made the Americas vulnerable to antidemocratic
forces. I look forward to working with the chairman to advance
these important U.S. regional interests and discussing with our
witnesses how we can better address these concerns. I am
hopeful that together we can work together to ensure these
challenges do not overshadow the opportunity that lies before
us.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you, Mr. Sires.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Sires follows:]
----------
Mr. Salmon. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from
Florida Mr. Radel for a 1-minute opening statement.
Mr. Radel. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Sires.
Thank you so much. It is great to be here on the Western
Hemisphere.
In my previous life I was a journalist, so I have traveled
extensively all over the Western Hemisphere, Canada, its
majestic cities. In order to learn Spanish, I strapped on a
backpack as a young man, traveled around Mexico, parts of Latin
America, where I have a deep, deep affinity for.
We do have challenges, but today in moving forward, I am
really excited to focus on the tremendous opportunities that we
have culturally, economically, all over the Western Hemisphere,
Colombia in particular; just such a shining example of how we
can work together where foreign aid plays such an important,
important role.
So it is great to be here. I just hope that we can use the
information today to ensure that we in the United States have
kind of a comprehensive strategic plan moving forward to again
face those challenges, but, most importantly, the tremendous
opportunity for partnership and growth.
Thank you.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you, Mr. Radel.
The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from New York Mr.
Meeks, and a heck of a traveling companion.
Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I am delighted to
work with you, and look forward to working with you in the
113th Congress and Ranking Member Sires as we move forward on
the Western Hemisphere.
And I know this morning and throughout the 113th Congress,
we are going to be talking about some issues like our great
relationship with Canada, and how we move forward with them and
continue that trade arrangement and agreement; that we are
going to be dealing with hot-button issues. We will hear about
the rise of China's influence and developments in Cuba or the
lack thereof. We will hear about Venezuela, and Hugo Chavez,
and the status of that nation. We will hear about Iran's
influence, I am sure, and migration, and drugs, and violence,
and energy, and environmental concerns, and trading.
We are going to hear a lot and we are going to be able to
do a lot, I think, on this committee. But I hope that as we go
down this long list of important issues, we also spend a
significant amount of time speaking about the plight of Afro
descendants and indigenous communities in the region.
I strongly believe that progress, real progress, on matters
of mutual interest with regional partners, it is not possible
unless we address the inequality, the violence, the disparity,
and the discrimination that these often isolated and
marginalized groups experience. We cannot see progress if
millions in our hemisphere do not see a way out of abject
poverty, don't have access to quality education, and have no
hope that they can move beyond the station of life in which
they have been born.
Our witnesses today have outlined in their written
testimony areas of focus for the Obama administration promoting
inclusive economic growth, increasing citizen security,
promoting clean energy and democracy. Those are indeed all
critical areas of interest to the United States. Notably they
are also areas that intersect with the needs of Afro
descendants and indigenous communities.
Our Nation's objectives and the desire of nations in the
region for greater security and economic and global advancement
are all critically linked to these communities, and I have
visited the remote areas of Colombia, for example, where drug
traffickers, FARC, and paramilitary gangs prey on the
geographically isolated Afro Colombians and indigenous
communities that have little means of protection and
alternatives. In nations where the situation is dire for all
citizens, like the Honduras, for example, it is almost always
more dire for indigenous and Afro Latino persons.
I would like to submit, Mr. Chairman, for the record, an
OAS report entitled ``The Situation of People of African
Descent in the Americas.'' The inequalities and disparities are
too many to enumerate in my opening remarks, but this report
highlights the major obstacles in the advancement that remain.
And I hope that with today's hearing and as we move forward
during this 113th Congress, that we discuss what must be done
to adequately address the many issues that plague disadvantaged
groups whose status in society is so critically linked to our
own interests and our Nation.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you. Without objection, this will be
entered into the record.
[Note: The OAS report submitted for the record, ``The
Situation of People of African Descent in the Americas,'' is
not reprinted here but is available in committee records or on
the Internet at
http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/afro-descendants/docs/pdf/AFROS_
2011_ENG.pdf. (Accessed 4/17/13.)]
Mr. Salmon. The Chairman now recognizes the gentleman from
American Samoa Mr. Faleomavaega.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Mr. Chairman, thank you so much for
calling this hearing. I certainly want to commend you and our
ranking member Mr. Sires for putting this hearing together.
I do want to associate myself with the comments made
earlier by our ranking member as well as my colleague from New
York, Mr. Meeks.
And I would like to extend a warm welcome to our witnesses
this morning, Ms. Jacobson and also Mr. Feierstein.
Historically, Mr. Chairman, the United States, with much
success, has focused its attention on developing and
strengthening local economies, security, energy, education, and
democratic governments. However, a demographic that is
continually overlooked in the Western Hemisphere, which
includes Canada, by the way, is the indigenous community.
Tens of millions of indigenous people suffer from the
consequences of historic injustice, including colonization,
dispossession of their lands and resources, oppression and
discrimination, and a lack of autonomy. Their right to
development has been largely denied by colonial and even modern
states in the pursuit of economic growth. As a consequence,
indigenous peoples often lose out to more powerful actors,
becoming among the most impoverished groups throughout Latin
America, as I say, which includes Canada, somewhat of the same
challenges that were faced in our treatment of the indigenous
Native Americans here in the United States. They live shorter
lives. They have poor health care and education, endure higher
unemployment rates, and are victims of increasing violent
crimes and, as I said earlier, alienation of their native
lands. The benchmark of our success in this region must include
those who originally occupied these lands.
I look forward to working with the members of our
subcommittee, and also look forward to hearing from our
witnesses if they by chance--and by the way, I did have a
chance to review the statements of our witnesses, and
unfortunately, I was not able to find anything relative to my
concerns about how we are looking at the needs of indigenous
populations throughout the Western Hemisphere.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.
Mr. Salmon. I thank the gentleman.
And now, pursuant to rule 7, the members of the
subcommittee will be permitted to submit written statements to
be included in the official hearing record. Without objection,
the hearing record will remain open for 14 days to allow
statements, questions, and extraneous materials for the record,
subject to the length limitation in the rules.
Now I would like to introduce the witnesses. First I would
like to introduce the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson. Roberta S.
Jacobson was sworn in as Assistant Secretary of State for
Western Hemisphere Affairs on March 30th, 2012. Previously Ms.
Jacobson was the Acting Assistant Secretary since July 18,
2011. She served as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for
the Western Hemisphere Affairs from December 2010 until July
2011, with responsibility for regional, political, and economic
issues; management and personnel; and regional security issues.
From June 2007 until that date, she was Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Canada, Mexico, and NAFTA issues in the Bureau.
She served as the Director of the Office of Mexico Affairs from
December 2002. From 2000 to 2002, she was Deputy Chief of
Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Lima, Peru, and between 1996 and
2000, Ms. Jacobson was Director of the Office of Policy
Planning and Coordination in the Bureau of Western Hemispheric
Affairs, covering issues such as civil/military relations,
human rights, foreign assistance, and counternarcotics
throughout the hemisphere.
Ms. Jacobson has also served as Coordinator for Cuban
Affairs within the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs;
executive assistant to the Assistant Secretary, 1993 and 1994;
special assistant to the Assistant Secretary, 1989 to 1992; and
the National Security Council, 1988.
Ms. Jacobson holds a master's of arts in law and diplomacy
from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy--in 1986 she got
that degree--and a bachelor of arts from Brown University.
I would also like to introduce the Honorable Mark
Feierstein. Mark is Assistant Administrator for the Bureau of
Latin America and the Caribbean. He previously served as the
principal and vice president of the international polling firm,
Greenberg Quinlan Rosner. He has overseen public opinion
research in over 30 countries, gaining insights into the views
of citizens around the world on a whole range of topics.
Before joining Greenberg Quinlan Rosner, Feierstein served
as Director of USAID's Global Elections Office. He also worked
in the State Department as a special assistant to the U.S.
Ambassador to the Organization of the American States, where he
negotiated with diplomats from the Americas on an array of
regional issues.
Prior to that he was director for Latin America and the
Caribbean at the National Democratic Institute for
International Affairs, overseeing programs to strengthen
democratic institutions in developing countries.
He is fluent in Spanish, has worked as a journalist in the
United States and in Mexico, has published articles on
international issues for leading major newspapers and journals.
He received his B.A. magna cum laude from Tufts University, and
his M.A. from Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy.
I would like to say that it is obvious from these terrific
resumes that we have professionals in every sense of the word,
and we are just thrilled to be working with you, excited. I
look at my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, and I am
really excited. I think we have got a true bipartisan group
here that is more interested in furthering U.S. interests than
in a partisan squabbling. I am very excited about that. I think
we have got a wonderful group. I think we have wonderful
leaders to help guide us through.
Let me explain the lighting system real quick. I am going
to explain the lighting system in front of you. I know I
probably don't need to, you have done it many times, but they
tell me I got to do it, so I am going to do it.
You will each have 5 minutes to present your oral
statement. When you begin, the light will turn green; when you
have 1 minute left, the light will turn yellow; and when your
time is expired, the light will turn red. I ask you conclude
your testimony when the red light comes on.
After all witnesses testify, all members will have 5
minutes to ask questions, and I urge my colleagues to try to
stick to the 5 minutes to ask questions. I would like to give
everybody the opportunity to ask the questions that they have.
So let us begin. I would like to start with Assistant
Secretary Jacobson, and you are recognized. Thank you.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE ROBERTA S. JACOBSON, ASSISTANT
SECRETARY, BUREAU OF WESTERN HEMISPHERE AFFAIRS, U.S.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you, Chairman Salmon, and Ranking
Member Sires, and members of the committee. It is a real
privilege to be back in front of this subcommittee, and I
really look forward to working with all of you, old and new
members. I am very grateful for this subcommittee's abiding
support for the administration's efforts to take advantage of
the opportunities we see in the Western Hemisphere.
U.S. relations with our neighbors are on a positive
trajectory. We have fulfilled President Obama's commitment at
the 2009 Summit of the Americas by pursuing constructive,
balanced partnerships. We focussed on four areas: Fostering
inclusive economic growth, increasing citizen security,
promoting clean energy, and strengthening democracy.
In the past 15 years, 56 million households in the region
have joined the middle class. Over 40 percent of U.S. exports
go to the Western Hemisphere, more than any other region of the
world. We are working to increase those numbers through trade
promotion agreements with Colombia and Panama. Last summer
Canada and Mexico joined the Trans-Pacific Partnership
negotiations, which also include Chile and Peru. We hope to
conclude these negotiations as quickly as possible. These
developments translate into more jobs, better and cheaper goods
and services, and rising prosperity on Main Streets across the
United States.
However, in some countries policy reforms are needed to
accelerate economic expansion and create greater opportunity to
make sure that prosperity is more widely shared, and that is a
shorthand way of talking about vulnerable populations, such as
Afro descendants, indigenous, women, LGBT persons.
In order to counter the threat posed by criminal gangs and
violence, we have expanded and linked our four citizen security
programs, the Merida Initiative, the Central American Regional
Security Initiative, the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative,
and the Colombia Strategic Development Initiative. Through a
whole-of-government approach, we are focusing on institution
and capacity building, while encouraging economic development.
U.S. assistance has helped create a dramatically improved
security situation in Colombia. In Mexico, our partnership with
President Pena Nieto's administration is off to a strong start,
with both sides committed to addressing crime and violence
through durable, long-term cooperation. We are partnering with
Colombia and Mexico and others to help Central America address
its security challenges.
Today I would like to highlight three particular areas of
challenge and opportunity: Energy, education, and the defense
of democracy.
The Western Hemisphere is increasingly a global supplier of
energy. Companies and entrepreneurs who never focused on the
region are waking up to its enormous potential. At the 2012
Summit of the Americas, the United States and Colombia launched
Connect 2022, a hemispheric initiative to provide universal
access to affordable electricity within a decade. This
complements President Obama's Energy and Climate Partnership of
the Americas in which we and 33 other partners promote
efficiency, encourage renewable energy, and support adaptation
and mitigation to climate change.
Education really underpins all of our goals in the
Americas. Expanding educational opportunities is crucial to
ensuring all citizens share in the region's prosperity. That is
why President Obama launched 100,000 Strong in the Americas to
increase educational exchanges between the United States and
Latin America and the Caribbean to 100,000 in each direction
each year. To meet that goal we must double the current flow of
students at a time when our own budget constraints--our own
budget constrains us. So we are partnering with academic and
private-sector institutions to meet that goal.
Our commitment to true partnership and shared
responsibility calls for an honest reexamination of areas where
this hemisphere once led, but now falters. In some countries,
populist leaders who are impatient with or even disrespectful
of democracy's processes are closing down and subjugating
independent media and seeking to control courts and
legislatures. The leaders of many of today's democracies in the
Americas were fighting for these rights not so long ago.
We are working through the Origination of American States
to protect freedom of expression. We will continue to seek out
to defend strong, independent institutions of democracy.
In sum, our policy of partnership and shared responsibility
has produced real progress. Although positive news stories
rarely make the front page, they abound in the Americas, where
inclusive economic growth is transforming the region, and
several of our partners are emerging as real players on the
global stage.
There is, of course, a great deal more to do to foster the
peaceful, prosperous, and democratic hemisphere we all want to
see and ensure everyone is part of that prosperity. But I look
forward to working with you and other members of this committee
to advance U.S. interests in the hemisphere.
Thank you very much.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you, Assistant Secretary Jacobson.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Jacobson follows:]
----------
Mr. Salmon. The Chair will now recognize Administrator
Feierstein.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE MARK FEIERSTEIN, ASSISTANT
ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU FOR LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN, U.S.
AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Mr. Feierstein. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee,
I am grateful for your interest in USAID and pleased to have
the opportunity to discuss the Obama administration's
development policy in the Americas.
I am also honored to be testifying with my good friend and
former graduate school classmate Roberta Jacobson. You know,
back in grad school when a professor posed a tough question, I
would generally defer to Roberta. I suspect, though, that
approach might not fly with the panel today or, for that
matter, with Roberta.
Mr. Chairman, I have submitted my full written statement
for the record and will now share a condensed version, if I
may.
Early in his first term, President Obama reminded us that
the purpose of development is to help countries reach the point
at which they no longer need foreign assistance. In much of
Latin America and the Caribbean, we are on our way to achieving
our goal of largely graduating countries from foreign
assistance by the year 2030.
The days in which USAID provided direct assistance in the
region are largely over. Today our principal role is to
strengthen the capacity of countries to provide for their own
people, and USAID is employing new approaches to accelerate
this process.
Historically USAID has hired large contractors to provide
assistance. Today we are channeling more resources through
institutions in foreign countries so that we leave behind
entities equipped to oversee development programs on their own.
The most important source of development funding for nearly
every country is not donors, but internally generated revenue.
That is why we are instituting programs to help governments
raise their own funds for development.
The private sector is also adding its financial muscle and
business expertise to promote development. USAID is
increasingly partnering with companies to enhance our
assistance and deliver long-term development dividends.
As we succeed in creating the conditions under which
foreign assistance is no longer necessary, the family of donor
nations will grow. Countries where USAID made significant
investments in the past, such as Chile and Brazil, are now
collaborating with us in third countries.
Just as our approach to development has changed, the nature
of the development challenge in the Americas has evolved as
well. Continued economic and democratic progress is now impeded
in many countries by violence and criminality. Reducing crime
and violence requires a range of tools. The government
increasingly recognizes the importance of prevention programs
and investments in youth and communities.
USAID is helping countries to draw on lessons from U.S.
cities that have been so successful in reducing crime. Last
year the USAID Administrator, Rajiv Shah, signed an agreement
with Los Angeles mayor Antonio Villaraigosa to train Central
American officials on methods that have worked in L.A.
In South America, Peru and Colombia face security
challenges of their own. In Colombia, our effort to help the
government defeat guerilla groups and reduce drug production
now includes helping the Santos administration implement
historic land reforms and compensate victims of the conflict.
In Peru, we are working with the government to expand a
successful program that has helped coca farmers transition to
legal crops.
As violence and criminality emerge as threats to democracy,
there are still traditional practices being employed to
undermine it. To protect democracy we are ramping up our
support for a wider cross-section of local civil society
organizations.
We carry out such initiatives because, as President Obama
declared, ``Our interests and our conscience compel us to act
on behalf of those who long for freedom.'' In the Americas
nowhere is that longing for freedom more suppressed than in
Cuba. Today in Cuba, the government not only imprisons Cubans
who try to exercise basic rights. Alan Gross, a U.S. citizen,
has languished in a Cuban jail for more than 3 years for
helping people to access the Internet.
Elsewhere in the Caribbean, hopes are rising despite
considerable challenges. Haiti, where USAID invests the most
resources in the Americas, is making progress in building back
from the earthquake. Rubble has largely been cleared, the
number of people living in tent camps has fallen substantially,
and a new industrial park has opened.
USAID is implementing programs to create jobs and boost the
standard of living in Haiti. As we implement our programs, we
will increasingly rely on Haitian institutions to carry out the
work to help the country reach the point where it can lead and
finance its own development.
Haiti is particularly vulnerable to a phenomenon that
threatens every country: Global climate change. In Haiti and
elsewhere, we support political and business leaders to reduce
and adapt to the effects of climate change.
Mr. Chairman, this agenda may sound ambitious, but it is
also achievable. Never before have governments, private-sector
companies, and civil society in the region been as willing and
well equipped to partner with us on these issues of mutual
interest.
Thank you. I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Feierstein follows:]
----------
Mr. Salmon. Thank you both very much. I would like to now
yield myself 5 minutes to ask my questions, and then we will
proceed with those that arrived in order of attendance along
with seniority.
Assistant Secretary Jacobson, you mentioned in your
testimony that the administration hoped to conclude
negotiations in the Trans-Pacific Partnership expeditiously,
and I hope that is the case. Can you tell us, though, how, if
at all, will the negotiations for our Trans-Pacific Partnership
affect the rules governing NAFTA? Could you submit that in
writing, and maybe not answer it right now? Maybe just submit
that in writing, because I do have a couple of other questions
maybe I would like to get to.
[The information referred to follows:]
Written Response Received from the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson to
Question Asked During the Hearing by the Honorable Matt Salmon
The inclusion of Canada and Mexico in the TPP provides the United
States with an opportunity to work with two of our largest trading
partners to shape a new, high-standard trade agreement for the 21st
century. We are seeking in the TPP to include commitments on new and
emerging issues, as well as commitments that go beyond the NAFTA in
such priority areas as labor and environment--which is one of the many
important benefits of including Mexico and Canada in TPP. The
relationship between TPP and other agreements, including NAFTA, is a
subject of discussion among the TPP negotiating partners. Our goal is
to ensure a trading regime that provides for the most favorable
treatment of goods, services, and investments.
Mr. Salmon. What opportunities do you see for greater U.S.-
Mexican energy cooperation, and how might the U.S.-Mexico
Transboundary Hydrocarbons Agreement on managing resources in
the Gulf of Mexico advance that cooperation? And does the Obama
administration plan to seek congressional approval of the
Agreement this fiscal year?
And then one other question: I am concerned that the
administration continues to block the full construction of the
Keystone XL pipeline when the economic benefits that would
result from the completion of the pipeline have been very well
supported and just really make sense intuitively. I really have
not seen any overwhelming or compelling evidence that we would
face catastrophic climate change as a result of the pipeline,
but I have seen evidence that the project will create a lot of
jobs at a time when we sure could use a lot of jobs.
The State Department is heading the review of the pipeline,
so I am wondering if you could tell the subcommittee where you
are in the review process and whether we can expect approval of
the project in the very near future.
Madam Secretary.
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and thank
you for letting me off the hook on that first part of the
question, enabling me to get back to you in writing, since I
probably wouldn't have done a terrific job on that one in
specifics, orally anyway.
Let me take the second part of your question on U.S.-Mexico
energy relationship, which I think has enormous potential for
progress and for exciting cooperation.
The transboundary hydrocarbons agreement, which I was in
Cabo San Lucas for the signing of last year, really was a
breakthrough agreement; not really as much in what it may
permit us to do, which I think is going to be very positive,
but in demonstrating to both of our publics that we can work
together on energy issues, including on oil issues. This is an
area of the gulf that has long been left unexplored because
there wasn't legal certainty about such exploration. And what
we were able to achieve with Mexico, I think to the benefit of
both countries, is going to be incredibly important.
So let me assure you that this will be coming in front of
Congress. I hope that we can count on everyone's support. And
we hope to do that as expeditiously as possible. Obviously
Mexico did approve the agreement last year, and so we are
certainly hoping to do that as quickly as we can. We also think
it has enormous potential. And I also think the relationship
shows enormous potential in nontraditional nonfossil fuel
renewable areas. There is more and more cooperation on wind
energy, and cross-border wind energy which can supply our grid
as well.
So I think there are a lot of exciting projects going on,
areas like biomass, solar, as well as wind, and the Mexicans
have great interest in that, and I think there is a lot that we
can do together on that front.
Finally, on Keystone you are obviously well versed in the
process. We are in the middle of this process. The next thing
that will happen is the environmental impact statement. The
supplemental environmental impact statement will be produced. I
am hoping that that will happen very soon, and then we will
proceed to the next stage of this process, which is the
determination to be made thereafter.
So we are hoping that that process will play itself out as
soon as possible, but as the process is unfolding, I can't tell
you anything about the particulars of it, largely because I am
not involved in the day-to-day of the production of the
individual documents that will be part of the process.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you, Madam Under Secretary.
Mr. Feierstein, one quick question regarding Haiti. With
regards to Haiti specifically, but also in general throughout
the region, what steps has USAID taken to mitigate the real
problem of corruption when disbursing funds? Is there an
effective vetting process, and how do you measure the extent to
which aid is being siphoned off by corrupt governments, NGOs,
or contractors?
Mr. Feierstein. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. I
appreciate that question.
You know, in Haiti and throughout the hemisphere, we have
mechanisms in place to assure that all U.S. taxpayer funds are
managed, are administered appropriately, and we would not give
a dime to any organization in the United States or any other
country unless we are assured that they have those mechanisms
in place.
What we do is we do a vetting process in which we assess
organizations, whether it is--or entities, whether it is a
government, or an NGO, or the private sector. For those
organizations that may not have the systems in place, we
provide training. But we do understand that as we move toward
funding or channeling resources through more organizations
overseas, again with the goal of strengthening local capacity
and accelerating the process of which they can take care of
their own development, that does mean that we need to spend
time putting in place those mechanisms, ensuring that all of
these entities have the appropriate systems in place. So we are
confident that we are doing that.
Thank you.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you, Mr. Feierstein.
My time is expired. I recognize the gentleman from New
Jersey, Mr. Sires.
Mr. Sires. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
You know, as we head into a period where we are going to
have to do more with less in some of these regions, I am
concerned that we are going to have to rely more on the private
sector going in and building, and promoting, and doing certain
things in some of these countries. I am concerned about the
corruption aspect of it. When we have American companies or
American investors going into some of these countries and
working with these governments, they get to a process, and then
basically some of them are shaked down before they finish the
process.
I wonder if you could talk a little bit about the
corruption in some of these places when you have the private
sector investing in some of these countries.
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you. I think you are reflecting,
obviously, on a problem that we see throughout the hemisphere.
It is not a problem that is exclusive to this hemisphere. It is
obviously something that Americans and other companies confront
in lots of places in the world. But it is an area that, along
with many of our programs on security, the goal of which is to
have a level playing field for everybody and access to justice,
and to have institutions that are clean and not corrupt. And
while we may focus on the impact of that on street crime, or
transnational criminal organizations, in fact, that is
critically important for private investment and for the private
sector to do business in those countries. So that it is very
important that we work with countries on improving their
mechanisms for transparency, for openness, and for
anticorruption measures. So it is a priority for us as a
government, both in our assistance programs, as Mark laid out,
but also in our dealings with governments on private investment
and private-sector operations.
We obviously work with American companies very aggressively
around the hemisphere to make sure that they can have a fair
shot at whether it is contracts or operating on a level playing
field, and in many cases we are working with governments in the
hemisphere to reduce corruption significantly. Countries are
looking at how well they are doing in that area. As they look
at a World Bank ranking for doing business or Transparency
International's ranking, they know that levels of corruption
impede their own development. And so we are finding more and
more partners in this fight, but it does not mean, obviously,
that we have had complete success yet anywhere, even in the
United States.
Thank you.
Mr. Sires. Do you have anything to add?
Mr. Feierstein. Yes, sir, Congressman.
I appreciate your reference to our need to do more with
less, and, as a result, we are doing much more with the private
sector and establishing alliances not only with the private
sector in the United States, but also overseas.
I was in El Salvador 2 weeks ago, had an opportunity to
announce the largest public-private partnership in the history
of USAID involving the local private sector. And that was with
a consortium of foundations funded by the private sector in El
Salvador, and we will be working in communities to help to
reduce crime. So I think we are seeing both U.S. companies and
countries in the region to step up.
We are also seeing countries themselves recognizing they
need to put more resources into development. In Honduras, for
example, a new security tax was approved. Again, you know,
these are funds that will be devoted to security.
So I think that we are managing to leverage our funds in a
considerable way.
Mr. Sires. And, of course, I could not let you go without
asking a question about Cuba. Can you tell me where we are with
Alan Gross? And let me ask the question, where we are with
Joanne Chesimard? That is a big issue in New Jersey, as you
know. There is a million-dollar bounty on her head in New
Jersey.
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you, Congressman. And I wish I had a
better story to tell you on the situation with Alan Gross. As
Assistant Administrator Feierstein said, he remains in prison
after 3 years. We have pushed very hard for his release. We
believe his imprisonment is not warranted, and, more
importantly, he has a situation which warrants a humanitarian
gesture by the Cuban Government. His mother is 90 years old and
has cancer. His wife lost her mother recently. He has been in
prison while his daughter battled breast cancer.
This is a story where a man should be sent home to be with
his family, and we continue to push on that with allies and
partners in the hemisphere on the Cuban Government, directly
when we interact with the Cuban Government, and with others who
have come to us and wanted to help. Unfortunately we have not
seen a response yet from the Cuban Government.
On Joanne Chesimard, you know that being from New Jersey I
am very well familiar with the case, and it is an issue that we
raise regularly with the Cuban Government. I raised it myself
the last time I was there 2 years ago when we had migration
talks, the importance we place on the return of U.S. fugitives
in particular, those like Joanne Chesimard, William Morales,
and others who have committed terrible crimes and should be
returned to the United States.
Mr. Sires. Thank you. I think my time is up.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you. The gentleman's time is expired.
The Chair will now recognize the gentleman from Florida Mr.
Radel.
Mr. Radel. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
A question on Colombia. As I had said earlier in the
opening statements, it is such a bright, shining example of
cooperation, culturally, economically, between our countries.
And the numbers are staggering.
We have worked closely with Colombia to combat drug
trafficking, terror activities, poverty. In about the last
decade, we have seen achievements, such as a reduction of 90
percent in kidnappings and terror attacks, 45 percent reduction
in homicides. Again, in about the past 12, 13 years, another
positive development, the poverty and inequality have
dramatically decreased. The population living in poverty
decreased 44 percent in 2002. Again, huge decreases more
recently as well.
Are there any kind of lessons that we can learn about our
relationship with Colombia, and apply them to other countries?
One in particular, Mexico, we see the struggles and challenges
that they are dealing with today. Do you see any kind of areas
where we would be able to apply that?
I will start with you, Ms. Jacobson.
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you, Congressman, and it is a great
question.
I think we do see many lessons. The issues confronting
Mexico are in some ways structurally different than they may
have been in Colombia. Mexico is also a Federal system, which
Colombia is not. But there are many similarities, and there
were clearly lots of things learned by Colombia during that
period of time, things that work, and, frankly, things that
don't work and that you need to do differently.
And I am very, very pleased that Mexico and Colombia have
been cooperating so closely over the last number of years--
frankly, sometimes with our help and encouragement, and lots of
times without it--including training of police and helicopter
pilots in terms of sharing information, because these are often
organizations, as you know, that are transnational, not just
into Central America, but on into South America. And so there
is a great deal that can be learned.
And I would particularly note that the Colombians have been
doing an enormous job with Central America countries where they
have been asked for help because of their success. And they can
often do things better than we can, frankly, in terms of
training, and the experiences that they have had. They have
trained over 14,000 police in 25 countries in the hemisphere.
So we think that the investment that we made in Colombia
and the cooperation that we develop is paying huge benefits in
Colombians' understanding how to combat some of these problems
and continuing to work with us elsewhere in the region and in
the world.
Mr. Radel. And you have to forgive me. I did have to leave
for a second and come back. Could you produce your last name
for me?
Mr. Feierstein. Sure, Feierstein.
Mr. Radel. Feierstein, got it.
Mr. Feierstein, go ahead.
Mr. Feierstein. Okay, thank you.
Well, First, it is an honor to meet a former journalist as
well, a fellow journalist. And I also learned my Spanish in
Mexico traveling through there.
I think there are a number of lessons we can draw from
Colombia. First is the importance of political will. The
Colombians were clearly as committed as we were, obviously, to
initially Plan Colombia and the programs that have succeeded
since then.
Another key has been the Colombians have put in resources
equal to what we put in, really in many ways well beyond. And,
for example, in the case of USAID, there are programs that we
were fully funding at the beginning of this process about a
dozen years ago, and now the Colombians have taken over. And it
is really a model for us in many ways.
I mean, also, in the context of the Colombia, you have seen
very strong interagency cooperation within the U.S. Government.
And it has been vital, for example, for USAID to work very
closely with our military as well as the Colombian military to
ensure coordination and collaboration as we help to extend the
Colombian civilian presence.
And specifically with regard to Colombia and Mexico, you
know, I mentioned in my statement, you know, the example of Los
Angeles in terms of their success in reducing crimes. But
Medellin, for example, is an extraordinary success story, which
not so long ago was, you know, seen as the drug capital of the
world. A couple of weeks ago it was featured in the New York
Times travel section as the place to go these days.
So I think there is a lot to learn from what has been done
not only at the national level in Colombia, but the local level
as well.
Thank you.
Mr. Radel. Yeah, just for the record, if I can get it in
writing, maybe we could perhaps later focus on the growing
influence of Iran in some of the open relationships we have
seen with Venezuela in particular. We now see this so-called
truth commission regarding the bombing of the Jewish Community
Center in Argentina, that President Kirchner is now working
with them. This is basically, in my opinion, adding insult to
injury given that in 1999, Argentina had enough compelling
evidence that INTERPOL issued arrest warrants for five
officials tied to Tehran, just to get that in the record. We
will get that in writing later. Thank you both for your time
today.
[The information referred to follows:]
Written Response Received from the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson to
Question Asked During the Hearing by the Honorable Trey Radel
The Iranian government's interest and engagement in this hemisphere
has potentially serious implications for our security and that of our
neighbors. The U.S. government continues to monitor the relationships
closely, with a view to ensuring that violations of U.S. law or
international sanctions are quickly detected and appropriate action
taken. We also have an effective diplomatic strategy that has raised
awareness and concern about Iranian activities with Western Hemisphere
countries, and we can see the results. For example, Argentina, Brazil,
and Chile voted with the November 2011 IAEA Board of Governors'
resolution calling on Iran to address the international community's
concerns regarding its nuclear program. Mexico and Brazil voted in
favor of the creation of a U.N. Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur
for Iran in March 2011.
Currently, the focus of the Venezuela/Iran relationship is largely
diplomatic and commercial. Both governments frequently discuss closer
cooperation and have signed a number of agreements, but few of the
joint initiatives and projects have been implemented.
Where merited, the U.S. government has taken targeted action. In
October 2008, the Treasury Department designated both the Export
Development Bank of Iran and its wholly-owned subsidiary the Banco
Internacional de Desarrollo for providing or attempting to provide
financial services to Iran's Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces
Logistics. This designation prohibits all transactions between the
designees and any U.S. person, and freezes any assets the designees may
have under U.S. jurisdiction.
In May 2011, the Department of State announced sanctions pursuant
to the Iran Sanctions Act as amended by the Comprehensive Iran
Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act (CISADA) against the
Venezuelan state-owned oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) for
its $50 million in sales to Iran of reformate, which is a gasoline
blending component. The sanctions prohibit PDVSA from competing for
U.S. government procurement contracts, from securing Export-Import Bank
financing, and from obtaining U.S. export licenses for controlled
items.
Also, in February 2012, the Department of State announced the
renewal of sanctions against the Venezuela Military Industries Company
(CAVIM) under the Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act.
The sanctions prohibit CAVIM from any U.S. government contract,
assistance, military sales, or new export licenses.
Our position on the AMIA bombing is clear and remains unchanged.
For the last 18 years, we and the international community have joined
the Argentine government and victims of this horrific attack in seeking
justice.
Iran's record of cooperation with international authorities is
profoundly deficient, which raises doubts that its engagement on the
AMIA case through the announced Argentina-Iran agreement will prove to
be a means of achieving justice. Based on developments thus far, we
remain skeptical that a just solution can be found by this mechanism.
We understand the commission will comprise five members (two
appointed by each country, the president via mutual agreement, and none
allowed to be either Argentine or Iranian nationals) who will
reportedly travel to Tehran to ``interrogate'' the seven Iranian
nationals Argentina indicted for their suspected role in the bombing.
The Iranian foreign ministry spokesperson said Iran had not agreed to
the questioning of any specific government official.
His comments directly contradicted the Argentine Foreign Minister's
repeated statements regarding the specific questioning of Iranian
Defense Minister Ahmad Vahidi by an Argentine judge in Iran.
Argentina's Jewish community representatives--in AMIA and DAIA--
stated their unified opposition to the agreement and their lack of
confidence in Iran as a diplomatic interlocutor. On February 28,
Argentina's Congress approved the memorandum.
A legal advisor at the Iranian foreign ministry told a major
Argentine radio station that Iran's parliament could yet reject the new
Argentina-Iran memorandum, and appeared to indicate that the issue was
not considered pressing and thus could well be put at the bottom of the
Iranian legislature's agenda.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you. The gentleman's time is expired.
I recognize the gentleman from New York Mr. Meeks.
Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me join the gentleman in saying that I, too, look at
the remarkable work that has been taking place in Colombia from
when I first got elected to Congress, when you dared not travel
to Colombia, to where people are traveling to Colombia from all
over the world. It is now you go to--Cartagena is one of the
major destination vacation cities in the world. So you have to
take your hat off to the people of Colombia when you look at
their elections and where they are moving forward. It is just
absolutely fantastic.
The issue, though, that I do want to bring up because it
was so successful when you look at what Medellin now is just
unbelievable and how we have focused there, but we have changed
the plan or Plan Colombia, agreed now to also help with making
social change. And I am wondering can you tell us where we are
with that?
For example, you know, when I visit Colombia, not only do I
visit Medellin, or Bogota, or Cartagena, I go to Tumaco; I go
to Buenaventura; I go to Choco; I go to Cali, and some of
these--the drug cartels have pushed out into some of these
areas. There is--clearly when I go, sometimes I have to take a
brigade of police with me because for security reasons, and
these people tell me that this is what they live with. So can
you tell us where we are and how we are moving forward with the
moneys that are now going socially so that we can make a
difference in those areas?
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you, Congressman, and thank you for
your continued commitment to Colombia. And I am going to let
Assistant Administrator Feierstein answer much of this.
But you are absolutely right. The Colombia program has to
adapt to the reality and, indeed, much of its success, and now
there are challenges that are different that we need to be
addressing with the Colombian Government, which I believe
President Santos has begun to address.
But there is no doubt that Afro Colombian communities in
the areas that you have mentioned still have a long way to go
before they feel safe and before they have economic development
that really brings them the benefits that we have seen in those
macroeconomic statistics that are so positive. It is one of the
reasons why we have a joint action plan on elimination of
racism and working on Afro-descending communities with
Colombia, trying to focus on small communities, how we can help
with business, how we can help women entrepreneurs, and how we
can help with protection issues.
This is very much an issue that we work on with Colombia
now, and one that I think we have to continue to commit to, as
well as ensuring that we focus on in all of our programs--not
just ones under the joint action plan, but in all of our
programs--that we focus on these vulnerable communities as part
of those recipients.
Mr. Feierstein. Thank you, Congressman. You raise some
vital issues. In fact, our support in Colombia has evolved as
the challenges there have evolved. The Santos administration is
currently implementing some historic reforms, first in terms of
land, to restitute land to those people who lost their land as
a result of the conflict and have been displaced. And USAID
helped to draft that legislation, is now helping implement that
law.
Second, with regard to victims, there is an effort to
compensate the millions of victims in that conflict. And again,
we helped to draft that legislation and are now helping to set
up the entities that will carry that out.
Specifically with regard to the challenge of Afro
Colombians, we have a large program in Colombia. It has been
ongoing for a number of years. We have just initiated a new
part of that. But we recognize the special challenge that Afro
Colombians face.
You mentioned some of the places you have traveled to,
Tumaco, Choco. I have also been to those. We would be delighted
to show you some of our programs in those areas.
We have very much focused on helping Afro Colombian
communities to improve their governance. We provided some
economic assistance to help them with their livelihood, and we
have a strong human rights component in that program as well,
because we recognize the special challenges that both Afro
Colombians and indigenous people in Colombia face.
And we are working, with regard to human rights, both with
government institutions to help them to better protect Afro
Colombians and others, but also with----
Mr. Meeks. I don't want to interrupt you, but I am running
out of time, and I am really going to want to talk to you so we
could follow up on that. You know, send me some of what we are
doing in writing, but we have been working--and I know Ms.
Jacobson, we have been working very closely, and so we look
forward to doing that.
But I just wanted to quickly raise, because I was just
reading yesterday, a comment by--going to Haiti quickly--
President Martelly, where he is talking about roughly 350,000
people still live in camps, and many others simply have moved
back to the same shoddy-built structures that proved so deadly
during the disaster; and that Martelly has said that the relief
effort is uncoordinated, and projects hatched from good
intentions have undermined his government. He said, we just
don't want the money to come to Haiti anymore. Stop sending
money, he says. He said, let's fix it. He says, referring to
the international, let's fix it. What would your comments be
about that?
Mr. Feierstein. You know, thank you, Congressman.
One of the biggest challenges that we face in Haiti in the
reconstruction effort is to find housing for the people who are
living in tent camps, and there is some good news to report.
You know, at the height of this, there were 1.5 million
Haitians living in tent camps. There are now about 300,000. So
there is still a ways to go. And USAID has done a lot in the
area of housing. We are building some new housing. We provided
some transitional shelter in the immediate aftermath of the
quake. We have been supporting the government with some new
mortgage-finance programs. We have had some housing-subsidy
programs in place.
But ultimately the real key is going to be to create jobs.
And when we have done surveys in Haiti among those living in
tent camps, those outside, everyone, including people living in
tent camps, say their number one priority is jobs, not housing.
And we can construct housing anywhere, but people won't move to
those places unless there are jobs, unless there are community
services like health care and education.
So we are putting a great effort now in trying to
strengthen the Haitian economy. We have just helped to open a
new industrial park in the north, which we anticipate will
employ up to 65,000 people once all the tenants are there.
We have a very strong agricultural production program in
place. We are reaching nearly 100,000 farmers, helping them to
increase production, access markets both domestic and
international.
You know, certainly Haiti is challenging, but, you know, it
has been 3 years since the earthquake, but this is a long-term
challenge, and we have a long-term plan in place. And if we
consider, you know, where Haiti was even before the earthquake
and the extraordinary damage that was done, I think that the
progress we have seen in the last 3 years has actually been
quite considerable.
Thank you.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you. The gentleman's time is expired.
I recognize the gentleman from South Carolina, Mr. Duncan.
Mr. Duncan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have got an opening
statement I would like unanimous consent to submit for the
record.
Mr. Salmon. Without objection.
Mr. Duncan. Thank you.
I am glad Colombia was sort of the center of the focus
today. I was down there last year to the Summit of the Americas
in Cartagena, where I met the Secretary, I think, for the first
time. And it was interesting to hear the conversation about the
security, and FARC, and narcoterrorism. We were down there in
August of last year as well looking at what the Air Assault
Division and the money we talked about earlier the U.S. has
helped Colombia with, the helos, and the helicopter training.
And so I see some successes down there.
But when the ranking member and I were in Cartagena, we met
with the members of the Colombian Congress, and we asked them
the secret of their success, because we saw prosperity, and
this is what they said, I thought it was very interesting: Low
taxes, government spending to--limiting government spending to
4 percent of GDP or less. Now, they have got some room for
improvement there. I believe they could spend more on GDP. But
4 percent of GDP or less, and just enough government to support
the free markets. That was what the Congressmen said in there.
And I wrote it down. I tweeted it out that day, put it on
Facebook, because that is what made this country great. So
maybe we need to go back and take a lesson from Colombia.
The area I would like to focus on is an area that was
conspicuously absent in the written testimonies of Secretary
Jacobson and Administrator Feierstein, and that is the issue of
Iran's growing influence and activity in the Western
Hemisphere.
The gentleman from Florida mentioned Argentina and the
Reuters article today about Argentina's Congress approved early
on Thursday an agreement with Iran to investigate the 1994
bombing, and that is concerning me. I believe Iran is a growing
threat in the Western Hemisphere. We have got the bill passed
last year, Countering the Iran in the Western Hemisphere Act,
signed by the President.
So the question I have for Secretary Jacobson, have you
personally been overseeing the Bureau of Western Hemisphere
Affairs' implementation of the Iran strategy, and if not, who
has?
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you, Congressman. It is nice to see you
again.
Let me assure you that I am overseeing that process, I
think it is a very important process, but that our writing of
the report and the strategy in response to that request really
for me is part of an ongoing effort that I and the entire
Bureau are making to make sure that we know as much as possible
working with the Intelligence Community, and that we are
constantly monitoring, being vigilant and responding to on
occasion when sanctions are breached the Iranian activities in
the hemisphere.
Mr. Duncan. Okay, let me ask this: Has the State Department
consulted with our allies in the region and other countries,
and the partners, which I believe this is a partnership of our
neighbors here in this hemisphere to assess this threat and
counter that. So what are we doing with Nicaragua, and
Honduras, and Argentina, and Paraguay, and Uruguay on this
issue?
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you.
In fact, a big part of what we think is critical in
responding to Iranian activities is working with the other
countries in the hemisphere both to ensure that we can both
evaluate the threats, see how we see it. If there are
differences in how we evaluate it, if there is information that
we can share, we can do that. That is not always possible. But
also that we make sure that they understand our view on this,
and that they understand, you know, how they, too, can detect
and monitor, if you will, themselves, because some countries
are concerned that they may not have the same information that
we do.
So we do have conversations with all of our partners in the
hemisphere and, frankly, anyone who wishes to talk about that
subject with us to monitor actively the Iranians' activities.
There obviously are also a lot of diplomatic agreements and
activities that Iran signs in the hemisphere, most of which, I
have to say, seem not to be coming to fruition, seem not to be
delivered on.
So we have active conversations with leaders in the
hemisphere about this issue.
Mr. Duncan. Well, I appreciate that. I look forward to the
report, and I look forward to this committee having a hearing
based on that report and possibly traveling down to see the
implementation in the Western Hemisphere.
Just one final thing, and this is for Administrator
Feierstein. With ICE's recent release of the detainees, how do
you expect this action to be viewed by the South and Central
American countries?
Mr. Feierstein. I am sorry, can you please repeat the
question?
Mr. Duncan. ICE released a bunch of illegal aliens this
week due to sequestration. So how do you think that is going to
be viewed by our neighbors?
Mr. Feierstein. I think that issue might fall beyond the
purview of USAID. You know, we do have a program in place in
Haiti, for example.
Mr. Duncan. Well, let me redirect, then, my time to the
Secretary.
Ms. Jacobson. To the best of my knowledge, these were not
criminal detainees. I don't know how countries--I don't think
they have responded to that release. Obviously I think ICE as
well as other agencies in the U.S. Government are doing
everything they can under tough budget circumstances to ensure
national security is maintained. But I don't know that we have
seen a formal response from countries or that they will have a
strong reaction to it.
Mr. Duncan. Thank you. I yield back.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you. The gentleman's time is expired.
The Chair will now recognizes the gentleman from American
Samoa Mr. Faleomavaega.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I am impressed by the fact that 40 percent of U.S. exports
to the world goes to the Western Hemisphere. And I also want to
say that I am impressed with all of the accomplishments, the
high technology, and everything there is that is making our
relationship with the Western Hemisphere a dynamic one. But
correct me if I am wrong, are there about 500 million people
that live in the Western Hemisphere?
Ms. Jacobson. I think we are nearing 1 billion, including
the United States and Canada.
Mr. Faleomavaega. A billion. No, no, no, don't include the
U.S., because the U.S. alone is 320 million, so----
Ms. Jacobson. Right. In Latin America it is over 600
million.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Alone.
Ms. Jacobson. Yes.
Mr. Faleomavaega. I sound somewhat simplistic in talking
about populations. But you are suggesting the whole Western
Hemisphere is about a billion people. And out of that number
would it be safe for me to say that maybe perhaps 200 million
are indigenous Indians?
Ms. Jacobson. I am not sure I know that.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Can you provide that for the record? I
would deeply appreciate that.
Ms. Jacobson. Certainly, sir.
[The information referred to follows:]
Written Response Received from the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson to
Question Asked During the Hearing by the Honorable Eni F.H.
Faleomavaega
Based on estimates published by international and non-governmental
organizations that focus on the region, the indigenous population in
Latin America and the Caribbean numbers around 40 or 50 million and
makes up between 8 and 11 percent of the population. Bolivia, Peru,
Mexico, Guatemala, Colombia, and Ecuador have the largest indigenous
populations in Latin America. In addition, Canada's indigenous
population numbers approximately 1.2 million.
Census information related to indigenous populations in Latin
America is often difficult to verify due to: the lack of census
surveying in areas affected by conflict where large proportions of
Latin American indigenous people reside; varying ethnic or race
classifications for indigenous populations; and migration into cities
or through porous borders.
Mr. Faleomavaega. As I said in my statement earlier in our
hearing, all the dynamics of the success in our trade,
economics, political, and all of this, but somehow hardly
anything seems to be coming through and to say, ``What are we
doing in dealing with the indigenous inhabitants of this
region?''
I say this because we have a similar situation. We have 565
Indian tribes in this country that we have to deal with, 5-
point-some million people, and of all of the different groups
living in our own country, the worst off in education, the
worst off in poverty and everything else are Native American
Indians.
And I would like to ask both of you, do we have any kind of
data or information as it relates to how these countries in the
Western Hemisphere treat indigenous Indians, just like my
friend here who is looking very concerned about the treatment
of Afro descendants?
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you, Congressman.
I think--I am not sure that we have a report or data
ourselves that would reflect exactly the situation of
indigenous populations in the hemisphere. I know that other
international organizations and development organizations do
work on that and probably do have data. I will leave that to my
colleague.
But let me just say that I think part of what you saw at
the end of the first term, and certainly Secretary Clinton and
now Secretary Kerry are committed to this--and maybe our
shorthand is not appropriate, maybe it is not as understandable
as it should be--is we talk a great deal and have moved on
programs for social inclusion, and we talk about expanding
economic opportunity. Let me be clear that what we mean by that
is to populations who have not had access to that prosperity
before. A big part of that are indigenous communities.
Mr. Faleomavaega. All right. I realize there may be
instances, too, when I raised the issue, and it has always been
referred to as a domestic, internal problem that we really
don't have much a say on.
Ms. Jacobson. Well, I don't think we feel that way. I think
we feel this is very much an issue of our foreign policy and
the relationship we have with these countries. When we talk
about the ability to start a small business, or working with
women's organizations, or working with groups that have been
disadvantaged, we mean working directly with indigenous groups.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Madam Secretary, we may be doing this,
but I am not getting a sense, based on your statements, in
really addressing this very thing that I am saying. If you are
talking about 200 million indigenous people, and the worst
situation, in my opinion, the treatment of these people among
all of the countries, I would say basically most of the
countries in Latin America has been poor and shameful.
Now, you can tell me if I am wrong on this, but, please, I
would really would like to ask if you could provide for the
record exactly what data, what information the State Department
has on how indigenous populations throughout this hemisphere
have been treated.
Ms. Jacobson. Certainly, I would be happy to.
[The information referred to follows:]
Written Response Received from the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson to
Question Asked During the Hearing by the Honorable Eni F.H.
Faleomavaega
Despite laws and policies that prohibit discrimination based on
ethnic origin in a number of Latin American and Caribbean countries,
indigenous people are among the most marginalized groups in the Western
Hemisphere. They face challenges to full political and economic
participation and access to education. These challenges affect poverty
rates and educational attainment. According to the UN Department of
Economic and Social Affairs, indigenous people are two to seven times
more likely to make up the poor or extremely poor in countries such as
Paraguay, Guatemala, and Mexico. The Economic Commission on Latin
America and the Caribbean reported that primary school attendance rates
for indigenous peoples is lower than non-indigenous people in both
urban and rural areas. According to reports by the Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), indigenous people and African
descendants in Colombia have been more vulnerable to attacks by illegal
armed groups and more often targeted in extrajudicial killings than
other populations. In a separate IACHR report on Honduras, members of
the indigenous community have been subject to threats and intimidation,
and, along with African descendants, experience higher rates of poverty
than the rest of the population. The Pan-American Health Organization
noted that indigenous Peruvian women experience a maternal mortality
rate of 489 out of 100,000 live births, more than four times the rate
in the population as a whole.
In the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, the Race, Ethnicity,
and Social Inclusion Unit coordinates bilateral action plans to promote
racial and ethnic equality with Brazil and Colombia, and promotes
similar initiatives in the region. We engage indigenous communities in
Bolivia as they seek greater social inclusion and integration into
political processes. Programs promote interaction between U.S. Native
Americans and indigenous peoples, as well as counter negative
stereotypes of Americans and build greater support for U.S. policies
among the Bolivian public. The Department sponsored exchange programs
between the Choctaw, Cherokee, and Chickasaw nations and Bolivian
indigenous university students, educators, and entrepreneurs. In
addition, through the College Horizons Outreach Program, we offer
English language training, academic advising, and mentoring to increase
opportunities for indigenous and African descendant high school
students to pursue higher education.
We have facilitated partnerships with U.S. Historically Black
Colleges and Universities that benefit indigenous people, African
descendants, and women, especially with academic opportunities in
science, technology, engineering, and math fields. We facilitated
technical exchanges with the Minority Business Development Agency and
seminars aimed at helping indigenous- and Afro-Brazilian-owned business
to take advantage of economic opportunity in the upcoming World Cup and
Olympic Games.
Our Pathways to Prosperity initiative promotes inclusive economic
growth and shared prosperity by ensuring the benefits of free trade are
equitably shared among all peoples. Through this initiative, the
Department of State has supported entrepreneurship programs in Colombia
with indigenous and Afro-Colombian women business-owners in
Buenaventura and Bucaramanga, to expand their access to regional
cooperation on economic development and competitiveness, exchange best
practices on labor standards, and implement measures to ensure the
sustainability of their businesses.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Especially on the areas of education,
areas of poverty, economics, whatever it is that they have on
this, because I seem to see a similar pattern in terms of how
we are having problems in our treatment of Native American
Indians as well. And maybe Mr. Feierstein can--oh, I am sorry,
Mr. Chairman, I think I am going over my time. But maybe Mr.
Feierstein can help me on this; 30 seconds, 20 seconds.
Mr. Salmon. Okay.
Mr. Feierstein. Well, first, Congressman, thank you very
much for raising the issue because it is absolutely vital. And
you are referring to the numbers, and the numbers overall are
impressive. And certainly if we focus on particular countries,
you know, Guatemala, for example, Peru, Bolivia, and others,
the numbers are overwhelming.
We do have a number of programs in place that are, in fact,
focused on indigenous populations, they may not be advertised
as such, but, for example, our program in Guatemala working the
western highlands, where we are focusing on poor farmers and
helping them to produce, to help them increase production.
Mr. Faleomavaega. My time is up. I hate to say this, but of
the 100,000 that want to do this educational exchange or
whatever it is, I hope you include the indigenous Indians, who
have the same----
Mr. Feierstein. Absolutely.
Mr. Faleomavaega [continuing]. Because I am not hearing it.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, I am sorry. I didn't mean to go
over the time.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you. I thank the gentleman.
I recognize the gentleman from Florida Mr. DeSantis.
Mr. DeSantis. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you all for testifying. I am going to ask about Cuba.
I don't know if you have covered that. I have been going back
and forth with meetings, so please indulge me.
You know, this has obviously been a major concern for folks
in my State for a long time. The extent to which the Castro
regime has upset the livelihoods of people, taken their
property, infringed their freedoms is something that is very
real to a lot of people in my State. It is something that I
care about a lot.
Obviously we have seen transition to the brother, and then
now with this recent announcement that the brother was going to
set a date when he would step down, and I am very concerned. I
mean, I think Cuba has a chance to really do well if it
embraced democracy, if it embraced human rights, if it embraced
free-market economics and turned its page on, you know, this 50
years of repressive rule. But I don't know how the dynamics are
shaping up and whether we are going to have an opportunity to
shape that in a positive direction.
So, Ms. Jacobson, can you give me your thoughts on how you
see Cuba in our policy? Well, not necessarily our policy, but
what is going to happen in Cuba over the next 5 years?
Ms. Jacobson. Congressman, I wish I had that crystal ball.
I really do. It would be useful. But I do think that when you
look around the world, you see countries that were closed for a
very long time, which, frankly, have succumbed, have eventually
opened up to the global marketplace and the global pressure for
democracy, human rights, political rights.
We don't yet see that in Cuba. My hope is that the time is
coming that within that 5-year period, there will be changes on
the political side, because the changes that are being made now
are not affecting political rights. They are on the economic
side. And so my hope is that we will see some of that change in
the next 5 years certainly. Our goal is to do everything that
we can to ensure that Cubans have the right to determine their
own future, to make their own decisions.
Mr. DeSantis. What is your sense of--I know that our
Government has been involved in promoting democratic ideals
amongst the population. You know, how widespread? Are those
ideals something that the Cuban people embrace? I would imaging
that many of them would like a change, but do we have any sense
on, if there was an opportunity for new leadership, whether the
majority of Cubans would be supportive of a freer government?
Ms. Jacobson. Well, I think, as you can understand, the
first thing I would say--and my colleague is actually a better
expert on polling issues than I am--but I would guess that, you
know, the data that exists or that we have is not very
revealing in terms of what Cubans may think privately and what
they may wish and hope for.
But I think all citizens, you know, globally want that
right to determine their own future, want that right to be able
to vote freely for their leadership. And certainly, that is our
hope for Cubans. But I also think that increased contact with
Americans, American church groups, American cultural
organizations, Americans there in educational exchanges--and I
would certainly hope that Cubans would be allowed to come and
study here, which has not always been the case--I would hope
that that would be helpful as well in promoting some of the
ideas that have been universally accepted for democracy and for
human rights.
Mr. DeSantis. Well, thank you. And I would just say, you
know, and I will yield back the balance of my time, I think,
you know, to have a dictatorship like that so close to our
country, it is just a very sad thing that it has happened after
all of these years. And we haven't seen positive changes from
that regime. They are politically repressive. They don't honor
any type of individual freedom. And, you know, I yearn for the
day when we get a--where we get a better outcome there.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Salmon. I thank the gentleman.
I recognize the gentleman from Florida Mr. Deutch.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, I ask
unanimous consent that my opening statement be inserted into
the record.
Mr. Salmon. Without objection.
Mr. Deutch. Secretary Jacobson, I wanted to follow up on
this discussion of Cuba and get back to the exchange earlier
about Alan Gross, the exchange that you had with Mr. Sires. You
said that at this point, despite all of our efforts, we haven't
seen a response from the Cuban Government.
What is it that we are doing? What is it specifically that
we are asking our allies to do, those who have closer
relationships with the Cuban Government? What is it that we are
doing, and are we doing as much as we can to ensure that Alan
Gross can become a free man?
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you, Congressman.
I should, I guess, be clear about the response that we seek
from the Cuban Government, which is the release of Alan Gross.
That is the appropriate response. We have--when we talked with
our allies and partners, including with the Vatican before the
Pope went and others outside the governmental sphere, our goal
and our request is the same: Please ask the Cubans to take the
humanitarian gesture to release Alan Gross. That really is what
we are asking. Can you help make that a reality?
But in addition, frankly, we are concerned about Mr. Gross'
health, and we have repeatedly asked for the Cuban Government
to permit a doctor of the Gross family's choosing to examine
him. So we have also asked others to help us achieve that.
Mr. Deutch. I am sorry, what was the response to that
request?
Ms. Jacobson. That has not been approved.
Mr. Deutch. What kind of care is he receiving? Who has been
permitted to see him?
Ms. Jacobson. He has obviously been seen by Cuban doctors,
and he has been treated or advised in Cuba. There was an
American who visited him not long ago who was a medical doctor
and also a rabbi, but he was not a doctor of the Grosses'
choosing and really wasn't able to do a physical examination of
the sort that the Gross family would like and would reassure
them that he was getting adequate medical treatment.
Mr. Deutch. And of all of the requests that we make--and
certainly, certainly, we believe he should be released. We
can't--there must be some way that, working with our allies,
our partners, the Vatican, that at least on a humanitarian
basis together they can convince the Cuban Government to allow
a physician of the family's choosing to come in to see him, to
support what they claim is the case that he is receiving the
care that he needs. I mean, on a humanitarian level that is not
possible?
There are all sorts of issues around this case that are
frustrating and that are outrageous. But how it is that we
can't--that the world can't compel the Cuban Government to at
least allow a doctor in to see him? I don't understand that.
Ms. Jacobson. Congressman, all I can tell you is that I
share your frustration and your outrage, and it has not been
possible up to date, but it has not been for lack of trying
with some very helpful and, I think, quite powerful partners.
Mr. Deutch. I appreciate that.
Just to shift gears for a second, I want to--rather
dramatic--I want to thank the administration for making the
promotion--and you spoke about this earlier, Madam Secretary--
the promotion of clean energy and environmental sustainability
a priority for the U.S. and Latin America.
One of the region's most overlooked challenges, though, is
deforestation, particularly in the Amazon rainforest. As 50
percent of the world's plants and animals can be found in the
rainforest, it is vital that the United States be a leader in
helping to protect these valuable resources.
So can you tell us more about the administration's efforts
to promote environmental sustainability and to protect the
rainforest in Latin America?
Ms. Jacobson. I am going to speak in sort of more general
policy terms real quickly, and then I would like to turn to my
colleague, if that is okay.
Obviously the environment--the Energy and Climate
Partnership of the Americas, or ECPA, it now has about 40 or 45
projects. They are relatively small-scale. All of them are
designed to move us to both clean energy, or to look at
adaptation and mitigation for climate change. But among those
are work with countries on promoting the reduction of
deforestation and maintain habitat for biodiversity.
We have also, obviously, opened conversations with our
Brazilian partners, with other Amazon countries, Colombia,
Ecuador, Peru, as well as others around the hemisphere, on how
we can do more cooperatively in global fora as well as regional
fora on reducing deforestation.
Mr. Deutch. Mr. Chairman, if Mr. Feierstein could have just
30 seconds to respond?
Mr. Salmon. Sure.
Mr. Feierstein. Thank you, sir.
In the area of global climate change, we work both with
countries to help mitigate the impact to reduce their carbon
emissions. We also work with countries to adapt to the effects.
Particularly with regard to deforestation, we do have
programs in place, for example, in Peru, also in Brazil.
Working with indigenous people. We have carbon credit programs
in place, but also helping to train in terms of forest
management to manage this challenge. But I would be happy to
discuss these at length with you at some time.
Mr. Deutch. I hope you will. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you.
We have a little bit more time, and we will try to get
through a second round of questions for each of the members. We
will probably be called to vote around 11:15. I would like to
just ask two quick questions.
One, may I ask each of you to provide the subcommittee with
a preview of each of your Fiscal Year 2014 budgets? We haven't
seen the President's budget yet, and we would like to get an
idea of what your budget priorities are. And that can be
submitted later, obviously.
[The information referred to follows:]
Written Response Received from the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson to
Question Asked During the Hearing by the Honorable Matt Salmon
I cannot speak to the FY14 Budget numbers at this time, as they
have not been released, but we are happy to brief the committee on this
topic at a future date.
Mr. Salmon. But also, with some of the things that have
happened in the last year, especially in other parts of the
globe regarding Embassy security, I would like to ask a
question. How do you feel about the security of our Embassies
in the Western Hemisphere, and what potential needs do you have
that we should address ahead of the curve? Thank you.
Ms. Jacobson. Mr. Chairman, thank you so much for that
question. And I want to say that I think all of us post-
Benghazi, if we weren't paying enough attention before, we
certainly are now. Whether it is focus on the ARB's
recommendations and ensuring that those are implemented not
just in the Middle East, but globally, or a review of our own
situation in every country in the world, we take this extremely
seriously.
I think we have legitimately recognized that the Western
Hemisphere happily does not face the same level or the same
kind of threat that we do in the Middle East, but we are never
complacent about that, and we don't mean that there are no
threats.
So we have reviewed all of our posts, we have talked with
all of our Ambassadors, we have ensured that they have reviewed
all of their emergency action planning to be sure that we are
on top of these issues, and that when threats arise, that we
take none of them lightly.
We are lucky enough to have in many parts of the hemisphere
buildings that were built either to Inman standards or are even
newer. I am going to see our new consulate in Tijuana in the
next couple of weeks, something that was long overdue because
our Mexican border posts did concern us at one time, but there
have been either new buildings built or plans put in place to
rectify that.
The other thing I want to say is I am very confident that
in countries of this hemisphere, we have the cooperation of the
governments, the host governments. Even in places where our
political relationship may not be terrific, we have found
extremely good cooperation with security services in order to
protect our people. So we have been very confident that we can
work together to make sure that our people are always safe,
because that is our number one priority.
Mr. Salmon. That is great to know that we are getting very,
very good cooperation from the member countries. Obviously,
that is paramount. So even with some of the countries where we
have somewhat strained relations, such as Venezuela and
Nicaragua, we have good relations with member countries on
security.
Ms. Jacobson. Yes, sir. I think we have been very pleased
with the response of those countries.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you.
I am going to yield back the balance of my time. The Chair
recognizes Mr. Sires.
Mr. Sires. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I read a curious article yesterday, I think it was in The
Washington Post, where the Hezbollah was following the Israeli
vacationers in Cyprus. I will get to how this leads into South
America, and Central America and the Western Hemisphere in a
second. But they were tracing these tourists in Cyprus. And
there is a concern that Hezbollah--obviously Iran is training
these spies to follow the Israelis as they go in different
places, eventually, obviously, to do a terrorist act.
I know that at the end of last year, we had the Western
Hemisphere Act of 2012, which basically you are supposed to
give us a report. Iran, had to combat Iran's influence in the
Western Hemisphere, and they are a growing influence in the
Western Hemisphere. Can you talk a little bit about that
report? Where are you, and when are we going to get this report
in 2013? You know, I haven't seen it, so I don't know if you
gave it, or maybe I just missed it. But I just thought it was
curious that Iran is training this terrorist organization,
Hezbollah, to follow Israelis into Cyprus, and I am just
wondering if maybe they are setting the same thing up in the
Western Hemisphere?
Ms. Jacobson. Congressman, you haven't missed anything. We
have not submitted that report. We will do so by June. I think
it is in June when the deadline is for submitting it, and we
are working on it now. I think that it is--you know, the most
important thing for us is to make sure that we have looked at
all of the information that we possibly can, and then that we
react to that information in a way that is well founded, not
downplaying any threat, but also making sure that we have
consulted with our experts in both the security and the
Intelligence Community to be sure we have, frankly, looked at
the most credible information we can.
I think that in the end what we are going to hopefully
provide you will help you know what we are doing to respond to
concerns that we may have, and where we believe there is no
evidence to support some of the concerns that have been
mentioned publicly. I do believe that a good percentage of the
report will be classified, but I know there is an unclassified
part required, and we will do our best to convey our actions in
that, because, as I say, we are not complacent. We saw, you
know, a bus bombing in Bulgaria. And so these things do have to
be looked at, obviously, after the AMIA and the Israeli Embassy
bombing in Argentina. We don't consider anything impossible,
and the Arbabsiar case of the Saudi Ambassador with the person
from Mexico. So we will be getting back to you soon.
Mr. Sires. All right. Thank you.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you.
The Chair recognizes Mr. Radel.
Mr. Radel. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
We have been kind of openly discussing the challenges that
we have with Venezuela and sometimes the rhetoric coming out of
President Chavez there, whose health right now is in question.
When we look at the possibility of a post-Chavez Venezuela,
is there a role--this is directed, by the way, to Assistant
Secretary Jacobson--is there a role that the United States can
play, that we should play, possibly can play, in terms of
ensuring free, fair, and transparent elections in the country
of Venezuela?
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you, Congressman. And actually, if I
could, I think it is a question for both of us.
Mr. Radel. Great.
Ms. Jacobson. USAID has terrific election programs.
I do think there is a role for the United States. In some
ways there has always been a role with the Venezuelan people,
and there will continue to be. We engage actively with
Venezuelans of all stripes and will hope to continue to do so.
We will talk about the importance of an even playing field,
commitments that all of us have made in the inter-American
system to open, free and fair elections. And I am hopeful that
with a small amount of foreign assistance that we have had on
the books for a number of years, we will be able to help in
more concrete ways.
Mr. Feierstein. Thank you, Congressman, for the question.
In Venezuela, we do have a long-standing program in place
to support those who are advocating and fighting on behalf of
democracy and human rights in Venezuela. We support civil
society. These are nonpartisan programs. As Roberta noted, we
have had electoral programs in place in the past and are
prepared to do so in the future as well; helped Venezuelan
groups to monitor the process to encourage people to vote; and
we have also been supportive of human rights groups that have
documented the human rights situation there, and we are
prepared to continue those under any scenario.
Thank you.
Mr. Radel. Thank you.
I yield the remainder of my time. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you.
The Chair recognizes Mr. Meeks.
Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I have two questions. Number one, could you give me, tell
me what the success is or the failures or the weaknesses of
CBSI; whether or not, you know, they are having the social
impact that we thought that they would have; whether it is
helping, you know, combat drugs, et cetera? So if you could
give me your opinion on CBSI.
And secondly, give me your thoughts and your opinion on the
progress of the negotiations between the Colombian Government
and the FARC that is currently taking place.
So those two.
Ms. Jacobson. Thank you very much, Congressman.
On CBSI, I think I would say to you that the jury is still
out. There is a lot of work still to be done. I think we are
making progress.
One of the things I am most pleased about is the process
that we have undertaken to implement programs through CBSI. It
was slow in some ways, but that was because it was incredibly
collaborative, coming together with that many separate
Caribbean countries to decide what the priorities were and
where the programs were going to be carried out, which also, I
think, was important for sustainability, for governments to be
doing what they thought was important as well as we thought.
I do think that in some places we have seen increased
information sharing; increased cooperation on operations,
especially maritime; and some inroads that we have begun to
make in whether it be reduction of caseload in the judicial
area, or working with prosecutors and others in areas to
improve judicial responsiveness.
We have also seen a lot of effectiveness here of the donor
coordination. Our own funds are not as large as we might like,
but we have been able to partner with both the U.K. and with
Canada to get extra prosecutors in, and to work with them to
kind of leverage increased cooperation and make sure we are all
working on the same areas.
Mark, you probably have more specifics.
Mr. Feierstein. Sure. In the case of CBSI, USAID is, of
course, one of the many agencies responsible for implementing
our programs. We operate in three areas in particular: First,
supporting efforts with at-risk youth; providing education,
workforce development to provide alternative and positive
lifestyles for youth who might otherwise be lured into a life
of crime.
Secondly, we are very much involved in the area of juvenile
justice reform.
And then finally, also with regard to community policing,
we are supporting a number of countries in that area. That is
probably the area that we have seen the most success. For
example, in Jamaica, we have had a long-standing community-
based police assistance program where we have seen in the areas
where it has been instituted murder rates, crime rates
generally have had a dramatic decline. So we are hopeful in the
coming years we will see a couple of successes elsewhere.
Thank you.
Ms. Jacobson. And let me just say, Congressman, on
Colombia, I think you know that our position has been to
strongly support the Santos administration's efforts on the
peace process. I know those efforts are ongoing, and the talks
continue. We hope that they will prove successful, it would be
enormously important for Colombia, and we will do all that we
can to support President Santos, who I think, you know, himself
has said that he hopes things can move along; that he is
looking for movement. And my guess is that like most peace
processes, there are frustrations, and there are successes and
gains. And we will do everything we can to support that process
moving ahead.
Mr. Salmon. I thank the gentleman.
I recognize Mr. Faleomavaega.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Am I the last of the Mohicans? Thank you,
Mr. Chairman.
I appreciate your willingness to work with us on this
situation dealing with the indigenous communities throughout
Latin America.
Would it be possible for the Obama administration to
announce about 100,000 projected exchanges in education, that
some provision ought to include to seek getting indigenous
scholars? Because I have always said that this is probably one
of the most important aspects if we are ever going to lift the
status politically, economically, and everything of indigenous
peoples, and that is through education. And I am sure Mr.
Feierstein probably has a good grasp of that in terms of how
the USAID program--I know I don't have the time, but if I could
get that information, and I will follow up on that as well.
Ms. Jacobson. Yes, absolutely. I just want to say that we
have begun exchanges of indigenous students with students from
American Indian universities in Bolivia and elsewhere. They
have been incredibly positive, and we want to do a lot more of
them.
[The information referred to follows:]
Written Response Received from the Honorable Roberta S. Jacobson to
Question Asked During the Hearing by the Honorable Eni F.H.
Faleomavaega
Although the Department of State captures a student's nationality
through his visa application, we do not ask students to identify by
ethnicity or race. As such, we do not have statistics on the number of
indigenous students or scholars who study in the United States. We do
know, however, that minority and indigenous populations are generally
underrepresented in study abroad overall.
Through 100,000 Strong in the Americas, we seek to encourage
greater diversity in international study on all levels--more diverse
students, more diverse locations of study, and more diverse types of
degrees and academic institutions. This includes creating more
opportunities for indigenous students from Latin America and the
Caribbean to study in the United States, and for Native American
students in the United States to study in the Western Hemisphere. We
are reaching out to consortiums of minority serving institutions,
including Historically Black Colleges and Universities, Hispanic-
Serving Institutions, and Native American Tribal Colleges and
Universities, to promote a more diverse profile of students who
participate in educational exchanges.
Mr. Faleomavaega. I was in Rapa Nui. I don't know if my
colleagues know where Rapa Nui is. It was last year. It is also
called Easter Island. I say this because these are my cousins
that live there. I am from the Samoan Islands. I don't know who
the idiot was that classified us as Polynesians. But anyway, we
are people from the islands.
In a very similar fashion, I wanted to know if you could
include and make sure that opportunities in education are also
given. And I have got some real good exchanges with the leaders
of Chile since Chile has jurisdiction over the people of Rapa
Nui.
I want to break away just with a quick question, because
this issues is going to be tied in quite closely in terms of
the situation of the drug cartel situation between Mexico and
the United States. Years ago I shared with my colleagues on the
committee a statement made by one of the Presidents in Latin
America to the effect that ``if you Americans would just stop
your high demand for drugs, then maybe there would be no
incentive to supply you with this serious situation,'' which
has become a multibillion-dollar industry. And I believe it was
2 or 3 years ago that Secretary Clinton commented on the fact
that if there wasn't so much demand from the United States for
drugs, then maybe we wouldn't have the cartels and everybody
doing this, which has become, what, a $20 billion industry now?
Probably even more.
And my understanding is that 85 percent of the guns, and I
suspect most of them assault weapons, found in Mexico come from
the United States. Does that make any sense? And there are some
thousands of firearms businesses along the Mexican-U.S. border
selling these weapons and, unfortunately, killing the Mexicans
because of these drug cartels that have been going on.
What is the status of the drug cartel situation between
Mexico and the United States?
Ms. Jacobson. Congressman, thank you. And I do think that
it has been very important that we have talked openly with
Secretary Clinton and now Secretary Kerry, and certainly the
President, about our responsibility in this; that shared
responsibility really does mean shared responsibility. And that
is why the administration has increased the amount of money
that they have put toward prevention and treatment.
It is also important to note that over the last 30 years,
we have seen dramatic decreases in drug usage in the United
States, and we think there has been progress on the demand
side, but obviously more needs to be done. And ultimately that
is the answer to this problem.
In the meantime the cooperation that we have had with
Mexico, obviously the situation in terms of the level of
violence has been horrific and is not acceptable. But the
pressure that has been put on the cartels in Mexico is showing,
is making a difference in terms of their ability to operate,
the costs they have to incur, but we need to continue working
on that.
The cartels have clearly fragmented into more cartels, more
numbers, and ultimately we want to get to a point where law
enforcement in the United States and law enforcement in Mexico
cooperating together can ensure not that drug groups don't
exist, but that we get that level of violence and the level of
drugs that they are able to move down to something that law
enforcement can prosecute and handle.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Well, it is unfortunate. You are talking
about 60,000 Mexicans who have died as a result of the drug
cartel situation since 2006. That is bad.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I thank our witnesses for
their testimony.
Mr. Salmon. Thank you.
And just to follow up, I don't have a question, but I want
to thank you both for your participation. I would like to
summarize some of the things that you all have presented as
well as some of the priorities of this subcommittee.
Mr. Faleomavaega, in your last statement, you raise a very
real concern not just with the United States, but globally with
the drug cartels and the proliferation of drugs. In our
conversations over the last few days, I am very encouraged that
we are doing more to try to help the countries that are
actually growing the drugs--the cocaine--to transition to other
kinds of crops. And those are positive things. I think that----
Mr. Faleomavaega. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Salmon. Yes, absolutely.
Mr. Faleomavaega. They are growing it in California. Do you
believe this?
Mr. Salmon. That is right.
Mr. Faleomavaega. You don't have to go to Mexico. They are
growing it in California.
Mr. Salmon. I thank the gentleman.
But also, you know, there are major challenges throughout
the region, but also major opportunities. As we look toward
fostering a healthier relationship with each of these
countries, our desire is to try to work more closely with those
governments and institutions, the NGOs that work with those
governments in some of the countries that are, you know, kind
of teetering a little bit on their support of that relationship
with the United States, like Ecuador and possibly Bolivia, and
see if we can kind of turn the tide with enhanced diplomatic
dialogue and a presence, and a willingness on our part to try
to stave off, you know, bad blood.
Also, as we work with countries like Brazil, who have done
so many things right when it comes to economic development and
government reforms, there is still more to be done, obviously,
but let's praise the good and not always just single out the
bad.
As we look at Colombia, we see a phenomenal success story.
Amazing things have happened there in the last 10 years. In
fact, if you would have told me when I was in Congress before
that the Colombia of today would exist, I would have called you
a liar. But they have done phenomenal things, and we should
praise that and try to foster future improvement of that
government and that society.
As we look at Mexico and the new administration that is in
place right now, we are cautiously optimistic that some of the
reforms by the past administration will be built upon, and that
the fight with the cartels--the war with the cartels--will
ultimately eradicate them and all of the terrible things that
go along with cartels; not just the drug proliferation, but
also the suffering of humanity.
I think Mr. Faleomavaega correctly points out that there
are numerous deaths that have occurred in Mexico because of
cartel activity. And I have got to wonder aloud, is the illegal
immigration that is happening in the United States, much of it
from Mexico, simply due to the desire for economic prosperity,
or is it due to fear over some of the terrible, horrific things
that are happening in the streets of Mexico because of these
cartels?
And we need to do a better job, I think, helping Mexico
move toward reforms, rule of law, and anticorruption efforts,
as well as helping their government provide more and better
economic opportunities for their citizens so that they can feel
more comfortable staying in their country of origin and
prospering economically and living without fear.
And so, these are all things that we look at as we try to
grow our relationships in the Western Hemisphere. This is not
to forget Canada and the phenomenal economic relationship and
ties that we have with them, economic ties that we have with
them, and the very symbiotic relationship that we have toward
economic growth and prosperity. Those are all important things
as we look forward in this committee.
We share the concerns the gentleman from South Carolina
expressed about Iran's increased influence in the region, and,
as he aptly pointed out, there was legislation passed last
year. We look forward to working with you, Madam Under
Secretary, toward finding out how we are improving that
situation, and I believe we will have future hearings that
focus on that.
And I thank you both for your wonderful testimony. We look
forward to working with you, and look forward to working on
both sides of the aisle. And without anything further, I will
go ahead and adjourn this meeting. Thank you very much.
[Whereupon, at 11:10 a.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]
A P P E N D I X
----------
Material Submitted for the Hearing RecordNotice deg.
\\ts\
\a
statt\
\t
statt\
\s
t\
\s
a
abs\
\s
a
st\